Google
This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on Hbrary shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we liave taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at |http : //books . google . com/|
'a.
^^
^
LOUISIANA UNDER THE RULE OF
SPAIN, FRANCE, AND THE
UNITED STATES
<"•
•• •
• a
•• ••
■ •
COPYRIGHT^ 1 910, BY
JAMES A. ROBERTSON
»
• •• ■
• • »
THB TORCH PRKSS
CBOAM RAPIDS
IOWA
TO
MY SISTER ELIZABETH
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I
Preface . . • . . . .13
BiBUOGRAPHY ....... IQ
Documents :
July I, 1803-April 13, 1804. Loricnt, France and New
York. Historical and Political Reflections on Louisiana
(French and English texts). By Paul AUiot . . 29
Annotations to preceding Documents . . •145
Ca. 1785 [New Orleans]. Political Reflections on the pres-
ent conditions of the province of Louisiana. By Intendant
Martin de Navarro ..... 235
July 12, 1790 [Philadelphia?] Considerations on Louisiana.
By Thomas Jefferson ..... 263
July 5, 1792. Natchez. Political Condition of the Province
of Louisiana. By Manuel Gayoso de Lemos . . 269
November 24, 1794. New Orleans. Military Report on
Louisiana and West Florida. By Baron de Carondelet 291
June 26 and July 22, 1798. Aranjuez and Madrid. Min-
ister Alvarez to the Captain-general of Cuba 347
November 13, 1799. San Lorenzo. Minister Caballero to
Minister Coruel . . . . . -353
Instructions by Minister Decres to French Officials -
I An xi, 5 Frimairc [November 26, 1802]. Paris. Se-
cret instructions for the Captain-general of Louisiana 361
II An xi, 16 Frimaire [December 7, 1802]. Paris. In-
structions for Laussat .... 375
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME I
Map of the Louisiana Purchase . . . Frontispiece
Plan showing the Boundaries of the great Conflagra-
tion OF New Orleans, 1788 . facing page 59
From Tenth Census of the United States, "Social Statistics of
Cities," part ii (vol. xix in series)
Map of the United States, 1829, showing extent of the
Louisiana Purchase and the Territory acquired
because of it . . . facing page lOO
From Barb^-Marbois's Histoire de la Louisiane (Paris, 1829)
Map of Louisiana, 1788 ..... 273
From original in the Library of Congress
Trudeau's Plan of the City of New Orleans and adja-
cent Plantations, 1798 . . . .321
From a reproduction of map in the Library of Congress.
PREFACE
These volumes arose from the discovery in the Li-;'.-. ;-
brary of Congress of the manuscript Reflexions of Dr.
Paul AUiot. The circumstances of the period in which
the manuscript was written, its dedication to President
Jefferson, and its subject matter, all rendered its publi-
cation desirable. It is accordingly presented herewith
in literal English translation, and for the benefit of any
who may wish to consult the original French, it is repro-
duced in that language exactly as written by its author.
The Reflexions are somewhat copiously annotated by
excerpts and notes from accounts by various French
travelers in America during the general period of the
Louisiana transfer, especially Berquin-Duvallon, Per-
rin du Lac, and Robin, whose remarks corroborate,
extend, or correct the observations of AUiot, as well as
by much material taken from various other sources.
The object throughout has been to bring out, in as clear
detail as possible, the topography of the country, the
description of the various settlements, and the social and
economic life of the period in the territory known as
the Louisiana Purchase, although with especial refer-
ence to its more southern part. It is hoped that consid-
erable material has here been presented for the study
and reconstruction of Louisiana life during the closing
years of the Spanish rule and the beginnings of Amer-
ican government.
Adams in his history of the Jefferson administration
14 •• '. LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
• • •
has portrayed, in a remarkable manner the social and
economic-aspects of the thirteen English colonies and
the youihfnl United States arising therefrom ; and has
succeeilftd to a remarkable degree in showing the forces
at iVdirk among the people, from which was to arise
.something nobler than the world had yet seen. Alliot
. knd the French travelers have, in a sense, done the same
•'./.;fbr Louisiana; and to us who read today, they have
.'* shown that from the conflicting elements of French,
Spaniards, and Americans has arisen much that is fine
in the present American life- a blend that is wholly
American, but which, nevertheless, owes much to each
of the nations that has contributed to it.
For the remaining documents in the two volumes,
recourse has been had to the archives of Spain, Cuba,
and the United States, many of the documents from the
last-named country being copies from France and Spain.
While in the main political in tone, they reflect the
entire life of their period - possibly the most dramatic
period of all American history -and supplement in
many ways the first document. The status of Louisiana
as a Spanish province is well set forth in the reports of
the Spanish officials ; the political and diplomatic events
connected with the retrocession and transfer, in the cor-
respondence of the French and Spanish officials (espe-
cially Talleyrand, Laussat, Cas?i Inijo, and Ceballos),
as well as by that of the English ambassadors to the
United States ; and finally, the beginnings and difficul-
ties of American rule, and the various problems met,
are clearly stated in the correspondence of Governor
Claiborne and others.
No attempt has been made to present all the docu-
ments relating to these matters. Such an undertaking
would have swelled the present work beyond all propor-
one] PREFACE 15.
I—— ^-
tion. The student should consult the documents pub-
lished by the United States government at the time of
the exposition at St Louis, in connection with the docu-
ments of these volumes.
All the documents presented in the present volumes
have been carefully and literally translated, if in foreign
languages, and exactly transcribed if in English. The
space of this work has not permitted the reproduction
of the original languages other than in that of the AUiot
manuscript. The transcripts made in Spain and Cuba
have been deposited in the Library of Congress and
may be consulted there if the student or reader so desire.
The French papers, of which the most valuable exist
in transcript in the State Department at Washington, are
given here in full for the first time. They show the
French intentions concerning Louisiana and their un-
derstanding concerning the boundaries and limits of the
territory ceded. The Casa Irujo transcripts, also con-
served in the same place, form a valuable collection.
Most of the papers are presented, at least those of the
collection that concern the retrocession by France and
the cession to the United States. The papers concern-
ing the Aaron Burr episode have not been used, as being
outside the scope of the present work. The early Amer-
ican government of Louisiana is well shown in the
Claiborne papers, which are also conserved in the State
Department. From these papers it has been possible
only to select representative documents, as their publi-
cation in their totality would require a special series.
These letters and accompanying documents fill six large
manuscript volumes and are all well worth publication,
and it is hoped that such an enterprise will be under-
taken. The other documents written in English have
been chosen as illustrating the methods of the new
i6 LOUISIANA, 178S-1807
American government of Louisiana. In general the
documents of both volumes group themselves about the
central theme of the cession of Louisiana to the United
States. The group arrangement has been selected as
bringing into greater prominence the various elements
of Spanish Louisiana, the retrocession to France, and
the cession to the United States, and American begin-
nings of government.
It should be noted that the term Louisiana in the
earliest of the Claiborne papers refers to the entire
purchase ; but that later letters refer only to the southern
part which was called Orleans Territory, while the
term ''Louisiana^' was applied to the northern part.
In part of the annotation some difficulty was encount-
ered by the editor in not having at hand certain neces-
sary books and documents, which were incident to his
somewhat hasty departure for the Philippine Islands.
In such cases, attempt has been made to state general
sources of information. In several instances, it has been
necessary, for the above cause to pass by points that
needed annotation. The publication of both French
and English of the AUiot Manuscript rendered neces-
sary the placing of the annotation after that document.
In the other documents, the usual footnote practice was
adhered to.
The bibliography preceding the documents is not
intended to be exhaustive, but to give the most evident
and best sources for a study of the period. It was the
first intention to compile a calendar of all the manuscript
letters treating of Louisiana for the period embraced
in the documents of the volumes, which exist in the
Library of Congress and in the Department of State in
Washington. For this, however, both space and time
were lacking. Hence, the sources of such manuscript
one] PREFACE 17
material has been stated only roughly. The actual
compilation of the bibliography was made while cross-
ing the Pacific, and from data that while reasonably
complete left something to be desired.
The most obvious fact, aside from the importance,
politically and materially, of the transfer of Louisiana,
is the hysteria that seems to have struck deep root into
the very web and woof of Spanish officialdom -a hys-
teria lest the aggressive Americans deprive Spain of
its choicest colonies, Mexico and Peru, whence flowed
the wealth of the Indies in a silver stream to the mother
country. It was a hysteria that was by no means feigned,
but which was ever present to Spanish officials in Ameri-
ca. This hysteria, dating from the very beginning of
America, or possibly an inheritance from fear of the Eng-
lish, and the impetus for Spanish intrigue and attempt for
many years, could not but be increased by the illegal
transfer of Louisiana by France to the United States.
It is discernible in the Spanish protests to both those
countries, and in Spanish machinations among the In-
dian tribes. To isolate their frontiers from the dangers
of possible invasion, and to prevent all foreign traders
from entering their territory or the contiguous territory
over which they had only indirect control: these had
dictated Spanish policy for some decades, and had been
the dream of Spanish officials. They set themselves
squarely against commercial development, since that
development seemed to them to point away from Span-
ish interests. The aggressiveness of the Americans, in
regard to the navigation of the Mississippi and their
arrogant overrunning of New Orleans and its vicinity,
could do no less than intensify a fear already at fever
point. Consequently, in the transfer of Louisiana and
the approach of the Americans to their Mexican fron-
i8 PREFACE
tiers, they saw only the ruin of all the Spanish colonies
of the Americas and the end of their wonderful sover-
eignty over the Indies of the western continent - a fear
that was to some degree justified both by preceding and
by subsequent events.
This is no place to attempt to write the history of the
period, which has been so well done by Mr. Adams, or
to present any formal essay on any of the factors enter-
ing into that history. The editor and translator is con-
tent if these hitherto unpublished documents prove of
service to the student and add their quota to the under-
standing of the great event of which they form a part.
The thanks of the editor are due to many who have
aided him in his work and answered his appeals for
information on various matters. These include many
of the officials and staffs of the Library of Congress,
especially Mr. Gaillard Hunt of the Division of Man-
uscripts and his entire staff, Mr. Charles Martel, of the
Classifying Division, and Mr. Hugh Morrison, of the
Reading Room; Mr. William McNair and Mr. J.
Tonner, of the Bureau of Rolls and Library, of the
Department of State, Washington; Dr. W. H. Holmes,
of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington; Mr. William
Beer, of Howard Memorial Library, New Orleans;
Mr. Louis Houck, of Cape Girardeau, Missouri; Pro-
fessor John W. Perrin, Librarian of Case Library,
Cleveland; and Hatch Library of Western Reserve
University, Cleveland. J. A. R.
Manila, Philippine Islands, March 24, 1910.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The following bibliography is divided for greater convenience into
Manuscript and Printed Sources.
Manuscript Sources
These are fairly extensive and very valuable. Of prime importance
are the papers conserved in the Library of Congress. These include:
I. The Papers of Thomas Jefferson.
II. The Papers of James Madison.
III. The Papers of James Monroe.
In all three collections are many papers of interest and value dealing with
the Louisiana of the period of these volumes. Many of these papers have
been published (see below Printed Sources). To all three collections, calen-
dars were published while they were still preserved in the Bureau of
Rolls and Library, in the Department of State at Washington.
The second great repository of manuscript sources is in the Bureau
named above. There are deposited the Adams Transcripts which
were gathered by the historian Henry B. Adams for his work A
History of the United States, This collection of transcripts contains :
I. English State Papers, copied from English archives.
II. French State Papers, copied from French archives.
III. The Casa Yrujo Papers, copied from Spanish archives.
These papers while by no means complete show fairly well the diplomatic
workings of the three countries above mentioned in regard to Louisiana from
Z800-1804. It should be noted that not all of the papers touch our subject
The Claiborne collection is perhaps as valuable as any of the papers in the
Bureau of Rolls and Library. This collection consists of six volumes of bound
manuscripts. These are for the most part letters from Governor Claiborne,
although other papers are included. Volumes I and II relate to the territory
of Louisiana (before its division) and the remaining volumes to the territory
of Orleans. Other Claiborne papers (some of them duplicates of those in the
collection above mentioned) are found in the Territorial Papers for Louisiana
and Orleans Territories. The Claiborne Papers in Mississippi should also
be consulted.
Some documents concerning this period are found in the transcripts lately
made in Spain for the Department of Archives and History of Jackson,
20 LOUISIANA, 1 785 -1 807 [VoL
MissiMippL Doubdets further invettigadoo in the archives of England,
France, and Spain (this last especially) will reveal many important docu-
ments.
For the special bibliographical data of the documents published in these
volumes, consult the title-pages of the various documents themselves.
Printed Sources
The following list is by no means exhaustive. It aims simply to
o£Fer the student some of the best and most obvious printed sources, and
some of those most easily accessible. In addition to the titles here
presented, works on the Mississippi valley in general, and those touching
the history of the south and southwest should be consulted, as well as
works of travels. The last named are often valuable on the social side.
Adams, Henry B. A history of the United States (New York,
1891).
This is the best history of the period.
American Philosophical Society. Documents relating to the
purchase and exploration of Louisiana (Boston, 1904).
This includes: I. The limits and bounds of Louisianm^ by Thomas
Jefferson. II. The exploration of the Red, the Black, and the Jfaskita
Rivers, by William Dunbar. The first publication of these originii Maa.
An Account of Louisiana, being an abstract of docimients in the
offices of the Department of State and of the Treasury [Wash-
ington, i8o3(?)]. Published by Duane, Printer. Pamphlet of
50 pp.
It was also republished in Old South Leaflets, vol. v, no. 105 (BostoOy
X900).
Analysis of the third article of the cession of Louisiana [Wash-
ington, 1803], pamphlet of 8 pp.
Anderson, John J. Did the Louisiana Purchase extend to the
Pacific Ocean? (San Francisco, 1880; New York, 1881).
Barbe-Marbois, F. Histoire de la Louisiane et de la cession de
cette colonic par la France aux £tats-Unis de TAmerique Sep-
tentrionale (Paris, 1829).
There is an English translation as follows: The History of Louisiana.
Translated by an American citizen (Philadelphia, 1830).
Baudry de Lozieres, Louis Narcisse. Second voyage a la Louis-
iane (Paris, An xi [1803] ).
Berquin-Duvallon. Vue de la colonic espagnole du Mississipi^
ou des provinces de Louisiane et Floride occidentale (Paris, An xi
[1803]) ; second edition (Paris, An xii [1804]).
22 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol
Die ersten Deutschen am unteren Mississippi und die Creolen
dcutscher Abstammung (New Orleans, 1904), pamphlet of 32 pp.
Documents relative to Louisiana and Florida [Washington,
1833?].
DuANE, William. Mississippi question. Report of a debate in the
Senate of the United States on the 23d, 24th, and 25th February,
1803 on certain resolutions concerning the violation of the right of
deposit in the Island of New Orleans (Philadelphia, 1803).
DuBROCA, Jean Francois. L'ltineraire des Franks dans la Louis-
ianc (Paris, An x [1802]).
Dunbar, William. See American Philosophical Society.
Ehrmann, T. F. See Bcrquin-Duvallon.
Esquisse de la situation politique et civile de la Louisiane, depuis le
30 Novembre jusqua ler. Octobre 1804. Par un Louisianais
(New Orleans, 1804), pamphlet of 46 pp.
Ford, Paul Leicester, editor. The writings of Thomas JeflEerson
(New York, 1892- 1899). See especially vol. viii.
FoRTiER, Alcee. The Acadians of Louisiana and their dialect. Re-
printed from the Publications of the Modern Language Association
of America, vol. vi, no. i, 1891.
A few words about the Creoles of Louisiana, Baton Rouge, 1892. An
address delivered at the 9th annual convention of the Louisiana Educational
Association.
A history of Louisiana (New York, 1904).
Franz, Alexander. Die Kolonisation des Mississippitales bis zum
Ausgange der franzosischen Herrschaft (Leipzig, 1906).
Gayarrb, Charles. A history of Louisiana (New York, 1854).
Another edition with index has also been published lately.
The cession of Louisiana (letter), (s. /., 1861).
Geer, Custis Manning. The Louisiana Purchase and the western
movement, vol. viii in G. C. Lec*s The History of North America
(Philadelphia, 1904).
GooDSPEBD, Weston Arthur. Louisiana: The province and the
states (Madison, 1904).
Hamilton, John C. The works of Alexander Hamilton (New
York, 1850-1851).
Hart, A. M. History of the valley of the Mississippi (Cincinnati,
1853).
Hitchcock, Ripley [cognomen for James Ripley Wellmann] . The
Louisiana Purchase (Boston, 1903).
24 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
Martin, Fran^ois-Xavier. The history of Louisiana (New Or-
leans, 1827-1829).
There ia another edition, New Orleans, 1882.
Memoire presents au congres des £tats-Unis d'Amerique par les
habitants de la Louisiane (New Orleans, 1804).
Pamphlet of 33 pp. published in both French and English. It was also
published separately in both languages.
MoNETTE, John Wesley. History of the discovery and settlement
of the valley of the Mississippi by the three great European powers,
Spain, France, and Great Britain ; and the subsequent occupation,
settlement, and extension of civil government by the United States
until the year 1 846 ( New York, 1 848 ) .
Monroe, James. Journal of the negotiations for the purchase of
Louisiana, April 27-May 2, 1803.
Published from original Ms. in Library of Congress, in Library of Con-
gress: Notes for the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, St. Louis, Mo, IQ04, no.
5, 9-16 (Washington, 1904). Also in The Writings of James Monroe^ edited
by S. M. Hamilton (New York, 1900), vol. iv, 12-19; and Louisiana Pur-
chase Papers (Washington, 1903), 165-172.
Morris, Thomas. See Ross, James.
Morse, Jedediah. The American Gazetteer. With general atlas
of world, and a particular account of Louisiana (Boston, 1810).
Official correspondence between Don Luis de Onis, Minister from
Spain to the United States of America, and John Quincy Adams,
secretary of state, in relation to the Floridas and the boundaries
of Louisiana (London, 181 8).
Ogg, Frederic Austin. The opening of the Mississippi (New
York, 1904).
Ordinance establishing the Louisiana national bank [French and
English], (New Orleans, 1804).
Orr, George. The possession of Louisiana by the French, consid-
ered as it affects the interests of those nations more immediately
concerned, viz. Great Britain, America, Spain, and Portugal (Lon-
don, 1803), pamphlet of 45 pp.
Perrin du Lac, F. M. Voyage dans les deux Louisianes, et chez
les nations sauvages du Missouri, par les £tats-Unis, rOhio et les
Provinces qui le bord, en 1801, 1802 et 1803 (Paris, 1805).
There is an English translation as follows: Travels through the two
Louisianas (London, 1807).
one] BIBLIOGRAPHY 25
PiTTMAN, Captain Phiup. The present state of the European
settlements on the Mississippi (London, 1770).
Republished under the editorship of Frank H. Hodder, Cleveland, 1906.
Collot has borrowed verbatim from this work, without giving credit
Ramsay, David. Oration on the cession of Louisiana to the United
States, delivered on the 12th May, 1804, in St. Michael's church,
Charleston, South Carolina, at the request of a number of the in-
habitants, and published by their desire (Charleston, 1804), pam-
phlet of 27 pp.
Randolph, Thomas Mann. Letter to his constituents [Wash-
ington, 1806], pamphlet of 23 pp.
Reflections on the cause of the Louisianians, respectfully submitted
by their agents [1804?], pamphlet of 17 pp.
Robertson, C. F. The Louisiana Purchase in its influence upon the
American system (New York, 1885).
Pamphlet of 42 pp. Paper presented to American Historical Association,
Sept 9, 1885, vol. i, no. 4 of report
Robin, C. C. Voyages dans Tinterieur de la Louisiane, de la Floride
Occidentale, et dans les Isles de la Martinique et de Saint-Domin-
que, pendant les annees 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805 et 1806 (Paris,
1807).
Roosevelt, Theodore. The winning of the West (New York,
1896).
Ross, James and Thomas Morris. Speeches delivered in the Senate
of the United States, Thursday, the 24th of February, 1803, in
support of Mr. Ross's resolutions relative to the free navigation
of the River Mississippi and the right of deposit within the Span-
ish territories (Philadelphia, 1803), pamphlet of 49 pp.
Shepherd, William R. The cession of Louisiana to Spain (Bos-
ton, 1904).
Reprinted from Political Science Quarterly, vol. xix, no. 3.
Stoddard, Amos. Sketches, historical and descriptive of Louisiana
(Philadelphia, 18 12).
Extent and boundaries of Louisiana. Published in the Aurora^
October, 1806.
This was revised and enlarged in the above book.
Sylvestris [Pseud, for James Madison]. Reflections on the cession
of Louisiana to the United States (Washington City, 1803).
Pamphlet of 27 pp. Translated freely by Casa Inijo, and found among
his papers in the Adams Transcripts in the Department of State.
26 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Thomassv, M. J. R. Cartographic dc la Louisiane (New Orleans,
1859).
Thompson, Thomas P. Louisiana writers native and resident, in-
cluding others whose books belong to a bibliography of that state
(New Orleans, 1904).
Treaty and conventions entered into and ratified by the United
States of America and the French Republic, relative to the cession
of Louisiana. [Washington ? 1803?], pamphlet of 16 pp.
United States Government Pubucations
American State Papers. "Foreign relations," and "Miscellan-
eous" (Washington, 1832-1834).
Department of the Interior-census Office. Tenth Census of
the United States, 1880. "Social statistics of cities," part li, vol.
xix, New Orleans, pp. 213-295 (Washington, 1887).
General Land Office. The Louisiana Purchase and our title west
of the Rocky Mountains, by Binger Hermann (Washington, 1900) .
State Papers and Correspondence bearing upon the purchase of
the Territory of Louisiana, 57th congress, second session. House
of Representatives, doc. no. 431 (Washington, 1903).
Published from the original documents.
[Vaughan, Benjamin]. Remarks on a dangerous mistake made
as to the eastern boundary of Louisiana (Boston, 18 14), pamphlet
of 20 pp.
ViLLiERS du Terrace, B. Marc. Les dernieres annees de la Loui-
siane Fran^ise (Paris, 1903).
Washington, H. A., editor. The writings of Thomas Jefferson
(Washington, 1 853-1 854). See especially vol. ii.
White, Joseph M. A new collection of laws and local ordinances
of the governments of Great Britain, France and Spain (New Re-
copilacion), (Philadelphia, 1839).
Winship, a. E. and R. W. Wallace. The Louisiana Purchase (Chi-
cago, 1903).
HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL
Reflections on Louisiana. By Paul
AUiot. Lorient, July i, 1803; New
York, April 13, 1804.
BiBUOGRAPHY. From the original text in the
Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress
[Louisiana Mss., Library of Congress]. With
English translation by the Editor.
This manuscript is bound in a large folio volume.
Sheet measures about sixteen by ten inches, consists of forty-
four pages, of which four are blank, and several short. It
is wrongly bound. After leaf 8 (numbered p. 24) what
should be leaves 9-z3 are paged, 23-26, and so bound in that
order. The writing is legible and all in one hand; paper
well preserved. Ink of good quality, and faded but very
slightly. Paper good.
Reflexions historiques et politiques sur la
Louysiane
en deux parties
Dediees a son excellence Monsieur Gefferson
president des etats unis de I'amerique
Par Paul Alliot medicin deporte de la nouvelle Orleans
avec sa femme et Ses enf ans en f ranee le dix huit mars
mil huit cent trios ; et de retour a Neuve York avec sa
famille le six avril mil huit cent quatre en vertu d'une
permission du gouvernement f rangais qui a reconnu son
innocense et improuve la conduite de ses ennemis.
Historical and political reflections on
Louisiana
In two parts
Dedicated to His Excellency, Mr. Jefferson,
President of the United States of America
By Paul AUiot,^ physician, [who was] deported from
New Orleans to France with his wife and children,
March eighteen, one thousand eight hundred and three;
and [who] returned to New York, with his family, April
six, one thousand eight hundred and four, by virtue of a
permit from the French government, which has recog-
nized his innocence and disapproved of the conduct of
his enemies.
32 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
A Son excellence
Son excellence Monsieur Geferson President dcs
etats unis de Tamerique.
Monsieur le president: La cession de la Louy-
siane que le gouvernement f rangais a fait aux etats unis
de Tamerique, doit etre consideree comme un marchc
politique fonde sur la plus saine et la plus sage raison.
par cette acquisition le gouvernement americain a donne
a tous les gouvernemens du monde, sur tout a ceux de
TEurope, une legon de la plus haute sagesse. il leurs a
apprist que les ventes et les achapts valaient bien mieux
que les combats et les victoires quelques legitimes qu'ils
fussent. honneur et grace soient rendus au chef de ce
bon gouvernement qui a sgu pendant Son administration
conserver la vie de ses administres, en evitant Teflfusion
de leur sang si precieux. heureux mille fois heureux
les peuples qui habitent un tel empire, et qui sont aussi
sagement gouverne.
Si je Tavais toujours habite, ma famille et moi, nous
aurions ete a I'abri de la persecution la plus atroce que
les mortels peuvent eprouver sur la terre, a la nouvelle
Orleans, ou j'y exergais avec distinction mon etat de
medicin. aujourdhuy que nous avons mis pied a terre
sur ce sol libre, ou tous les hommes de quelques opinions
ou religions qu'ils soient, y sont egalement protege, par
une reconnoissance permise et legitime, j'ai L'honneur
d'adresser et de dedier a votre excellence mes reflexions,
sur la Louysiane^ que j'ai mis par ecrit dans les cachots
de la nouvelle Orleans.
Si Ton jugeait de la bonte ou de la pauvrete de cette
vaste terre par sa population. Ton tomberait dans une
erreur grossiere. car en voyageant dans toutes les pos-
sessions espagnoles de I'amerique que sont les plus eten-
dues, et les plus riches du monde entier, I'on voit que les
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 33
To His Excellency
His Excellency, Mr, JeflFerson, President of the Unit-
ed States of America.
Mr. President: The cession of Louisiana,* made
by the French government to the United States of Amer-
ica, must be considered as a political purchase founded
on the sanest and wisest reason. By that acquisition,
the American government has given to all the govern-
ments of the world, especially to those of Europe, a
lesson of the highest wisdom. It has shown them that
sales and purchases are of much greater value than
battles and victories, however legitimate the latter may
be. May honor and thanks be given to the chief of this
good government, who has known how, during his ad-
ministration, to preserve the lives of those whom he
governs, by avoiding the shedding of their so precious
blood. Happy, a thousand times happy, the people
who inhabit such an empire, and who are so wisely
governed 1
Had we always dwelt in this country, my family and
I, we would have been safe from the fiercest persecution
that mortals can experience on the earth. [That was]
at New Orleans, where I was exercising with distinction
my profession as physician. On this day, on which we
have set foot on this free soil, where all men, of whatever
opinions or religion they be, are equally protected by a
justifiable and legitimate consideration, I have the honor
to address and to dedicate to your Excellency my Re-
flections on Louisiana^ which I wrote out in the dungeons
of New Orleans.
If one were to judge the goodness or the poverty of
this vast land by its population, he would fall into a
gross error. For as one travels throughout the Spanish
possessions in America, which are the most extensive
and the richest in the whole world, he sees that men are
34 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol
hommes y sont extremement rares et aussi rares qu^a
la Louysiane qui ne possede qu'une population de quatre
vingt milk ames repandues sur six cents lieues de pays.
Si les agens supremes qui les gouvernent, les pro-
tegeaienty et les encourageaient, la population et la for-
tune augmenteraient. mais ils les tiennent continuele-
ment dans un etat allarmant, la population diminue, et
I'oisivete tient sous Toppression la fortune.
Pars les plus petits details dans lesquels je suis entre,
vous connaitrez tous les moyens, toutes les resources et
toutes les productions de cet empire a present qu'il est
sous la puissance des etats unis de I'amerique, et sous
votre direction, Ton n'y voiera plus dorenavant de ces
injustices atroces dictees par Tambition et la corruption.
Ton n'y voiera plus de ces emprisonnemens, et de ces
deportations arbitraires qui plongeaient dans la plus
grande misere des hommes de bien dont les talens en
etaient la seule cause, les assasins ny seront plus pro-
teges; et leur or ne faira plus taire la loi. enfin cette
vaste terre moribonde va recevoir ce baume salutaire
qui guerira entierement la lepre qui la ronge depuis si
long tems.
L'agent qui gouvernera la louysiane, embrassera
jusques a ses moindres parties, il jettera un coup
d'oeuil juste sur sa capitale, qui, quoique mal placee,
merite beaucoup, tant par rapport a son entrepot gen-
eral, qu'a sa foible population, et a son commerce, quel
sacrifice ne doit pas faire le gouvernement pour rendre
celebre cet nouvel Orleans.
Est il possible de croire que dans un pays ou Ton re-
colte du Sucre et de I'indigo du coton et d'autres denrees
si precieuses, et ou la terre y est si productive, Ton y voit
beaucoup de pauvres, et tres peu de riches, tout con-
one] PAUL ALLIOTS REFLECTIONS 35
very rare therein, as rare, indeed, as in Louisiana, which
possesses a population of only eighty thousand souls
scattered through a country of six hundred leagues in
extent.*
If the supreme agents, who govern them, protected
and encouraged them, population and fortune would
increase. But those agents continually keep them in an
alarming condition, [and consequently] the population
is decreasing, and idleness holds fortune under its op-
pression.
By the very small details into which I have entered,
you will perceive all the means, all the resources, and
all the products of that empire. Now that it is under
the control of the United States of America, and under
your direction, henceforth one will not see there any of
those atrocious acts of injustice that are dictated by am-
bition and corruption. No longer shall be seen those ar-
bitrary imprisonments and deportations which plunged
good men whose talents were the only cause therefor
into the deepest misery. Assassins will no longer be
protected there, and their gold will no longer silence
the law. In fine, that vast dying land is about to re-
ceive that health-giving balm which will entirely heal
the leprosy which has been gnawing it for so long a time.
The agent who is to govern Louisiana will compre-
hend it to even its least parts. He will cast a just glance
over its capital, which though badly located, merits
much both in respect to its general trade depot and its
feeble population^ and its commerce. What sacrifice
should not the government make in order to render this
New Orleans renowned I
Is it possible to be believed that in a country where
sugar, indigo, cotton, and other very valuable commodi-
ties are raised, and where the earth is so productive, one
U '
c -
r\
36 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
sidere, I'homme peasant ne peut attribuer ce grand vice
qu'au gouvernement
je dis que sous le votre, dans quelques annees la nouvel
Orleans sera meconnoissable ; la bonne police que vous y
etablireZy fera disparoitre de ces rues ces immondices
pouries qui engendrent la peste. les maladies epide-
miques que des chirurgiens ignorans ne peuvent arreter,
disparoitrent, et dans quelques annees la population de
la nouvel Orleans sera augmentee de moitie.
Si ce petit ouvrage peut avoir votre assentiment, je
serai une fois heureux dans ma vie. en I'ecrivanty j'ai
voulu prouver mon zele et mon attachement au gouv-
ernement sous lequel nous avons jure ma femme, mes
enfans et moi d'y mourir. je Suis de Son excellence,
Monsieur le president, le plus humble et le plus soumis
paul alliot medicin deporte de la Louysiane avec sa
femme et Ses enfans le dixhuit mars dix huit cent trois
dans les prisons de L'orient ce i^^ juillet 1803.
one] PAUL ALLIOTS REFLECTIONS 37
sees very many poor and very few rich? Everything
considered, the man who thinks can attribute that great
fault only to the government
I assert that, under your government, within a few
years New Orleans will be unrecognizable. The effi-
cient police regulation, that you will establish there,
will cause the removal from its streets of the rotting dirt
that engenders disease.*^ Epidemic maladies which ig-
norant surgeons^ can not arrest will disappear, and
within a few years the population of New Orleans will
be increased by half.
Should this little work merit your approval, I shall
be happy for once in my life. In the writing of it, I
have desired to show my zeal and my attachment to the
government under which my wife and I, and our chil-
dren, have sworn to die.
I am, Mr. President, your Excellency's most humble
and most dutiful [servant], Paul AUiot, Physician, de-
ported from Louisiana with my wife and children,
March eighteenth, one thousand eight hundred and
three.
In the prison of Lorient,^ July i, 1803.
rAi
Avant propos
Les moyens a emploier pour rendre salubre la nouvel
Orleans, sout i"* d'exhausser ses rues, et de donner une
pente sufBsante pour I'ecoulement de ses eaux. z" de
mettre a sec jusques a une lieue de la ville les ciprieres,
en y creusant de larges fosses, en les labourant, et en les
ensemengant non point avec du ri, parceque sa fleur
corrompt Tair, mais bien avec de la semence de chanvre
et de lin, ou bien d'y former de bonnes prairies.
L'on pretend qu'il est impossible de rendre solide ces
rues, parce que Ton n*y trouve point de pierre. mais
je soutiens qu'on pent les accommoder d'une autre ma-
niere, et avec autant de solidite.
L'on trouve sur les bords du lac qui n'est eloigne de
cette ville que de quelques lieues des millions de voitures
de coquilles, et des millions de voitures de Sable, ces
deux objets conduits par le canal pres la ville, et mis
dans ces rues d'un pied de paisseur, formeraient un
mastic qui les rendrait toujours seches, toutefois en y
placant une piece de bois d'un pied de paisseur de douze
pieds en douze pieds qui les contiendrait, comme aussi
en y placant de chaque cote de la rue une autre piece de
bois qui les retiendrait. le conduit et Tegout des eaux
ne seraient jamais encombre, et les voies des rues seraient
tres solides tres nettes et tres saines, ce qui ferait dispa-
roitre cette puanteur qui infeste ^habitant a la suite des
pluies.
Le gouvernement qui doit embrasser tout ce qui tend
Preface
The means to be employed in rendering New Orleans
healthful, are: ist, to raise its streets, and to give them
a sufficient incline for the drainage of the water on them ;
'2d, to drain the cypress swamps to a distance of one
league from the city, by digging wide ditches, by culti-
vating them, and by planting therein, not rice, as its
stalk corrupts the air, but rather the seed of hemp and
flax or indeed by making good meadows in them.
Some claim that it is impossible to make those streets
solid, because no rock is to be found there ; but I main-
tain that they can be fixed properly in another way and
with as great solidity.
On the shores of the lake,* located only a few leagues
from that city, are found millions of loads of shells, and
millions of loads of sand. These two materials, if
brought by the canal * near the city and placed on the
streets a foot thick, would form a cement which would
always keep the streets dry. Moreover by setting in
every twelve feet a piece of wood a foot thick which
would hold them [i.e., the shells and sand] in place, as
well as by placing on each side of the street another piece
of wood which would hem them in, the drainage and
flow of the waters, would never be obstructed, and the
highways of the streets would be very solid, very clean,
and very healthful. This would cause the disappear-
ance of that stench which annoys the inhabitants after
the rains.**
The government, which ought to undertake every-
40 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
au bien general, prendra en consideration le chemin qui
conduit au grand baioux qui n'est que de deux mille cinq
cent [pieds] ou trois quarts de lieue, a faire. il pourait
etre accommode de la meme maniere que les rues ; toute-
fois en y creusant de chaque cote un fosse qui recevrait
I'ecoulement des eaux. toutes ces reparations si Ur-
gentes et si necessaires ne couleraient pas beaucoup,
parceque les materiaux ne sont point eloignes. dail-
leurs dans tous les gouvernemens et chez tous les peuples
polices les habitans des villes sont obliges a paver les
rues et a les entretenir en bon etat. les proprietaires
riverains du grand chemin qui conduit au baioux se
feraient un plaisir et meme un devoir d'aides le gou-
vernement. ces impenses ne seraient point vexatoires,
mais bien legitimes.
il faudrait aussi que le gouvernement obligeast tous
les riverains du fleuve a abatre eta baliser tous les arbres
et memes les Souches qui sont sur les bords parce qu^au
moyen de ses reparations, il serait tres facile de remonter
a bras ou avec des chevaux les batimens qui, pour se
rendre a la nouvel Orleans, restent quelquefois des mois
entiers dans le fleuve.
je ne parle point de la bonne police a exercer tant
dans sa capitale que dans les autres villes ou bourgs,
meme dans les prisons ou le geolier traite avec tant de
cruaute les malheureux detenus, parceque le chef du gou-
vernement americain I'cxerce avec tant de sagesse et avec
tant de paternite qu'il y emploiera les memes moyens.
il serait tres bien pour embelir cette ville que les
mauvais forts et les palissades pouries qui ne servent a
rien aujourd'huy, f urent mis a bas et quMl y f ut etabli en
son lieu et place de superbes promenades, en y faisant
planter des arbres qui par le suite orneraient et de'core-
raient cette capitale.
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 41
thing which conduces to the general welfare, will take
in consideration the road which leads to the Grand
Bayou. That is a road of only two miles, five hundred
[feet] or three-fourths of a league to make. It could
be fixed up in the same manner as the streets, and, by
diggii^g ^ ditch on each side of it, to receive the drainage
of the waters. All those improvements so urgent and
so necessary, would not be very costly, as the materials
are not at a great distance. Besides in all governments
and among all civilized peoples, the inhabitants of the
cities are obliged to pave the streets and to keep them
in good condition. The proprietors of lands along the
river by the highway leading to the bayou, would be
doing themselves a pleasure and even a duty in aiding
the government. Those expenses for repairs would by
no means be a burden, and would be very legitimate.
It would also be necessary for the government to
oblige all those living along the river to fell and mark
with buoys all the trees and even the stumps at the edges
of the river, because by means of those repairs it would
be very easy to pull the boats upstream by hand or by
means of horses. Sometimes those boats remain for
whole months in the river before reaching New Orleans.
I say nothing of the efficient oversight which must be
exercised in the capital and in the other cities and towns,
and even in the prisons where the jailer treats the unfor-
tunate prisoners so cruelly; for the leader of the Amer-
ican government exercises it so wisely and so paternally
that he will employ there the same methods.
It would be very well for the beautifying of that city
to demolish the poor forts and the decaying palisades
which are of no use now, and to lay out beautiful prom-
enades in their place by having trees planted there which
would later ornament and adorn that capital.
42 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
il est encore un grand terrein vaquant qui n'est point
eloigne du bureau des douanes et qui est attenant aux
remparts de la ville qui pourait servir a f aire un garden
des plantes, ce qui serait dautant plus facile, C'est qu'a
quelques lieues de la ville, elle y sont tres abondantes.
Au Cap de bonne esperance les hollandais en out etabli
un, qui, apres celui de paris est sans contredit le plus
beau de L'univers. dailleurs il est prouve que les
plantes sont les antidotes de la peste, et que dans un
poijs comme celui de la nouvel Orleans un pareil jardin
serait d'une grande utilite et d'un grand Secours.
C'est en embelissant les villes, en les rendant Saines,
en tenant les routes dans un bon etat et en expulsant
rintolerance que le voyageur, le persecute et le philo-
sophe s'y fixent, et que la population source feconde des
empires s'accroit.
En considerant les grandes ressources qu'offrent Tem-
pire de la Louysiane, les etats unis de I'amerique posse-
dent par cette acquisition de grandes richesses le gou-
vernement peut les faire valoir avec avantage. pa*r
cette acquisition il a augmente le produit de son terri-
toire par les riches recoltes du Sucre de Tindigo du
coton et du fameux et bon tabac de la province de Na-
guitoche.
il y est encore deux autres cultures a y etablir qui ne
sont point mises en activite et que vous prendrez en
grande consideration parcequelles sont aussi interes-
santes et lucratives que les autres productions, je veux
parler des huiles d'olive et de la Soierie. eflfectivement
Ton trouve dans les forets de la Louysiane beaucoup
d'oliviers sauvages et de muriers propres a la nouriture
des vers a soie. les arbustes places par la nature dans
les forets de cet empire a donne I'idee a L'homme dc
les cultiver et d'en recolter les fruits. Ton poura m'ob-
mmt
rmM
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 43
There is still a vast amount of vacant land not far dis-
tant from the customs office and near the ramparts of
the city which could be used for a botanical garden -a
matter that would be all the easier, because some leagues
from the city plants are very abundant. At the Cape
of Good Hope, the Dutch have established a botanical
garden, which, with the exception of that of Paris, is
beyond contradiction the most beautiful in the universe.
Besides, it has been proved that plants are antidotes for
the pest, and that in a country like that of New Orleans
such a garden would be of great use and great service.
By beautifying cities, by rendering them healthful,
by keeping their routes in good condition, and by ex-
pelling intolerance, travelers, those persecuted, and
philosophers settle there, and the population, the fecund
source of empires, increases.
In considering the great resources offered by the em-
pire of Louisiana, the United States of America pos-
sesses great riches by that acquisition. The government
may avail itself of them to advantage. By that acquisi-
tion, it has augmented the product of its territory by
rich crops of sugar," indigo," cotton," and the famous
and excellent tobacco" of the province of Natchitoches.
There are also two other kinds of cultivation to be
established there, not yet entered into actively, and
which you should consider earnestly, because they are
as advantageous and lucrative as the other products- 1
mean the production of olive oil " and silk." As a mat-
ter of fact in the forests of Louisiana are found many
wild olive trees, and mulberries suitable for the rearing
of silk worms. The shrubs placed by nature in the
forests of that empire have given man the idea of culti-
vating them and of gathering the fruits therefrom. Ob-
jection may be made to me [by saying] that it would
44 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vd.
jecter qu'aux etats unis, il serait impossible de trouver
des ouvriers en etat de Soigner et d'elever les vers a
soie de la fabriquer ainsi que les huiles d'olive. Mais
je leur repondrai que le gouverncment peut s'en pro-
curer en france. dailleurs il existe parmi cette classe
d'homme si precieux un mecontentement general, iis
sont aujourdhuy reduits a la pauvrete, a la misere, et
au desespoir.
que le gouvernement americain fasse quelque sacri-
fice, il s'en procurera tant qu'il voudra; et dans quelques
annees les habitants de Tamerique recolteraient avec
abondance ces deux riches productions dont Tune est
de premiere necessite. les marchands n'iraient pas a
douze cents lieues porter leur argent pour s'en procurer,
ce qui diminue le numeraire d'un grand etat naissant.
quand une grande nation prend chez elle I'util et I'agre-
able, elle est sans contredit la plus heureuse sur la terre,
parcequ'clle se trouve sans besoin. elle ne craint point
de manquer meme en tems de guerre avec les puissances
etrangeres.
quoique le ministre de I'interieur de France, Chaptal
homme savant et estimable pretende dans son traite sur
la vigne que Ton ne poura jamais recolter du vin en
amerique ; il s'est grandement trompe. je Soutiens que
dans les pentes douce de Natchee, si Ton y cultivait la
vigne I'on y recolterait d'excellent vin, et qu'aux illinois
la vigne y etant naturel. il est des habitans de cet en-
droit qui en ont faits de tres bon.
ou est encore le pays en europe ou Ton trouve dans les
forets et meme dans tout autre endroit des arbustes qui
produisent de la cire propre a faire de la chandelle.
ah! quelle Source et abondance de richesse! que de
Sortes de cultures, que de sortes de manufactures a y
etabler. qu'en fin le chef du gouvernement dont le
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 45
be impossible to find workmen in the United States cap-
able of caring for and raising silk-worms and manu-
facturing the silk, as well as olive oil. But I will answer
such objection [by saying] that the government may
procure workmen in France. Besides a general discon-
tent exists among that exceedingly valuable class. They
are today reduced to poverty, to misery, and to despair.
Let the American government make some sacrifice,
and it will procure as much as it wants. Within a few
years, the inhabitants of America would reap abundantly
those two rich products, one of which is of prime neces-
sity. Merchants would not go twelve hundred leagues
with their money in order to obtain it- a procedure that
diminishes the hard cash of a great nascent state. When
a great nation is the home of the useful and the agree-
able, it is beyond contradiction the happiest in the world,
because it is without need. It fears no lack even in time
of war with foreign powers.
Although the minister of the interior, in France,
Chaptal,^' a wise and estimable man, claims in his treat-
ise on the vine, that wine can never be made in America,
he has greatly deceived himself. I maintain that if the
vine be cultivated along the gentle slopes of Natchez,
excellent wine could be obtained ; and that since the vine
is native to the Illinois country, there are inhabitants
of that district who have made very excellent wine.
Where remains there a country in Europe where
shrubs that produce wax suitable for making candles
are still found in the forests and even in all other
places?^' Ah I what an abundant source of wealth 1
How many kinds of cultivation, and how many kinds
of manufacture can be established there! How well,
in fine, the leader of the government, whose patriotism,
46 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
patriotisme, les vertus, et la probite sont connus en eu-
rope, qui par une sage combinaison et une politique sin-
cere a scu aggrander le territoire et la population, le
commerce de ses concitoyens et administres accorde sa
protection a ceux qui sont obliges d'abandonner leur
patrie par rapport a la tirannie et a la persecution ; Lors
qu'il aura fait tout cela, il poura etre sur qu'apres sa
mort la posterite en parlant de lui, ne prononcera son
nom qu'avec enthousiasme et respect, ah qu'il est beau,
ah qu'il est glorieux de mourir ainsi.
PAUL ALLIOT medicin.
(with rubric).
one] PAUL ALLIOTS REFLECTIONS 47
virtues, and probity are known in Europe, who has been
able by a wise management and a sincere policy, to
increase its territory and population, and the trade of its
citizens and subjects, accords his protection to those
who are forced to abandon their country because of
tyranny and persecution ! When he shall have done all
that, he may be sure that after his death, posterity in
speaking of him, will utter his name only with enthus-
iasm and respect. Ah I how good it is, how glorious,
to die sol
Paul Alliot, Physician
(with rubric).
o «.•
< :
t ;
\1
I
I
Reflexions historiques et politiques sur la
Louysiane
i*"* partie
en partant de philadelphie pour se rendre par mer a
^\ L'embouchure du fleuve missisipi, le voyageur qui veut
connaitre I'empire de la Louysiane, apres avoir navigue
huit cents lieues, arrive a un endroit appelle la balise.
a peine la decouvre il d'une lieue, parceque les terras y
sont extremement basses, noyees, et remplies de jones.
C'est la ou s^arretent tous les vaisseaux qui veulent re-
monter ce grand fleuve dont les eaux bourbeuses se de-
chargent dans le vaste ocean avec une lenteur et une
majeste surprenantes, pour se rendre a la nouvel or-
< , leans la capitale de la Louysiane.
il serait impossible a tous les navigateurs d'y entrer
d^eux memes leurs vaisseaux, a cause des roches qui s'y
trouvent, et des amas de bois que le fleuve charie dans le
debordement de ses eaux ; si un des pilotes qui demeure a
une demie lieue plus loin ne se rendait avec sa barque
abord du vaisseau que le capitaine et les equipages at-
tendent avec impatience, relativement aux coups de vent
assez frequens qui se font sentir dans cet endroit qui
causent souvent des avaries tant aux batimens qu'aux
march andises.
Le pilote qui entre le vaisseau dans le fleuve, le con-
duit jusques vis a vis d^une petite riviere appellee la
>
Historical and political reflections on
Louisiana
First Part
On leaving Philadelphia in order to travel by sea to
the mouth of the Mississippi River, the traveler who
has a desire to become acquainted with the empire of
Louisiana, after having sailed about eight hundred
leagues, reaches a place called Balize/* Scarce can it
be discerned a league away, as the lands there are ex-
tremely low, submerged, and covered with reeds. At
that place all the vessels anchor that are about to ascend
that great river (whose muddy waters are discharged
into the vast ocean with a surprising gentleness and
majesty), in order to reach New Orleans, the capital
of Louisiana.
It would be impossible for all navigators to take their
vessels into that place themselves, because of the rocks
that are found there, and the heaps of wood which the
river carries down during the overflowing of its waters,
unless one of the pilots, who lives a half league farther
on, came aboard the vessel in his skiff. The captain and
the crew await him with impatience, because of the very
frequent squalls which are experienced in that place,
which often cause damage to the ships as well as to the
merchandise.
The pilot who enters the ship in the river, conducts
it as far as and opposite to a small river called La
50 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
fourche qui a son tour decharge ses eaux dans le fleuve.
C'est sur cctte petite riviere que sont construites les
cinq cases dans les quelles les pilotes et leurs chefs lo-
gent; une tour aussi construite en bois de la quelle lis
decouvrent au loin en mer tous les vaisseaux qui pren-
nent le chemin de la balise. C'est en cet endroit que le
capitaine du navire L'econduit en le payant. cette place
rapporte par chaque annee au chef des pilotes vingt
mille francs.
depuis la balise jusques au fort plaquemine qui est le
premier fort que Ton rencoutre sur le fleuve, I'on compte
dix lieues. les terres que I'on trouve a droite et a gauche
sont tres basses, c'est pourquoi Ton n'y voit aucune ha-
bitation, les canards, les poules d'eau, les oies sauvages
et tous les autres animaux qui vivent dans les marais
sont les seuls habitans que le chasseur y trouve, et dont
il fait bonne provision.
Comme les vents sont tou jours assez favorables, pour
remonter les vaisseaux jusques au fort plaquemine, et
que le fleuve est assez profond pour recevoir des bati-
mens de trois a quatre cent tonneaux; c'est pourquoi les
capitaines le remonte sans pilote, quoiquMls n'aient
jamais navique dedans, sa largeur peut etre partout
d'un quart de lieue. Ses eaux ne sont jamais claires, et
Ses bords sont remplis de cayemans.
une fois que les vaisseaux sont arrives devant le fort
plaquemine qui est assez bien construit, assez bien for-
tifie, et garde par un commandant et soixante soldats;
les capitaines sont obliges d'arreter leurs vaisseaux, de
s'y transporter, et d'y faire la declaration de leur cargai-
son. de son cote [compte : crossed out] le commandant
du fort est oblige d'en instruire de suite le gouvemeur
general a la nouvel Orleans, qui connait longtems avant
leurs arrivees Tespece et la quantite des marchandises
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 51
Fourche [i.e., the Fork],*® which in its turn discharges
its waters into the [Mississippi] river. It is on that
small river that the five huts are built in which the pilots
and their chiefs live. There is also a wooden tower,
from which all the vessels that are making toward
Balize, are sighted while far out at sea. At that place
the captain of the ship discharges the pilot and pays
him off. That place brings in twenty thousand francs
annually to the chief of the pilots.
From Balize to Fort Plaquemine "- the first fort met
on the river- is reckoned ten leagues. The lands lying
on the right and left are very low, that being the reason
why no habitations are seen. Ducks, water fowl, wild
geese, and all other animals that inhabit the swamps, are
the sole living things that the hunter finds there, and
he makes good provision of them.
Since the winds are always sufi[iciently favoring so
that ships can ascend as far as Fort Plaquemine, and
since the river is deep enough for vessels of three or four
hundred tons, for that reason the captains ascend with-
out a pilot, even though they have never navigated the
river. The width of the river is perhaps a quarter
league in all parts. Its waters are never clear and its
banks abound in alligators.
The vessels once arrived at Fort Plaquemine, which
is very well constructed, very strongly fortified, and
guarded by a commandant and sixty soldiers, the cap-
tains are obliged to anchor their vessels, to betake them-
selves to the fort, and to declare there their cargo. On
his side [account: crossed out] the commandant of the
fort is obliged immediately to instruct the governor gen-
eral at New Orleans of it. The latter learns long be-
fore their arrival the kinds and quantity of merchandise
i
52 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
; qui y sont charges, car quoiqu'il ny ait que vingt deux
: lieues de riviere a remonter, il f aut quelque f ois des mois
/" entiers et plus, pour y arriver.
V I'intemperie des saisons, les calmes et les vents debout,
f par rapport aux sinuosites et aux contours du fleuve
\ contribuent beaucoup au retard de I'arrivee de ces bati-
mens a la nouvel Orleans; ce qui occasionne aux arma-
teurs une depense enorme, et quelquefois une disette
que les habitans eprouvent. cependant il serait bien
facile au gouvernement de remedier a un aussi grand
inconvenient, parcequ'ayant en main toutes les forces
et tous les moyens, il ne tient qu^a Lui de les executer.
par exemple, je crois que s'il f aisait abattre tous les bois
qui se trouvent sur les bords du fleuve et quMl y fit faire
une levee de chaque cote, il serait tres possible, soit avcc
des chevaux, ou a bras, de remonter en tres peu de jours
les batimens a la nouvel Orleans, de la il s'etablierait
sur ses bords des habitans qui en feraient Tentreprise,
et chez qui on trouverait des vivres f raiches.
il faut observer que dans beaucoups d'endroits, il ne
faudrait point y faire de levee, mais seulement abattre
les bois qui s'y trouvent le long, et couper ceux que le
fleuve charie, et qui s'arretent sur ses bords, ce qui incom-
mode la navigation, et ce qui occasionne souvent la perte
des batimens, surtout lors que le fleuve est haut.
les capitaines des navires que les americains envoyent
au natchee, province du continent de I'amerique a cent
lieues plus loin que la nouvelle Orleans, en remontant le
fleuve, sont egalement oblige d'arreter devant le fort
plaquemine, et d'observer les memes formalites que les
capitaines des autres nations, un ordre du gouverneur
general les empeche d^encrer leurs batimens devant la
ville. cette conduite aflPreuse et vexatoire a tellement
one] PAUL ALLIOT^S REFLECTIONS 53
which are in the ships ; for although there are but twen-
ty-two leagues to ascend by the river, a whole month
or more is at times necessary to reach that city.
The intemperance of the seasons, the calms, and the
head winds, because of the windings and twistings of the
river contribute greatly to the delay in the arrival of
these vessels at New Orleans. That occasions an enor-
mous expense to the vessel outfitters and at times a
scarcity which is experienced by the inhabitants. How-
ever, it would be very easy for the government to remedy
so great an inconvenience; for, having in hand all the
forces and all the means, it only remains for it to exe-
cute them. For example, I believe that if all the trees
which are found along the banks of the river were felled,
and if a levee" were constructed along each side, it
would be possible, either by means of horses or by pull-
ing the vessels up by hand to accomplish the ascent to
New Orleans within a very few days. That would
cause the settlement, along its banks, of inhabitants who
would engage in enterprises and among whom fresh
provisions could be found.
It must be observed that in many places it would be
unnecessary to construct a levee, but only to fell the
trees found along the river and to cut away those which
the river carries down and which stop along its banks.
Those trees obstruct navigation and are often the cause
of the loss of vessels, especially when the river is high.
The captains of the ships which the Americans des-
patch to Natchez,** a province of the continent of Amer-
ica, one hundred leagues beyond New Orleans, are
equally obliged to stop before Fort Plaquemine when
they ascend the river, and to observe the same formal-
ities as the captains of other nations. An order of the
governor general prevents them from anchoring their
ships before the city. Such shocking and vexatious
54 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
indisposee le gouvernement americain, que, si la Louy-
siane etait restee aux espagnols, la guerre etait decidee
entre les deux nations, il y a toute apparence que les
americainSy peuple deja tres nombreux, et voisins de cet
empire auraient vaincu les soldats du roi d'espagne,
parceque dans ce terns ils ne consistaient que dans un
millier d'hommes effemines.
il ne f aut pas se dissimuler qu'une grande partie de ses
habitans, las du joug espagnol, desirait depuis long terns
de changer de gouvernement. il est bien vrai que pres-
que tous ne voyaient pas de bon oeuil arriver les f rangais
chez eux, et les regardant d'aprcs leur conduite a St do-
mingue comme la ruin de leur paijs, ils auraient plutot de-
sire etre gouverne par les americains. il ne f aut cependant
pas se dissimuler que le parti des royalistes de la nouvelle
Orleans auraient bien desire rester dans leur place, et
continuer a tenir sous Toppression la plus dure les ad-
ministres.
en face du fort plaquemine sont etablies cinq a six
petites habitations dont les terres sont tres mal cultivces,
quoiqu'elles soient excellentes et prop res non seulement
a la culture des Cannes a sucre, mais meme a toutes sortes
d'autres.
les proprietaires se contentent de planter du ri, du
mahi, des aricots, pour vivre ; et elever quelques cochons
et des volailles qu'ils vendent aux navigateurs. Icurs
principales occupations sont la chasse et la peche.
Les terres qui sont sur la rive gauche du fleuve, en
le romontant, etant un peu plus elevee que celle de la
droite, sont bien meilleures. elle pouraient etre cul-
tivee avec avantage, si un de ces evenemens qu'il n^est
pas possible de prevoir n'etait arrive dans ces parages.
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 55
conduct has so greatly annoyed the American govern-
menty that had Louisiana been retained by the Spaniards,
war had already been decided upon between the two
nations.^^ In all likelihood, the Americans, a people
already very numerous and neighboring to that empire,
would have conquered the soldiers of the king of Spain,
because at that time, the latter consisted only of a thou-
sand effeminate men.
It is not necessary to conceal the fact that a great many
of its inhabitants, tired of the Spanish yoke, had been
desirous for a long time of a change of government It
is quite true that not nearly all the people beheld the
arrival of the French among them with equanimity:
and regarding them on account of their conduct in San
Domingo" as the ruin of their country, would have pre-
ferred to be governed by the Americans. It is, never-
theless, unnecessary to conceal the fact that the royalist
party of New Orleans would have preferred to have
remained as they were, and to have continued to keep
the governed under the most severe oppression.
Opposite Fort Plaquemine are established five or six
small plantations, the lands of which "are very poorly
cultivated, although they are excellent and suitable, not
only for the cultivation of sugarcane but also for all
sorts of other products.
The proprietors content themselves with planting
rice, maize, and kidney beans for their sustenance; and
with raising a few hogs and fowls which they sell to navi-
gators. Their chief occupations are hunting and fishing.
Since the lands lying along the left bank of the river,
as one ascends, are slightly higher than those on the
right, they are much better. They might have been
cultivated with advantage, had not one of those inci-
dents, impossible to foresee, occurred in those districts.
56 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
11 y a environ cinq ans que les proprietaires d'une
douzaine d'habitations et leurs bestiaux furent ensevelis
dans les eaux que les vents du nord soujf&erait avec force
de la mer qui n'est eloignee de ces endroits, que d'environ
une lieue. enfin tout fut detruit dans cette partie.
aussi ne trouve on veritablement d'habitations qu'a
douze lieues de la nouvel Orleans, quoique ces habi-
tans travaillent avec nonchalence leur terre; cependant^
vu leur gran de fertilite, ils recoltent en assez grande
quantite des cotons, du mahi, du ri, des aricots, des feves,
de tres bonnes oranges, et des grenades, quelques uns
s'occupent encore a planter des Cannes a sucre, dont ils
retirent le jus, pour en faire du tafia, leurs bois sont
remplis de ceps de vigne, de ciriers, dont ils tirent du
fruit une cire verte qui leur sert a faire de tres bonne
chandelle; des oliviers sauvages, des muriers dont les
feuilles sont propres a la nouriture des vers a soie, des
chevreuils, des lapins, et du gibier de toute espece.
quelques personnes pretendent y avoir vu des tigres,
mais ils assurent quails ne sont point malfaisans.
La plupart des batimens qui partent de la nouvelle
Orleans, ou les capitaines n'ont pu faire leurs provisions,
acheptent ce dont ils ont besoin pour faire leurs traverses
chez ces habitans qui, sans etre riches, sont tous dans
I'aisance.
Si ces proprietaires avaient plus d'intelligence, ils
pouraient augmenter leur fortune et leur revenu. ils
pouraient mettre dans les vastes et immenses prairies
qui tiennent a leurs habitations des troupeaux de vaches
et de jumens qui leur rapport eraient bien plus que les
chevreuils et les lapins qu'ils y tuent.
il f aut convenir que tous ces cultivateurs qui n'ont eus
d'autres instructions que celles de leurs pcres, dont une
tres grande partie ne connaissait point I'agriculture, lors
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 57
About five years ago the proprietors of a dozen plan-
tations and their animals were engulfed in the waters
which the north winds blew with force from the sea
which is only about a league from those places. In
short, everything in that region was destroyed.**
Also no real plantations are seen until one is a dozen
leagues from New Orleans." Although those inhabit-
ants work their lands with indifference, yet because of
the great fertility of them, they harvest very large quan-
tities of cotton, maize, rice, kidney beans, and common
beans, and excellent oranges and pomegranates. A few
of them, moreover, are engaged in the cultivation of
sugarcane, from which they express the juice in order
to make taffia." Their woods are filled with vine stocks ;
with waxplants, from the fruit of which they obtain a
green wax, which they use in making excellent candles ;
with wild olive trees; with mulberries, the leaves of
which are suitable for the nourishment of silkworms;
and with deer, rabbits, and game of all kinds. Some
people claim that they have seen tigers *• there, but they
assert that they are not injurious.
Most of the vessels which leave New Orleans, where
the captains have been unable to lay in provisions, buy
what they need for their voyage from those inhabitants,
who, although not rich, are all in easy circumstances.
If those proprietors had more intelligence, they could
augment their fortune and their revenue. They could
stock the vast and immense meadows of their planta-
tions with herds of cows and mares which would yield
much more than the deer and rabbits which they kill.
It must be acknowledged that all those planters, who
have had no other instruction than that given them by
their fathers -a great proportion of whom had not the
slightest understanding of agriculture when they set-
58 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
qu'ils se sont etablis sur les bords du Missisipi, n^ayant
point voyage chez des peuples agricoles, ne peuvent
connaitre a fond I'industrie rurale.
Cependant 11 y a lieu de croire que sous votre bon
gouvernement, il s^y etablira des hommes verses dans cet
art qui instruiront ces cultivateurs, et qu'ils travailleront
par la suite avec plus de succes leur terre.
L'on rencontre encore sur le fleuve quelques moulins
a planche que le proprietaire ne peut f aire aller que lors
qu'il est baut.
a fur et mesure que Ton approche de la nouvel Orleans,
les habitations y sont plus multipliees et mieux travail-
lees, dans les saisons mortes pour Tagriculture ces
habitans occupent leurs esclaves a abattre du bois quHls
mettent en corde, quails transportent dans des bateaux a
la ville au moyen du fleuve, et qu'ils vendent tres bien.
les uns font du sucre et les autres recoltent du coton.
jusques a present ceux qui ont embarques de ces sucres,
ont eprouves de grandes pertes, parce qu'ils se sont de-
compose en mer. celui qui n'a pas ete a la nouvel Or-
leans, et qui sgait qu'il y gele pendant trois mois, ne peut
concevoir, comment on peut y faire du sucre brut, et
meme du Sucre blanc qui, a I'exception des cristaux quMl
n'a pas, approche en blancheur de celui de St dom-
ingue. malgre les gelees, la neige et les pluies froides
qui arretent entierement la vegetation de toutes les
plantes, malgre ces contretems, les pieds de la canne n'e-
prouvent aucun prejudice^ et les orangers qui sont en
pleine terre ne sont presque point depouilles de leur
feuilles. il est vrai que le bananier et le citronier n'y
produisent aucuns fruits.
Lors que le printems commence, la vegetation est bien
plus rapide, et bien plus grande que dans tous les pays
du monde les chaleurs que l'on y eprouve dans I'ete et
• • •
- • » . .
• • •_ •
one] PAUL ALLIOT^S REFLECTIONS 59
tied on the shores of the Mississippi, since they had never
traveled among agricultural people -can not have a
thorough understanding of farming.
Nevertheless, there is reason for believing that under
your good government, men versed in that art will set-
tle there, who will instruct those planters ; and that the
latter will afterward work their lands with more suc-
cess.
There are still to be met on the river some saw mills
which the owners are unable to run except when the
water is high.*®
In proportion as one approaches New Orleans, the
plantations increase in number and are better worked.
In the seasons unfit for agriculture, those inhabitants
occupy their slaves in felling wood which they pile in
cords and transport by batteau along the river to the
city, and which they sell at a good price. Some make
sugar and others harvest cotton. Up to the present
those who have engaged in the production of sugar
have experienced great losses, as the sugar has become
bad at sea. He who has not been at New Orleans and
knows that it freezes there for three months, can not
conceive how raw sugar can be made there, and even
white sugar -which, except for crystals which it does
not possess, approaches in whiteness that of San Domin-
go -in spite of the frosts, snow, and cold rains, which
arrest entirely the growth of all plants. In spite of
those obstacles, the stalks of the cane experience no
harm, and the orange trees which are well rooted [en
pleine terre'] scarcely lose their leaves at all. It is true
that the banana and lemon trees produce no fruit there.'^
At the beginning of spring, growth is much more
rapid and to a greater size than in any other country in
the world. The heat which is experienced there in
6o LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol
dans une grande partie de rautomne, sont bien moins
supportables qu'o St domingue ; parcequMl ny a point de
brise fixee. Ton ne peut congevoir comment les Cannes
a Sucre dont la vegetation ne dure par chaque annee que
six mois peuvent au bout de ce tems etre coupee, et com-
ment on ne peut faire du sucre; pendant que dans toutes
les colonies, telles que la havane, et St domingue ou Ton
travaille avec avantage cette denree, il est impossible
dans les quartiers les plus riches en production de les
couper avant quatorze a quinze mois, et avant dix huit
dans les quartiers moins rendans.
Lors que les gelees commencent a se faire sentir, les
proprietaires en sucreries qui ont encore sur pied plu-
sieurs arpens de Cannes, occupent leurs esclaves a les
couper, et a les transporter de suite dans un batiment,
ou elle restent quelquefois des mois entiers sans en ex-
traire la liqueur, si a St domingue Ton travaillait
ainsi, il serait impossible de faire du sucre, parceque
les Cannes suriraient. il est bien vrai que le climat de
ces deux colonies ne se ressemble point cependant quoi-
que le Sucre de la Louysiane se decompose en mer et
qu'il n'est point aussi riche en cristaux, que dans I'ame-
rique meridionale. heureux, mil fois heureux, les pcu-
ples qui possedent cette denree si bonne et si bienf aisante.
il est done de I'interet du gouvernement americain d'en-
courager a la Louysiane cette culture, en y faisant passer
des bras, je soutiens que si Ton y fabriquait cette den-
ree avec connaissance et avec toutes les precautions
necessaires, I'on pourait arriver au but et approvision-
ner par la Suite les etats unis non seulement en sucre,
mais meme en cirop ; en tafia ; et en rum.
Les habitans qui avoisinent la nouvel Orleans, et qui
ne possedent que quelques esclaves, les occupant dans
leurs jardins potagers et a differens autres travaux, re-
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 6i
summer and throughout a great part of the autumn, is
much less endurable than in San Domingo, since there
is no steady breeze in the former place. One can not
imagine how the sugarcane whose growth lasts yearly
only six months can be cut at the end of that time, and
how sugar can be made ; while in all the colonies, such
as Havana and San Domingo, where that product is
worked to advantage, it is impossible to cut the cane
before fourteen or fifteen months in the quarters richest
in production and before eighteen in quarters less pro-
ductive.
When the frosts begin to be felt, proprietors in the
sugar plantations who have still uncut several arpents
of cane, busy their slaves in cutting it, and in transport-
ing it immediately by batteau, where they are kept
sometimes for whole months without expressing the
juice. If that course were pursued at San Domingo, it
would be impossible to make sugar, as the cane would
turn sour. It is quite true that those two colonies have
not the slightest resemblance in climate. Nevertheless,
although the sugar of Louisiana becomes bad at sea, and
is not so rich in crystals as in South America, happy, a
thousand times happy, the people who possess that very
excellent and beneficial productl" It is, therefore, to
the interest of the American government to encourage
that culture in Louisiana by causing laborers to go
thither." I maintain that if that product be worked
there understandingly, and with all the necessary pre-
cautions, success could be obtained and the United
States could in consequence be supplied, not only with
sugar, but also with syrup, taffia, and rum.
The inhabitants in the neighborhood of New Orleans
and who own only a few slaves, by occupying them in
their kitchen gardens, and at various other tasks, derive
62 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
tirent de leurs journees un tres grand benefice, toutes
leurs habitations par la bonte de leur decorations, et
par la solidite de leur constructions, annoncent au voy-
ageur la richesse de ses proprietaires, et lui font connai-
tre qu'en fin il arrive a la capitale de L'empire de la
Louysiane si celebre dans L'histoire.
Description de cetie ville
La nouvel Orleans peut avoir une demie lieue de long
sur un quart de large, elle est situee dans une plaine
sur les bords du missisipi, a droite en le remontant, une
mauvaise levee construite le long de ce fleuve, retient
ses eaux, et empeche Tinnondation de la ville, parce-
quelle est plus basse que lui. il y a quelques annees
que dans la fonte des neiges, le fleuve montant plus baut
que son ordinaire la levee ne pouvant resister au courant
et a la force de Teau, creva et innonda les rues et les
maisons de quatre pieds de bauteur. la quantite de
poisson que I'eau y avait entrainee, et qui, apres son
ecoulement, resta dans les rues, tourna en corruption,
et dans Tannee plus de trois mille habitans perdirent
la vie.
en dixhuit cent deux la verete [sic] passa dans la
ville, et elle emporta dans la tombe quinze cents enf ans.
ainsi le defaut d'une police exacte chez le peuple
espagnol est souvent la cause des maladies de corruption
et de peste qui passe et arrive souvent a la nouvel Or-
leans, ainsi I'ignorence des chirurgiens est encore la
cause de la diminution de la population ; les medecins
instruits qui ont voyage a la Louysiane, ont toujours
considere eux qui professent cet etat, comme des hommes
qui n^ont aucune connaissance dans cet art si util pour
la conservation du genre humain.
La Nouvel Orleans est le siege d'un gouvemeur gen-
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 63
an excellent profit from their labors. All their habita-
tions, through the goodness of their decorations and the
solidity of their construction bespeak to the traveler the
wealth of their owners, and inform him that at last he
is about to arrive at the capital of the empire of Louis-
iana so celebrated in history.
Description of that city**
New Orleans is about one half league in length by
one quarter league in breadth. It is located on a plain
on the banks of the Mississippi, on the right as one
ascends. A poor levee" built along that river restrains
its waters, and prevents the inundation of the city- for
the city is lower than the river. Some years ago, when
the snows melted, the river rose higher than usual, and
the levee not being able to resist the current and the
force of the water, burst and inundated the streets and
houses to a depth of more than four feet. The quantity
of fish brought there by the water and which were left
in the streets when the water subsided, rotted and more
tjian three thousand inhabitants perished during the
year.
In eighteen hundred and two, smallpox appeared in the
city, and carried to the tomb fifteen hundred children.
Thus the lack of a strict supervision [police exacte]
among the Spanish people is often the cause of diseases,
corruption, and pest, which often visit and come to New
Orleans. Thus is the ignorance of surgeons still the
cause of the decrease of the population. Skilled physi-
cians who have traveled to Louisiana have always con-
sidered those who practice that profession [there] as
men who have no understanding of that art so useful for
the preservation of human life."
New Orleans is the seat of a governor general," of the
64 LOUISIANA. 1785- 1807 [VoL
eraly de la force militaire et civile, d'un intendant, d'un
cveque, et d'un chapitre compose d'un doyen, ct de
douze chanoines, de quelques maisons religeux et reli-
geuses, des capucins dont les cures leur sont de droit
devolues. les ecoles priniaires sont tenues par des
moines. le palais de justice, le gouvernement, Teglise
cathedrale et le convent des urselines sont tres bien con-
struits. Ses religeuses ont un superbe et grand jardin
entoure de planches; et Ton appergoit quelquefois ces
dammes dont la beaute et la belle couleur sont a Tabri
des rayons brulans du soleil, se delasser de leurs travaux
divins par des jeux innocens.
L*on y voit encore deux grands hopitaux, Tun pour
les militaires, et Tautre pour les infortunes habitans,
une caserne a contenir deux mille soldats, une grande
et belle place d'armes, et un bagne pour contenir les
for9ats. les prisons, quoique peu aerees, sont construites
avec beaucoup de solidite le bureau des douanes an-
nonce par sa construction la pauvrete du commerce,
cependant la place d'intendant, quoique modique en
appointment, rapporte par chaque annee au moins un
million.
a Texception de la levee que sert de promenade aux
habitans de la ville, il n'y a aucune place publique. les
arsenaux et la poudriere qui sont sous la garde d'un
commandant et de soixante soldats sont sur lautre bord
du fleuve en face du gouvernement.
Lorsque les voyageurs arrivent a la nouvel Orleans,
en contemplant les belles maisons qui donnent sur le
missisipi, ils croiraient que les citadins jouissent d'une
grande opulence, et que cette ville est belle par so con-
struction, mais apres y etre entrc, et avoir parcouru
ses dix huit grandes rues, a Texception de quelques
maisons baties avec solidite, et a la moderne, Ton y en
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 65
military and civil force, of an intendant, of a bishop,
and of a chapter composed of a dean and a dozen canons,
and of several houses for religious and nuns of the
Capuchins, on whom the curacies have by right de-
volved. The primary schools are kept by the nuns.
The palace of justice, the government, the cathedral,
and the Ursuline convent are excellently built Those
nuns have a large excellent garden surrounded by a
wooden fence, and sometimes one catches a glimpse of
those women, whose beauty and good complexion are
sheltered from the burning rays of the sun, relaxing from
their divine labors by innocent games.
There are also two large hospitals to be seen there,
one for the military and the other for the poor inhabit-
ants, a barracks capable of accommodating two thou-
sand soldiers, a fine large parade ground, and a prison
galley for the retention of criminals. The prisons, al-
though poorly ventilated are very solidly constructed.
The customs office shows by its construction the poverty
of commerce, and yet the place of intendant," although
moderate in appointment, is worth at least a million an-
nually.
With the exception of the levee which is used by the
inhabitants of the city as a promenade, there is no public
place. The arsenal and powder factory which are under
the guard of a commandant and sixty soldiers are located
on the other side of the river opposite the government
buildings.
When travelers arrive at New Orleans and see the
beautiful houses which are on the Mississippi, they be-
lieve that the citizens enjoy great wealth, and that that
city is beautiful because of their construction. But after
having entered the city and having walked about
its eighteen large streets, with the exception of a few
solidly built modern houses, one sees there many others
66 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
voit une quantite d'autres dont les constructions et les
couvertures annoncent un fond de pouvrete qui etonne
dautant plus les arrivans qui s'attendaient suivant le
detail des voyageurs dans ce pays a trouver des habitans
dont I'opulence est d'un grand secours pour rhomme qui
quitte sa patrie, ecrase par les malheurs, qui a Tespoir
d'y elever avec plus d'aisance ses enfans, et enfin d'y
terminer avec satisfaction sa carriere.
pour moi qui ai examine avec impartialite, et sans
passion, une partie de la Louysiane, la maniere d'y
vivre, et son solle ; je dirai que quoique ces terres soient
d'un plus grand rapport qu'une tres grande portion de
celle de L'europe, elle ne sont point veritablement ce
qu'on en a dit. une tres grande partie de son territoire
est noyee, et n'est point salubre, ce qui diminue consi-
derablement la population, si Ton considerait bien ce
qu'elle etait il y a trente ans, L'on trouverait peut etre
aujourd'huy moins d'homme. il est bien vrai que tous
les pays neufs sont sujets a tous ces grands inconveniens,
quand meme il n'y aurait pas sur la surface de ces terres
des naples d'eau. cependant il faut convenir que si les
terres y etaient travaillces, et bien egoutees; ce pays
serait un excellent pays, et par rapport a sa temperature,
et aux differentes et riches productions que Ton peut y
recolter, beaucoup de families viendraient S'y fixer,
depuis de Les gouvernemens Europeens en ont pris
possession, jamais les gouvernans n'ont protege ny en-
courage la culture, et qu'elle a ete jusqu'a ce jour dans
une langeur affreuse. le gouvernement espagnol qui
tient sous le despotisme et I'inquisition les peuples qu'il
gouverne, a toujours tout fait pour arreter a la Louy-
siane les progres de la population et de I'industrie
rurale et commerciale. les petites insurrections des
negres I'ont epouvante, et il en a empeche I'introduction ;
one] PAUL ALLIOTS REFLECTIONS 67
whose construction and roofs show a depth of poverty
which is surprising. Much more is it surprising to the
arrivals, who expect, according to the stories of travel-
ers, to find in that country a population whose wealth
would be a great aid for the man who leaves his father-
land overwhelmed by misfortunes, and who is hopeful
of rearing his children there with more comforts, and
finally of ending his life there with satisfaction.
As for me, who has examined impartially and with-
out passion a part of Louisiana, the manner of living
there and its soil, I will say that, although those lands
are much more productive than a very great proportion
of the lands of Europe, it is not true what has been said
of them. A large part of its territory is swampy and not
at all healthful, which considerably diminishes the pop-
ulation. If one were to consider deeply the population
of thirty years ago, he would perhaps find fewer people
there today. It is quite true that all new countries are
subject to all those great disadvantages, even though
there were not on the surface of their lands pools [? des
naples] of water. Yet it must be admitted that if the
lands there were worked, and well drained, that would
be an excellent country; and because of its temperature,
and the various and rich products that can be raised
there, many families would come to settle there. Never
since the European governments have taken possession
of it, have the governors protected or encouraged agri-
culture, and it has remained fearfully backward to this
day. The Spanish government, which holds the peoples
that it governs under despotism and the Inquisition,**
has always made every effort to arrest the advance of the
population of Louisiana and its agricultural and com-
mercial industries. The little insurrections of the ne-
groes have frightened it, and the introduction of negroes
has been prevented -which has resulted in very consid-
68 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
ce qui a fait un tort considerable a tous les cultivateurs.
il est bien vrai que si ces infortunes etaient mieux nouris,
habileSy et bien traites dans leur servitude, ils auraient
pour leur maitres les egards et le respect, la reconnais-
sance et I'attachement qu'ont tous les hommes en general
pour leur bienfaiteur. et jamais ils ne penseraient a
Tinsurrection. mais un interet sordide dominant tou-
jours les coeur de celui qui commande, fait que les
hommes qui lui sont soumis ne peuvent jamais etre
heureux.
Cette ville n^offre aucune ressource au malheureux
pere de f amille qui y arrive, ce qui est sur prenant, c^est
que Ton trouverait dans son enceinte plus de pauvres,
a proportion qu^on en trouve dans les villes de f ranee ce
n'est pas peu dire.
Si ceux de la capitale ont perdu de vue cette humanite
et ces secours qu'ils ont ete fort aises de trouver a leur
arrivee, il n'en est pas de meme de ceux de la Campagne
qui sont bons, humains, et hospitaliers. ils recoivent
avec bonte, honnetete, et sensibilite les voyageurs. les
habitans des villes uniquement occupes de leur com-
merce et de leur interet, s^embarassent trcs peu de Tetat
des arrivans qui y arrivent denues de tout, aussi le voy-
ageur s'y fixe avec beaucoup de peine, le negotiant
tenant une grande portion de la campagne dans Ses lieus,
le tient continuelement dans la gene, c'est lui, oui lui
qui fixe le prix de ses denrees. sur les avances et les
prets qu'il lui fait pendant Tannee, il les oblige a lui
livrer leur recoltes toujours a un prix bien inferieur au
cour. aussi ces bons et malheureux colons sont toujours
dans le meme etat, et Ton peut dire avec certitude qu'ils
ne sont que les ouvriers des marchands.
Si la moitie des terreins de la ville n^est point con-
one] PAUL ALLIOTS REFLECTIONS 69
erable wrong to the planters. It is quite true that were
those unfortunate beings better fed and clothed, and well
treated in their servitude, they would have regard and
respect for their masters, and the gratitude and attach-
ment which all men in general have for their benefac-
tors, and they would never think of insurrection. But
since a sordid self interest always dominates the heart of
him in power, it happens that those men who are under
his authority can never be happy.*®
That city offers no resource to the unhappy father of
a family who goes there. It is a surprising fact that in
proportion more poor people are found in its precincts
than are found in the cities of France. This is not say-
ing little.
If the inhabitants of the capital have lost sight of that
humanity and that aid which they would have been very
glad to find on their arrival, the same thing is by no
means true of the inhabitants of the country, who are
good, humane, and hospitable. They receive travelers
with kindness, attention, and cordiality. The inhab-
itants of the city, occupied only with their own trade
and their own selfish interests, trouble themselves but
little over the condition of those who arrive there des-
titute of everything. Consequently, the traveler settles
there with much trouble. Since the merchant has mort-
gages on a great portion of the country, he keeps the
new settler continually in trouble. It is he, yes, he, who
fixes the price of the settler's products. On the advances
and loans which he makes to him during the year, he
always forces the settler to deliver to him his products at
a price much lower than the current price. Consequent-
ly, those kindly and unfortunate colonists are always in
the same condition, and it can be asserted with assurance
that they are but the workmen of the merchants."
If one-half the district of the city is not built up, it is
TO LOUISIANA, 1785-1807
struite, ce sent les deux incendies qui y sent arrives, et
qui ont ruine la plupart des proprietaires qui en sent
I'unique cause, il est des rues ou Ton compterait a
peine vingt maisons.
La population de cette ville en toutes couleurs n'est
que de douze mille ames. les mulatres et les negres sont
ouvertement proteges par le gouvernement celui qui
f rapperait un de ces individus, quand meme il lui aurait
manque, serait severement puni. aussi comptait on dans
les prisons de la nouvel Orleans vingt blancs contre un
homme de couleur. leur femmes et leur filles sont tres
recherchees des blancs, et les dames blanches estiment
quelquef ois les hommes de couleur bien f aits.
Si la nouvel Orleans n'est point salubre, et si le mau-
vais air que les habitans y respirent, leur occasionment
des maladies mortelles; c'est d'un cote, comme je Tai
deja dit, Tabondance des eaux Stagnantes qui faute
d'ecoulement, restent a longue annee dans les ciprieres
qui Tentourent, et qui corrompt Fair qui, devenant
putrefaction, empoisonne tous ceux qui y demeurent.
d'un autre cote c^est que dans le terns des pluies, les rues
sont dans un etat aff reux. le voisin qui demeure en face
de son voisin ne peuvent communiquer ensemble par
rapport a Teau qui y sejourne, aux fumiers que les pro-
prietaires des chevaux ou vaches y jettent, qu'on n'enleve
jamais, et encore a une boue pourie d'un demi pied de
paisseur qui, lorsque tous ces objets sont a demi Sees,
repondent une puanteur qui occasionne aux habitans
des maladies mortelles.
il serait cependant bien facile au gouverneur qui peut
disposer de tout a sa volonte, de remedier a un aussi
grand mal. il est vrai que son grand age et sa maniere
de vivre le rendent absolument nul dans le maniement
des affaires publiques. aussi il laisse conduire le vais-
PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 71
due only to the two fires which occurred there and which
ruined most of the proprietors. There are streets where
scarce twenty houses can be counted.
The population of that city, counting people of all
colors, is only twelve thousand souls.^' Mulattoes and
negroes are openly protected by the government. He
who was to strike one of those persons, even though he
had run away from him, would be severely punished.
Also twenty whites could be counted in the prisons of
New Orleans against one man of color. The wives and
daughters of the latter are much sought after by the
white men, and white women at times esteem well built
men of color.
If New Orleans is not at all healthful, and if the bad
air that its inhabitants breathe occasions fatal diseases,
the reason is due in part, as I have already stated, to the
abundance of stagnant water, which for lack of drain-
age, lies the whole year round in the cypress groves
which surround the city, and corrupts the air, which be-
coming putrid, poisons all who live there. On the
other hand, during the rainy season, the streets are in a
frightful state. The citizen who lives opposite his
neighbor can not go to see him because of the water
which remains there, the dung of horses and cows
thrown there by their owners, which is never removed,
and by a putrid slime a foot in depth, which when all
things are half dry give rise to a stench that occasions
diseases fatal to the inhabitants.
It would, however, be easy for the governor, who can
order all things according to his will, to remedy so great
an ill. It is true that his great age and his manner of
living render him absolutely useless in the management
of public affairs." Consequently, he leaves the ship
72 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
seau dont il a la direction par des hommes qui ne
connaissent d'autres lois que Tor et I'argent. comme
au nom du gouvemeur leur volonte est imperieuse, les
habitans qui ne sont point dans Taisance, et qui n'ap-
prochent qu'avec peine du gouvemement, gemissent
sous le poid d'une aff reuse oppression.
au moment de mon depart de la nouvel Orleans pour
France, il y avait dans les prisons plus de soixante assa-
sins impunis. ce crime qui est regarde dans la Societe
des hommes polices, comme le plus grand et le plus ex-
ecrable, n'est point considere et puni comme tel, sous le
gouvernement espagnol dans ses possessions ameri-
caines. Tassasin riche en est quitte pour de Targent;
ct souvent celui qui n^en pent donner, est envoyc le
restant de ses jours, soit au bagne, soit aux mines, il est
bien vrai qu^un pendu n^est bon a rien.
L'habitant le plus tranquil, lors qu'il deplait a un
magistrat ou a un homme riche, s'il ne fuie prompte-
ment, est jette pour sa vie dans les cachots, sans pouvoir
en connaitre les motifs. Ton pent assurer quUl n'existe
aucune garantie pour lui. il ne peut meme se procurer
de deffenseur. toute communication lui est interdite.
il peut dire en entrant dans la prison, la lumiere m'est
ravie pour toujours. il est des hommes, soit a la ha-
vanne, soit a Carthagenes, soit au mexique, soit enfin a
la nouvel Orleans detenu depuis plusieures annees, pour
avoir voulu simplement luter contre un homme en
credit, ils sont tellement ignores quUl n^en est plus
question, cette conduite atroce de la part des magis-
trats contribue beaucoup a la diminution de la popula-
tion et a Taneantissement de la culture et du commerce,
que les hommes qui vivent Sous un tel gouvernement
sont a plaindre! j'ai eprouve sa fureur, les voleurs de
grand chemin et les loups sont moins dangereux. ces
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 73
under his direction to men who know no other laws than
those of gold and silver. As their will is obligatory
[when given] in the name of the governor, the inhab-
itants who are not well off, and who approach the gov-
ernment with difficulty, groan under the weight of a
frightful oppression.
At the time of my departure from New Orleans for
France, there were more than sixty unpunished mur-
derers in the prisons. That crime which is regarded in
the society of civilized men as the greatest and the most
execrable, is not considered and punished as such under
the Spanish government in its American possessions.
The rich murderer is quit of it for money, while often
he who has no money to give, is sent to the galleys or to
the mines for the rest of his life. It is quite true that a
hanged person is good for nothing.
If the most peaceful inhabitant, who offends a magis-
trate or a rich man, does not flee promptly, he is cast for
life into a dungeon without being enabled to learn the
reasons for it. He can be assured that there exists no
guaranty for him. He can not even procure defense.
All communication is forbidden him. He can say as he
enters the prison, "The light is taken from me forever."
There are men, either at Havana, or at Cartagena, or at
Mexico, or finally at New Orleans, who have been kept
in prison for many years simply because they have tried
to oppose a man of influence. They are ignored to such
a degree that it is no longer a question of them. Such
atrocious conduct on the part of the magistrates con-
tributes greatly to the decrease of the population and to
the destruction of agriculture and trade. How much
have men, who live under such a government, of which
to complain I I have experienced its fury.** Highway-
men and wolves are less dangerous. Those men with the
74 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
hommes avec le fanatisme de la religion romaine por-
tent toujours un christ d'une main et le poignard de
Tautre. voila en deux mots conune les peuples qui
vivent sous les lois espagnoles sont gouveraes et se con-
duisent
il en est bien autrement chez le peuple americain,
quoiqu'il soit le plus proche voisin de celui de la Louy-
siane. les prisons ne sont que Tazil de I'homme con-
damne par les lois. le citoyen paisible jouit dans ses
foyers d'une tranquilite inconnue a la Nouvel Orleans,
il est a I'abri de toutes les persecutions enfantees par le
despotisme et I'ignorence. aucun magistrat ne se per-
met jamais la moindre vexation envers ses concitoyens.
la loi est egalle pour tous les membres de la Societe.
c'est pourquoi il regne dans les etats unis de I'amerique
une tranquilite et une surete qui fait le bonheur et la
consolation de tous les habitans. aussi I'accroissement
de sa population est la preuve la plus complete de son
bon gouvernement.
Les habitans de la Louysiane ne reconnaissent d'autre
religion que la catholique. cependant ils ne sont point
persecute comme a Carthagenes, a Guatimale, et au
Mexique par les pretres pour leur opinion religieuse.
L'on ne voit point dans les eglises des milliers de tab-
leaux qui soulevent d'indignation le coeur sensible de
Thonnete homme, en representant des milliers de pauvres
indiens jettes dans les flammes vivans pour leur opinion
religieusc. il n'y existe veritablement d*autre inquisi-
tion que celle que les hommes puissans y exercent. toutes
les boutiques y sont ouvertes les fetes et les dimanches.
les voituriers et les ouvriers travaillent ces jours la
comme les autres jours, les jeunes gens des deux sexes
apres leur diner achevent la journce par des danses, et
meme passent la nuit dans ces sortes d'exercisses.
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 75
fanaticism of the Roman religion always carry a Christ
in one hand and a dagger in the other. This, in a few
words, is how men living under the Spanish laws are
governed, and how they conduct themselves.*'
It is quite otherwise with the American people, al-
though they are the nearest neighbors of Louisiana.
Prisons are only the refuge of men condemned by the
laws. The peaceable citizen enjoys at his own fireside
a tranquillity unknown in New Orleans. He is shel-
tered from all persecutions born of despotism and ig-
norance. No magistrate ever allows himself to exhibit
the least anger towards his fellow citizens. The law is
equal for all members of society. That is the reason
why there reigns a tranquillity and security in the United
States of America which makes for the happiness and
comfort of all its inhabitants. Thus the increase of its
population is the most complete proof of its good gov-
ernment
The inhabitants of Louisiana recognize no other re-
ligion than the Catholic.** However, they are not at all
persecuted by the priests for their religious opinion as at
Cartagena, Gautemala, and Mexico. In its churches
are not seen those thousands of pictures which arouse
anger in the kind heart of a good man with their portray-
al of thousands of poor Indians thrown alive into the
flames for their religious opinion. There truly exists
there no other Inquisition than that which is exercised
there by men of influence. All shops are open there on
feast days and Sundays. Drivers and workmen labor on
those days just as on other days. The young people of
both sexes, after dinner, finish the day by dancing and
even pass the night in that sort of exercise.
76 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1807 [Vol.
depuis le premier de Tan, jusques a paques; les sales
destinees pour ces sortes de divertissement sont en pleine
activite. conune il existe deux castes differentes en
couleur, chacune a la sienne. les dammes n'admettent
jamais dans leur societe publique aucune personne de
couleun
Le respect que les habitans ont pour les morts est
grand, leur enterrement est une ceremonie lugubre,
silencieuse et respectueuse. comme elle se repete quatre
a cinq fois par jour, le cure qui n'a que de mediocre ap-
pointement en tire un bon parti.
Les protestans qui y meurent, ne sont point enteres
dans le cimetiere des catholiques, et comme il n'en existe
point pour eux, on les depose dans un endroit ouvert
qui sert du paturage aux chevaux et aux vaches. il
arrive quelquef ois que les chiens, en f ouillant avec leurs
pattes arrachent des ossemens et les rongent; ce qui fait
horreur et repugne a Thumanite. mais les espagnols
Surtout les francais espagnolises regardant tous ceux
qui ne sont point de la religion catholique, comme des
betes brutes et feroces dans leur opinion religieuse, ils
voient d'un oeuil tranquil ces atrocites.
un citoyen de philadelphie professant Tetat de mate-
lot, etant a la nouvel Orleans dans les prisons ou il se
trouva incommode, demanda un chirurgien. le con-
cierge appella montaigu qui syrendit de suite, et apres
qu^il eust examine le malade, il lui demanda s'il etait
catholique. il lui repondit que non. montaigu lui
dit, vous etes un chien d^anglais a qui je ne donnerai
aucuns secours, parceque vous n'avez pas regu le bap-
teme, et que vous etes damne. il f aut le laisser crevcr,
et ensuite il lui tourna le dos. voila I'aversion que ces
brigands fanatiques ont pour ceux qui ne pensent point
comme eux en matiere de religion.
one] PAUL ALLIOTS REFLECTIONS 77
From the first of the year until Easter the halls set
aside for such amusements are in full swing. Since
there are two different castes, divided by color, each has
its own hall. [White] ladies never admit into their pub-
lic society any person of color.*^
Great respect is shown by the inhabitants for the dead.
Their burial is a sad, silent, and respectful ceremony.
As this ceremony [i.e., mass] is repeated four or five
times a day, the parish priest who has but a modest ap-
pointment derives a good profit from it.
Protestants who die there are never buried in the
Catholic cemeteries; and since there are no cemeteries
for them, there bodies are deposited in an open field
which is used as a pasture for horses and cows. Some-
times it happens that dogs, by digging with their feet,
get at the bones and gnaw them -a thing that is horrify-
ing and repugnant to humanity. But Spaniards, and
especially hispanised Frenchmen, consider all who are
not Catholics as beasts, and ferocious in their religious
opinion, they look upon all such atrocities with a tran-
quil eye.
A citizen of Philadelphia, a sailor by occupation,
being at New Orleans, asked for a surgeon in the pris-
on where he became ill. The porter summoned Mon-
taigu, who visited him immediately. After examina-
tion of the sick man he asked him if he were a Catholic.
The latter replied that he was not. Montaigu " said to
him, "You are an English dog, to whom I will give no
aid, for you have not been baptized and are damned."
" Let him die." And he immediately turned his back
on the sick man. Such is the aversion which those fan-
atic brigands show for those who do not think as they
do in matters of religion.
78 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
il n'existe dans cette ville aucune police ; ceux qui en
sous ordre en sont charges, ne recevant que de tres foibles
appointemenSy tirent des boulangers, des cabaretierSy des
boucherSy et de ceux qui donnent secretement a jouer
des sommes qui au bout de quelques annees les mettent
dans le cas de se retiren I'avant dernier gouvemeur
homme estime et regrette de tous les bons habitans em-
pechait par sa surveillance la f raude, punissait les cou-
pables et protegeait I'innocent
Comme il descend des Illinois et.du Natchee a la
nouvel Orleans' de belles et superbes f arines dont le prix
ordinaire est de quatre piastres le baril ; comme partie
de ces farines, faute de consommateurs, reste des an-
nees entieres dans des magasins; que pendant ce tems
elle se deteriore, les proprietaires les exposent a la vente
publique, et ne les vendent ordinairement qu'une pi-
astre a une piastre et demi le baril. les boulangers qui
les acheptent, en les melant avec de la bonne, vendent
le pain qui en provient aussi chair que celui qui est de
pure farine. c'est encore avec ces mauvaises farines
qu'ils font le biscuit qu'ils vendent aux capitaines des
navires pour les equipages.
Les grands envois de vins que les armateurs font pour
la Louysiane, rend cette denree a tres bon marche. les
capitaines et les negocians en vendent tres peu dans leur
magasins. il ny a que ceux qui ne peuvent en achepter
au comptant qui s'en fournissent chez eux. tous ces vins
sont exposes aux ventes publiques. il est des jours que
la barique ne s'y vend que dix huit a vingt piastres, les
cab a re tiers ne faisant leur provisions qu'a la vente. il
arrive que, lors qu'ils sont tous assembles sur la place
publique, ils s'entendent au point que lors qu'une piece
est fixee a un prix pareux, quelque peu ou quantite qu'il
y ait, jamais la barique ne se vend plus chaire.
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 79
There are no police in that city. Those who are
charged with that duty as subordinates, since they have
but very slight appointments, derive from bakers, tav-
ern keepers, butchers, and those who pay secretly for
protection sums of money sufficient to allow them to re-
tire within a few years. The last governor but one
[Carondelet], a man esteemed and regretted by all good
inhabitants, by his watchfulness prevented fraud, pun-
ished the guilty, and protected the innocent."
As he descends from Illinois and from Natchez to
New Orleans, [the traveler sees] fine, excellent flour,
the ordinary price of which is four piastres per barrel.
As part of this flour is left, for lack of consumers, in the
magazines for whole years, and spoils during that time,
the owners expose it at public sale, and generally sell it
at one and one-half piastre per barrel. The bakers who
buy it, by mixing it with good flour, sell the bread made
from it, as dear as that made from pure flour. It is also
from that bad flour that the biscuits sold to ship captains
for their crews are made.'^
The great exports of wines which ship furnishers
send to Louisiana, make that product very cheap. The
captains and merchants sell very little of it in their
stores. It is only those who can not pay cash for it who
buy it of them. All wines are exposed at public sale.
Some days it is sold for only eighteen or twenty piastres
per barrel. Since the tavern-keepers only make their
purchases at public sale, it happens that when they are
all assembled at the market place, they agree among
themselves that when any piece is fixed at a certain price
by them, however little or much it be, the barrel will
never be sold at a higher figure.
8o LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
L'on ne mange a la nouvel Orleans dans I'annee que
pendant cinq mois de la bonne viande. des le mois de
Novembre, les boeufs et les moutons commengant a ne
trouvcr dans les prairies qu'une nouriture legere, per-
dent leur graisse et deviennent par la suite fort maigres.
les boucheurs qui pouraient pendant I'ete ramasser du
foin pour les nourir pendant L'hiver, ne le font point,
aussi lors qu'ils tuent ces animaux, leur viande est glu-
ante et degoutante. ils les tuent et les saignent fort mal.
ils la vendent en tout terns six sols la livre. quoiqu'il y
ait tous tesjours a la balle. plus de trente boeufs ex-
poses en vente, si le consommateur n'envoye de bonne
heure faire sa provision, le paresseux peut etre sur qu'en
ne se rendant qu^a huit heures, il n'en trouvera pas. Le
cochon que Ton y mange est excellent, les detaillans
le vendent un scalin la livre. le monton quoique tres
mauvais s'y vend le mcme prix. la volaille et le gibier
quoique tres communs s'y vendent tres chairs.
la halle est bien fournie en poisson. le meilleur est
la truite. les carpes qui pesent dix a douze livres ne
s'y vendent qu'un escalin. comme ce poisson ne sent
que la vase, ce sont ordinairement les negres qui les
acheptent. les viandes salees s^y vendent un escalin la
livre. la meilleure que Ton y mange est celle de boeufs
sauvages qu'on appelle boeufs illinois. il faut avouer
que cette viande est excellente au gout, tous les legumes
sees ou vertes s'y vendent un prix exhorbitant. Thuille
et la graisse a manger y sont quel que f ois tres rares. sans
les sauvages qui avoisinent la Louysiane, et qui apportent
dans leur pirogues des graisses d'ourses appellees huile
d'ourse, cette denree serait hors de prix.
quelques centaines des sauvages avec leur femmes et
leur enfans vivent aux environs de la nouvelle Orleans,
et se retirent dans des ajoupas qu'ils ont construits dans
one] PAUL ALLIOT^S REFLECTIONS 8i
Good meat is eaten for only five months of the year
at New Orleans. From the month of November, since
cattle and sheep begin to find only slight nourishment
in the meadows, they lose their fat and thereafter become
very thin. The butchers, who could get hay during the
summer to feed them during the winter, do not do it;
and consequently when they kilt those animals their
flesh is sticky and distasteful. They kill and bleed ani-
mals very badly. They sell the flesh at all times at six
sols per pound. Although more than thirty beef are
daily exposed for sale at the market, if the consumer does
not send early to lay in his supplies, the tardy one may
rest assured that he will find none, even if it be only at
eight o'clock. The pork used for food there is excel-
lent. Retailers sell it at one escalin " per pound. Mut-
ton, although very poor, sells there at the same price.
Fowls and game, although very common, sell very dear.
The market is well furnished with fish, the best of
which is trout. Carps weighing ten or twelve pounds
are sold at only one escalin. Since the latter fish smells
only of the mud, it is generally the negroes who buy
them. Salt meats sell there at one escalin per pound.
The best salt meat is made from the wild cattle which
are called Illinois cattle.^^ It must be confessed that that
flesh is excellent to the taste. All vegetables, whether
dry or green, sell only for an exorbitant price there.
Eating oil and fat are sometimes very scarce there.
Were it not for the savages living near Louisiana and
who bring in their pirogues bear's fat, called bear's oil,
that product would be priceless."
Some hundreds of savages with their wives and chil-
dren live on the outskirts of New Orleans, and live apart
in the huts which they have constructed on the vacant
82 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
des terreins vaquans. ces hommes ne travaillent jamais,
ils vont continuelement a la chasse. ils tuent avec beau-
coup d'adresse le gibier qu'ils vcndent tres bien. ceux
d'cntrc cux qui n'ont point dc fusils, sc servent d'un jonc
dans le quel ils mettent de petites pierres ou des pois
ronds, et en soufflant dedans ils atteignent si bien les
lapins qu'ils les tuent avec autant d'adresse que s'ils
se servaient d'un fusil, leur femmes vont de leur cote
dans les forets ramasser du bois qu'elles apportent en
ville. elle en vendent encore par jour pour trente six a
quarente Sols, elle s'occupent encore a f aire des paniers
en jonc qu'elles vendent tres bien.
Ces Sauvages n'ont jamais de souci ny de chagrin ; ils
aiment beaucoup le tafia et la danse. ils jouissent par-
ticulierement de la protection du gouvernement qui leur
fait tous les ans des presens qui consistent dans des pieces
de draps, des couvertures en laine dont ils s'enveloppent
le corps, des fusils, de la poudre et du plom. ils vont
toujours nuds tcte. its ont de superbes et gros cheveux
noirs qu'ils rougissent, et qui leur tombent jusques aux
talons, ils sy attachent des plumes de diverses couleurs.
ils se font des incisions a la figure et a I'estomach qu'ils
rougissent egalement. ils portent au bout du nez et aux
oreilles des pandeloeres, et au con des colliers dont les
perles sont aussi de differentes couleurs. ils n'ont a
proprement parler aucune religion, ils ne sont point
medians, et jamais ils n'attaquent personne. cependant
les habitans se me [for ne] fient d'eux, parcequ'ils pren-
nent ce qu'ils trouvent, quand on ne prend point garde
a eux. souvent c'est la faim qui les contraint a voler.
ah I si ces hommes travaillaient, ils soutiendraient leur
families, mais ils regardent comme indignes de vivre
ceux d'entre eux qui travailleraient. cela est si vrai,
c'est quun habitant ayant un jour rencontre un de leur
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 83
lands. Those men never work, but are continually at
the chase. They kill game with great dexterity, and sell
it for excellent prices. Those among them who have
no guns, make use of a reed in which they place small
pebbles or round peas, and by blowing through the reed,
they strike rabbits so well that they kill them with as
great skill as if they were using guns." On their side,
the women go into the forests to gather wood, which they
carry into the city. They still sell the wood per day for
thirty-six or forty sols. They also busy themselves in
making reed baskets which they sell at good prices.
Those savages have no care or troubles ; and greatly
love taffia and dancing. They especially enjoy the pro-
tection of the government which makes them annual
presents, consisting of pieces of cloth, woolen blankets
which they wrap around their foodies, guns, powder, and
lead. They always go bareheaded. They have magni-
ficent long black hair which they color red and which
falls almost to their heels. To their hair they fasten
feathers of various colors. They make cuts on the face
and the stomach which they also color red. They wear
pendants {^pandeloeres for pendeloques?'] at the end of
the nose and in the ears, and collars about the neck, the
pearls of which are also of various colors. Properly
speaking they have no religion. They are not at all
evilly inclined, and never attack anyone. Nevertheless
the inhabitants never trust them because they take what-
ever they find when one is not watching them. It is
often hunger which constrains them to steal. Ah I if
those men would only work, they could support their
families. But they think those among them who would
work as unworthy. That is so true that one day an in-
habitant having found one of their children alone.
84 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
enfans, seul. 11 le prist par la main, et il le conduisit
dans son domainc, ou il y est restc une dixaine d'annees
a se fortifier au travail.
Cct enfant f ut rencontre un jour par une douzaine de
sauvages qui le reconnurent a sa couleur, et qui apres lui
avoir demande, pourquoi il etait vetu, et ou il demeurait,
enfin ce qu'il fesait; sur sa reponse, ils le mirent a mort.
quoique bien des gens a la nouvel Orleans considerent
ces hommes comme les plus heureux sur la terre; pour
moi je dis quails sont fort a plaindre. et que s'ils culti-
vaient et def richaient le bon sol qu'ils habitent, ils joui-
raient enfin des douceurs de la vie qu'ils n'ont jamais
connu.
Le commerce des bois serait tres avantageux pour
cetui qui en ferait son etat. le bois quoique tres com-
mun et tres facile a conduire, se vend quatre piastres la
corde; ce sont, comme je Vzi deja observe, les propri-
etaires des habitations qui avoisinent le fleuve qui en f our-
nissent les habitans de la ville qui en manquent souvent.
il y a beaucoup d'ouvriers de toute espece a la nouvel
Orleans, tous les hommes de couleur ou negres libres font
apprendre des metiers a leurs gargons et [de: crossed
out in original] donner une education particuliere
a leur filles qu'ils marient rarement. Lorsqu'elles at-
teignent treize a quatorze ans, leur mere les placent
ordinairement avec des blancs qui ont pour elles beau-
coup plus regards dans leur menage, qu'ils n'en auraient
pour leur femme legitime, aussi les dammes ont elle
pour ces sortes de f emmes le pips grand mepris et la plus
grande aversion.
ces femmes inspirent tellement la volupte par leur
maintien leur gestes et leur vetemens, qui plusieures
personnes tres fortunees, se sont ruinees pour leur plaire.
il est bon de remarquer que quand elle s'appercoivent
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 85
took him by the hand and led him to his house, where
he remained for ten years strengthening himself with
toil.
One day that youth was met by a dozen savages, who
recognized him by his color and who after having asked
why he was clothed and where he lived, and finally what
he did, at his answer put him to death.
Although many of the people of New Orleans con-
sider those men as the happiest in the world, I maintain
that they are greatly to be pitied, and that if they were
to cultivate and clear the good soil that they live on,
they would, in short, enjoy pleasures of life which they
have never known."
The wood trade would be very advantageous for him
who would engage in it. Wood, although very com-
mon, and very easy to bring in, sells for four piastres per
cord. It is, as I have already observed, the owners of
the plantations along the river who furnish with wood
the inhabitants of the city who often are in want of it.
There are many workmen of all kinds at New Or-
leans. All the men of color or free negroes ** make their
sons learn a trade, and give a special education to their
daughters whom they rarely marry off. When the girls
attain the age of thirteen or fourteen, their mothers
usually place them with white men, who have generally
much more regard for them in their domestic economy
than they do for their legitimate wives. However, the
[white] women show the greatest contempt and aversion
for that sort of women.
Those women inspire such lust through their bearing,
their gestures, and their dress, that many quite well-to-do
persons are ruined in pleasing them. It is worth noting
that when those women perceive that the men with
86 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
que ceux avec qui elle vivent, n'ont plus rien, elle les
quittent, les abandonnent et en prennent un autre,
cellcs d'entrc cUc qui font des enfans ont tres grand
Soin de les elever dans ces memes sentimens.
en considerant dc prcs avec attention et avec impar-
tialite L'enf ant de couleur, quand il est en etat de penser,
Ton decouvre en lui tant de vices qu'on ne peut S'empe-
cher de Ic rcgarder que comme le fruit d'un libertinage
outre, dans toutes les isles de I'amerique ou I'on trouve
en quantite de ces sortes d'hommes, leur education, leur
maniere d'agir, et leur sentiment Sont partout les memes.
en general tous ces etres ont un souverain mepris pour
leur mere surtout lors qu'elles sont noires.
il est un cxemplc f rappant arrive a St domingue qui
TeflF raie Tame, et qui merite pour Tinstruction generale
d'etre rapportc.
un proprietaire blanc vivait depuis tres long tems
avec sa negresse esclave. il avait eu d'elle plusieurs
enfans. peu de tems apres leur naissance, il leur don-
nait a chacun la liberte qu'il avait soin de faire ratifier
par le gouvernement. un jour qu'il rentrait chez lui ;
il fut instruit que cette negresse sa menagere accordait
pendant son absence des momens luxurieux a son voisin.
ce qui arrive assez souvent dans ces sortes de menage,
voulant absolument s'en venger, il chercha dans sa coeur
a lui infliger un chatiment. mais il n'en trouva pas un
plus grand que de la vendre. bientot il la fit annoncer
dans les papiers publics, un de ces enfans qui etait
menuisier, L'achepta. cette negresse charmee d'ap-
partenira son fils espere qu'elle jouira enfin de sa liberte,
et que son fils aura pour elle les egards et le respect que
les enfans doivent avoir pour les autheurs de leurs jours,
mais un interet atroce ayant domine le coeur de son
enfant, il foula aux pieds les droits de la nature, ne vo-
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 87
whom they live have nothing more, they desert and
abandon them, and take up with another [white] man.
Those among them who have children, are very careful
to rear them in the same sentiments.
If one study closely and impartially the child of color
when the latter is old enough to think, he discovers in
him so many vices that he can not help from regarding
him as the fruit of the worst libertinage. In all the
American islands, where many of that sort of men are
to be found, their education, their manner of acting,
and their sentiments are everywhere the same. In gen-
eral all those creatures have a sovereign contempt for
their mothers, especially when the latter are black.
A striking illustration occurred in San Domingo,
which horrifies the soul, and which merits being told
for general instruction.
A white proprietor had been living for a very long
time with his negress slave, and had had several children
by her. Shortly after the birth of each child he had
given him his liberty, which he had been careful to have
certified by the government. One day as he entered his
house, he learned that that negress, his housekeeper,
was granting during his absence luxurious moments to
his neighbor- a thing that occurs very frequently in
this kind of household. Desiring to be thoroughly re-
venged, he sought in his heart how he might punish her,
but found no punishment greater than to sell her. Soon
he had the sale announced in the public papers. One of
those children who was a carpenter bought her. That
negress, delighted at belonging to her son, was in hopes
that she would finally enjoy her liberty, and that her son
would have for her the regard and respect that children
owe the authors of their being. But a frightful self-
interest having dominated the heart of her son, he tram-
pled under foot the rights of nature. Seeing in his
J
88 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
yant dans sa mere que son esclave, il lui ordonna de
travailler, mais ellc s'y refusa, en lui reprochant sa situ-
ation et son age. aussitot la rage s'empara de ce monstre.
il fut prendre sa mere par un de ces esclaves, car deja
it en avait quatre. il la fit attacher sur un echel par les
quatre memfores et il lui fit donner cinquante coups de
fouet sur le derriere. le sang de cette infortunee mere
ruisselant de tout cote, ne pouvant survivre a un tel
affront, a un tel malheur, elle rentra de suite dans sa
case, s'attacha une corde au cot, et elle se pendit.
toutes les mulatresses sans en excepter pent etre une
seule, soit a la Louysiane, soit ailleurs, ont egalement
un Souverain mepris pour les negresses leur meres.
quoique ce tableau dechire Tame sensible, il est cepen-
dant tres necessaire que je rapporte cet forfait inoui
afin de faire connaitre a tous ceux qui ont plaints a St
domingue cette caste, Lorsque les blancs et les noirs les
ont mis en grande partie a mort, ils meritaient en quel-
que f agon ce chatiment terrible.
il est prouvc que tous les proprietaires de couleur,
Lors de leur insurrection, ne la faisaient que pour eux,
et qu'ils se sont toujours oppose a la liberte generalle.
s^ils avaient bien senti que leur sort politique etait lie
a celui des noirs, ils n'auraient pas commis tant d'erreur.
et toussaint L'ouverture pendant son consutat ne leur
aurait pas fait une guerre d'extermination. tous les
amis de la liberte et de I'egalite ennemis des meurtres
et des assasiriats ont consideres la conduite de L'ouver-
ture quoi qu'atroce, comme fondee; parceque tant chef
des noirs, il avait a venger sa caste si outragee sous
I'ancien regime et meme sous le nouveau, par les hommes
de couleur. si ces derniers avaient des le commence-
ment de I'insurrection de St. domingue execute leur
plan infernal contre les blancs Leur pere, jamais la
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS \|9
mother only his stave, he ordered her to work. But she
refused, reproaching him because of her situation and
her age. That monster immediately flew into a rage.
He ordered his mother to be seized by one of his slaves,
for already he had four slaves, and had her fastened to
a ladder by her four members, and had fifty strokes of
the lash applied to her back. The blood of that unhappy
mother was scattered on all sides. Unable to survive
such an insult and such a misfortune, she immediately
entered her cabin, fastened a cord about her neck, and
hanged herself.
Alt mulatto women, not excepting perhaps a single
one, whether in Louisiana or elsewhere, have alike a
sovereign contempt for their negro mothers. Although
this picture tears the sensitive soul, yet it is very neces-
sary for me to recount that unheard-of crime, in order
that all those who have pitied that caste in San Domingo
may recognize that although the Whites and the blacks
have in great part put them to death, they merited that
terrible punishment in some degree.
It has been proven that all the proprietors of color,
at the time of their insurrection, only engaged in it for
themselves, and that they are always opposed to general
liberty. Had they fully perceived that their political
lot was bound up with that of the blacks, they would not
have committed so great an error, and Toussaint TOu-
verture, would not have waged a war of extermination
on them during his consulate. All friends of liberty and
equality, hostile to murders and assassinations, have con-
sidered the conduct of I'Ouverture, although atrocious,
as well founded; for as leader of the blacks he had to
avenge his caste so greatly outraged under the ancient
regime and even under the new by the men of color.
Had these last from the beginning of the insurrection
of San Domingo executed their infernal plan against
90 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
liberie n'aurait existe a St domingue. Si I'aristocrate
Rigaud eust vaincu toussaint louverture, lors que ce
dernier, en marchant contre lui, La contraint d'abandon-
ner la colonie, les noirs seraient aujourdhuy dans
I'esclavage. si les generaux le clerc et rochambaud au
lieu de fusiltes, noyer, faire devorer par des chiens les
hommes noirs, les eussent acceuillis favorablement,
c'etait encore fait de leur Libertc; dans quelques an-
nees ils auraient essuye un plus dur esclavage qu^autre-
fois. mais aujourdhuy le gouvernement f rangais et les
proprietaires de St domingue doivent revenir de leur
erreur. heureux pour le commerce francais si ces
hommes noirs que ont tant souffert pour leur liberte,
veulent bien regevoir un jour un agent de ce meme
gouvernement qui a tout fait pour les anneantir. cette
affaire est fort douteuse. au reste le terns nous I'ap-
prendra.
Le prix ordinaire des journces des ouvriers ou ouvri-
eres est de quatre scalins. relativement au prix des
loyers de maison et de toutes les denrees en general, il
en est fort peu qui soient a leur aise. si les peres et
meres qui ont de nombreuses families a nourir et a en-
tretenir, au lieu de donner des metiers a leurs enfans,
en faisaient des cultivateurs, et qu'ils se fissent conceder
par le gouvernement qui n'en refuse a personne, des
terres; lorsque ces peres de famille sont dans un age
avance, ils ne seraient pas reduits a une extreme misere,
et le plus souvent a charge a leurs enfants qui leur font
eprouver chaque jour des chagrins qui affoiblissent leur
sante, etqui les conduit vingt ans plutot dans la tombe.
La commerce est dans une Stagnation qui epouvante
le marchand. tous les petits detaillans ne vendent pres-
que rien dans la semaine. beaucoup d'entre eux pour
vivre et pour payer leur loyer qui echoit tous les mois,
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 91
the whites, their fathers, liberty would never have ex-
isted in San Domingo. Had the aristocrat Rigaud"
conquered Toussaint I'Ouverture," when the latter
marched against him and compelled him to abandon
the colony, the blacks would today be slaves. Had Gen-
erals Leclerc" and Rochambaud,*® instead of shooting
and drowning the blacks, and having them devoured by
dogs, received them favorably, their liberty would also
have been at an end. Within a few years they would
have suffered a more grievous slavery than before.*^
But today the French government and the proprietors
of San Domingo must retrieve their error. It would be
fortunate for French trade if the blacks, who have en-
dured so much for their liberty, would one day give a
good reception to an agent of that same government
which has done everything to annihilate them. That is
very doubtful. For the rest time will show us.
The ordinary day wage for men or women workers is
four escalins." Relatively to the price of house rent
and of all products in general, there are very few who
live in comfort. If the fathers and mothers who have
large families to feed and support, would make planters
of their children instead of giving them trades, and if
they would have lands granted to them by the govern-
ment which refuses them to no person, those heads of
families, when they reach an advanced age, would not
be reduced to an extreme poverty and most often to be-
coming a burden on their children, who make them
daily experience troubles that enfeeble their health and
which carry them to the tomb twenty years too soon.
Trade is in a state of stagnation which terrifies the
merchant. All the small retailers sell scarcely anything
during the week. Many of them, in order to live and to
pay their rent, which falls due monthly, according to
92 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
c'est un usage adopte, sont obliges, d'exposer leur mar-
chandise a la vente publique.
Les toiles, les draps, les chapeaux, et la bijouterie sont
d'un tiers a meilleur marche qu'en france. les maga-
sins en sont remplis. il est aujourdhuy clairement
demontre que la nouvel Orleans est approvisionnee en
marchandises seches pour plus de cinq ans, quand meme
il y aurait un tiers de consommateurs de plus.
Les armateurs de france qui y ont envoye depuis un
an des marchandises, ont eprouve de grandes pertes.
si ce n'etait le retour des denrees que les capitaines y
acheptent a tres bon marche, il serait impossible qu'ils
pussent y f aire un second voyage.
en Janvier, f evrier, et mars dix huit cent trois, le coton
tout embale ne s'y vendait que quinze a seize piastres le
cent, pendant qu'en france a la meme epoque, il s^
vendait quarente cinq. Tindigo et les pelletries y sont
a tres bas prix. aussi les capitaines en acheptent beau-
coup et dedomagent par la les armateurs des pertes
qu'ils ont eprouve dans la vente de leurs marchandises.
une ordonnance de Tavant dernier gouverneur, d'ap-
res les deux incendies qui sont arrives a la nouvel Orleans,
avait fait deffense aux proprietaires de ne plus a I'avenir
construire. et couvrir les maisons en bois. cette ordon-
nance sage, quoique fondee sur I'interet general et parti-
culier, n'a point eiie son execution depuis son depart.
Ce dernier gouverneur ou pour mieux dire son conseil
n'y a point tenu la main, au contraire il souffre les pro-
prietaires poser devant leur porte des escaliers postiches,
ce qui diminue les trotojrs de plus de moitie qui sont si
utils pour le passage, attendu que dans le tems des pluies,
il est impossible aux habitans de marcher dans les rues,
cependant ce terrein occupe par les proprietaires des
maisons ne leur appartient point, il est de toute justice
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 93
the custom adopted, are forced to expose their goods at
public sale.
Linens, cloths, hats, and jewelry are to be bought one-
third cheaper than in France. The stores are full of
them. It is today clearly evident that New Orleans is
supplied with dry-goods for more than five years, even
were there a third more consumers.
The exporters of France who have sent merchandise
during the last year have experienced great losses. Were
it not for the return of the products which the captains
buy there at excellent bargains, it would be impossible
for them to make a second voyage there.
In January, February, and March, of eighteen hun-
dred and three, cotton all baled sold there for only fif-
teen or sixteen piastres per hundred, while in France at
the same time, it sold for forty-five. Indigo and pelts
are very cheap there. Therefore, the captains bought
many of them and recouped the exporters for the losses
which they have experienced in the sale of their goods."
An ordinance issued by the governor before the last
one, after the occurrence of two fires at New Orleans,
had forbidden proprietors longer to construct and roof
their houses with wood. That sage order, although
founded on general and private interest, has not been
obeyed since his departure.
This last governor, or to speak better his council, has
not in any way held command. On the contrary, he al-
lows proprietors to place outside stairways before their
doors. That diminishes the width of the sidewalks by
more than half, and they are so useful for passage, for
in the rainy season it is impossible for the inhabitants to
walk in the streets. Nevertheless that land occupied by
the proprietors of the houses does not belong to them.
94 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
que le gouvernement d'aujourd'huy reprime la cupidite
des proprietaires, en leur faisant oter leurs escaliers
postiches.
Les fortifications et les palisades qui entourent la ville,
ainsi que les trois portes d'entrees connues sous les noms
de la porte de f ranee, du baioux, et du petit colas ou St
Louis tombcnt aujourd'huy en ruine. les soldats effe-
mines qui les gardent, n'empecheraient pas d'y entrer six
cents hommes bien aggueris. il n'y a proprement par-
ler qu'un seul fauxbourg. il est situe, en remontant le
fleuve, au bout de la ville. il n'est separe d'elle que par
des pieux et par un fort en mauvais etat. c'est en passant
par le porte St Louis, qu'on y arrive, les belles maisons
qui donnent sur le fleuve appartiennent soit a de riches
habitans de la campagne, soit aux plus riches negocians
de la ville. elle servent d'entrepot pour les denrees et
marchandises. Tenceinte de ce fauxbourg est pres-
qu'aussi grand que celui de la ville. le commerce de
ses habitans etant un commerce interloppe, il devient
tres considerable en pelletries, en farines, en cotons, en
Sucre, en indigo en jambons et en viandes salees, et dans
une quantite prodigieuse de marchandises de toute es-
pece. toutes les denrees proviennent de I'empire de la
Louysiane et de la province du Natchee. toutes ces
marchandises proviennent tant des etats unis de Tame-
rique que Teurope.
L'on compte deja dans ce fauxbourg plus de deux a
trois cents feux. ses rues sont tres larges et tres bien
alignees. Ton y voit au centre une superbe y grande
place destinee a y etablir un marche. il y a tout lieu de
croire que dans quelques annees, actuelement que la
Louysiane appartient aux etats unis de I'amerique, I'on
y comptera autant de population et de maisons que dans
la ville. dailleurs I'observateur remarque que ceux qui
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 95
It is justifiable on all sides for the present government
to check the greed of the proprietors by making them
remove those outside stairways.
The fortifications and palisades which surround the
city, as well as the three gates of entrance, known under
the names of the gate of France, the Bayou [gate] and
the Petit Colas or [gate of] St. Louis, are to-day falling
into ruins.'* The effeminate soldiers who guard them
could not prevent six hundred well seasoned men from
entering the city. Properly speaking there is but one
suburb. It is located up stream at the extremity of the
city. It is separated from it only by stakes and by a fort
in poor condition. It is reached by passing the gate
St. Louis. The beautiful houses which give on the river
belong either to the rich inhabitants of the country or to
the richest merchants of the city. They are used as
depots for products and goods. The circumference of
that suburb is almost as great as that of the city. The
trade of its inhabitants, although a surreptitious trade,
is coming to be very considerable in pelts, flour, cotton,
sugar, indigo, hams, and salt meats, and in a vast quan-
tity of merchandise of all kinds. All the products pro-
ceed from the empire of Louisiana and the province of
Natchez. All those kinds of merchandise come both
from the United States of America and from Europe."
It is reckoned that there are already two or three thou-
sand houses in that suburb. Its streets are very wide and
excellently laid out. In the center is seen a magnificent
large place where it is purposed to establish a market.
There is every reason to believe that within a few years,
when Louisiana really belongs to the United States of
America, as large a population and as many houses
will be seen as in the city. Besides, the observer will
96 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol.
y demeurent, y jouissent d'une bonne sante et que Tair
y est tres bon et tres sain.
en sortant par la porte de f ranee et apres avoir cotoye
une demie lieue les jolies et agreables maisons de cam-
pagne, ainsi que les belles sucreries qui sont sur les bords
du fleuve; I'on trouve une route qui conduit a la terre
aux boeufs distante de la ville d'environ cinq lieues.
cette commune est tres entendue et bien peuplee. elle est
le siege commandant de quartier et d'un cure dont les re-
venus sont au moins de dix mille francs par an. la terre de
cette commune est haute, bonne et d'un tres grand rap-
port, tout ce que les proprietaires y plantent, y vient tres
bien. quoiquUls n'aient pas assez de bras pour cultiver
leur terre ; cependant avec peu de force, ils recoltent de
fort bon sucre, de Tindigo, du coton, du mahi beaucoup
de feves et d'aricots. c'est avec leur superbe basse coure
qu'ils approvisionnent les marches de la ville de boeur
qu'ils vendent jusqu'a cinquante Sols la livre, d'oeuf s, de
volailles, de cochons et de legumes, on peut assurer
que Sans le Secours de ces braves gens que Ton peut
considerer comme les meilleurs cultivateurs du pays,
les habitans de la ville manqueraient de beaucoup de
choses.
Comme cette vaste paroisse tient a des forets im-
menses dans les quelles on ne trouve ny chemins ni habi-
tations; il faut absolument que le voyageur qui veut
avoir une connoissance parfaite de la Louysiane,
rcvienne sur ces pas a la nouvel Orleans, et qu'il sorte
par la porte du baioux, ou il trouve a cent pas plus loin
quelques maisons de campagne, plusieures thuileries et
briqueries, un grande hospice destine aux lepreux dans
lequel, ils s'en trouvent une quarentaine, eloigne d'en-
viron trois cents pas du grand chemin qui conduit au
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 97
remark that those who live there, enjoy good health,
and that the air there is very good and healthful.
As one leaves by the gate of France, and after he has
passed for a half league those handsome and pleasant
country houses, as well as those beautiful sugar planta-
tions located along the banks of the river, he passes a
road which leads to the Terre aux Boeuf s," distant about
five leagues from the city. That community is very ex-
tensive and well populated. It is the seat of a district
commandant [^commandant du quartier] and of a cur-
acy, the revenues of which are at least ten thousand
francs per year. The land of that community is high,
excellent, and of very great productiveness. Every-
thing planted there by the proprietors thrives very well.
Although they have insufficient hands to cultivate their
land, yet with very few people they harvest excellent
sugar, indigo, cotton, maize, and many kidney beans and
common beans. From their splendid farmyards, they
furnish the markets of the city with butter, which is sold
at fifty sols per pound, eggs, fowls, hogs, and vegetables.
It may be asserted that without the aid of those fine
people, who may be considered the best planters in the
country, the inhabitants of the city would lack many
things.
Since that vast parish contains immense forests, in
which are found neither roads nor habitations, it is ab-
solutely necessary for the traveler who desires to have
a perfect knowledge of Louisiana to retrace his steps to
New Orleans, and to go out by the gate of the Bayou.
A hundred paces from that gate he will find some coun-
try houses, several tile and brick yards, a large hospice
for lepers, containing about two score lepers, distant
about three hundred paces from the main road leading
98 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
petit port du grand baioux eloigne de trois quarts de
lieu de la ville, ou Ton voit dans sa rade quelques bati-
mens marchands, et un pont de hois que Ton ouvre,
quand les capitaines de ces batimens veulent au moyen
du canal les conduire jusqu'a la nouvel Orleans.
il y a dans cet endroit charmant des sales de danse,
des caffes et des billards. plusieures personnes des deux
sexes de la ville s'y rendent, quand le chemin est prac-
ticable, les plaisirs que les jeunes personnes s^y pro-
curenty attirent beaucoup de monde. comme cet en-
droit ne craint point le debordement des eaux plusieurs
habitans se plaisent beaucoup mieux dans ce charmant
lieu que sur les bords du missisipi, ou les riverains crai-
gnent a chaque instant d'etre submerge.
maintenant que j'ai fait un rapport vrai et juste de ce
que j'ai vu et examine scrupuleusement depuis la balise
jusques a la nouvel Orleans, son fauxbourg et ses alen-
tourSy je vais a present dans ma seconde partie parler des
differens quartiers et des differentes provinces qui
forment Tempire de la Louysiane, de la culture, des
productions, du commerce de ses habitans, de leur mani-
ere de vivre, de leur mines, des differens oiseaux et ani-
maux que Ton y trouve, et enfin des nations sauvages
qui sont les voisins et les amis des habitans de la Louy-
siane, de leur relations commerciales, et de leur religion.
Fin de la premiere partie
one] PAUL ALLIOTS REFLECTIONS 99
to the small port of the Grand Bayou,*^ which is about
three quarters of a league from the city. In the road-
stead of that port are seen some merchantmen, and a
wooden bridge which is opened when the captains of
those vessels wish to take them by means of the canal
to New Orleans.
That place has charming dance hails, cafes, and bil-
liard parlors. Many persons of both sexes go thither
when the roads are practicable. The pleasures pro-
cured there by the young folks attract many people.
Since the overflow of the waters is not feared in that
place, many inhabitants are better pleased in that charm-
ing place than along the shores of the Mississippi, where
the river dwellers fear to be submerged at any moment.
Now that I have made a true and exact report of
what I have seen and examined scrupulously, from Bal-
ize to New Orleans, its suburbs and surroundings, I
shall proceed to speak in my second part of the various
quarters and provinces, which make up the empire of
Louisiana; of the agriculture, products, trade of its in-
habitants, their manner of living, their mines, their sev-
eral birds and animals found there; and finally of the
savage nations who are the neighbors and friends of the
inhabitants of Louisiana, and of their commercial rela-
tions, and their religion.
End of the first part
Suite des reflexions historiques et politiques
sur la Louysiane
Seconde partie
en sortant du port du grand baioux, et apres avoir
descendu la riviere sur les bords de la quelle, on ny voit
aucune habitation, et dont les eaux se perdent a deux
lieues plus loin dans le lac; on trouve sur ses rives
plusieures maisons de cultivateurs qui ocupent leurs
esclaves a faire du godron et de la braie ainsi que du
charbon qu'ils vendent tres bien. les negres qu'ils em-
ploient a ce travail, leurs rapportent chaque annee
quinze cent francs ou trois cents piastres par tete. les
forets dans les quelles ces marchandises se fabriquent
sont remplies de toutes les simples que Ton trouve en
europe. la seguine et la sasefras que Ton arrache du
Sein de la terre, sont emploies avec succes dans les ma-
ladies critiques si communes a la nouvelle Orleans, quoi-
que les terres y soient bonnes et quelle soient egalement
propres a produire toutes les denrees que I'on recolte
a la Louysiane, les habitans de ce quartier s'en tiennent
a leur fabrique. ils nourissent beaucoup de vaches et
ils font de leur lait d'assez bons f romages qu'ils portent
vendre a la ville. ils elevent des cochons et des volailles
en quantite. ils trouvent dans les bois des chevreuils et
du gibier de toute espece. ils pechent dans le lac beau-
coup de poisson quUls vendent a la ville. on pent assu-
rer que ces habitans, sans etre riches, ne manquent de
III f '* 5
• •
u •
• ••
• •
•- • • •
• • •
• • "
• • •
.•V
:• • •
•«• •
Continuation of the historical and political • .y:\
reflections on Louisiana
Second part
As one leaves the port of the Grand Bayou, and after
having descended the river, on whose banks no habita-
tions are to be seen, and whose waters lose themselves in
the lake two leagues farther on, he finds along its banks
many houses of planters who occupy their slaves in mak-
ing pitch and resin as well as charcoal which they sell
at a good price. The negroes whom they employ at that
work bring them in annually fifteen hundred francs or
three hundred piastres apiece. The forests where those
products are made are full of all the simples which are
found in Europe. The seguine and sassafras which are
taken from the bosogi of the earth, are employed with
success in the critical diseases so common to New Or-
leans. Although the lands there are good and as suit-
able for the production of all the products which are
raised in Louisiana the inhabitants of that quarter hoid
to their manufactures. They rear many cows, from the
milk of which they make excellent cheese which they
take into the city to sell. They raise hogs and fowls in
quantity. In the woods are found deer and game of all
kinds. They catch many fish in the lake which they sell
in the city. It may be asserted that those inhabitants,
while not rich, lack for nothing, and live very happily.
• • •
• • •
•_ •
• •
102 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
- ■ ■ ' V ■
• • •
rien, et viveiit f tf rt heureux s'ils avaient plus d'ouvriers,
ils feraien*;prdmptemcnt fortune, peu d'entre eux sont
maries.-..'l*aisancc qu'ils ont pour se procurer des femmes
de ccf.ufeur, les determinent a n'en point prendre de
legitimes, il n'y a point en cet endroit d'eglises et de
Cttti. il y a lieu de croire que sous le gouvernement
'--. americain qui ne salarie aucun ministre, il ne s'y en
••.;•., •''etablira jamais.
Les voyageurs qui ont envie dialler par terre au mex-
ique eloigne de la nouvelle Orleans de cinq cents lieues,
y trouvent de I'autre bord du lac une route assez com-
mode pour ne point s'egarer. apres avoir marche cent
cinquante lieues, ils arrivent chez les chapta, nation
sauvage et assez nombreuse en population, chez qui ils
sont bien regus. comme sur la route ils se trouvent
plusieurs vilages habites par differentes autres nations
qui sont egalement les amis des voyageurs ils ne sont
point en peine pour se procurer ce dont ils ont besoin
pour leur vie et meme pour tous autres secours. ces
enfans de la nature leur donnent des guides, et les met-
tent a Tabri de toutes insultes. ils ne reconnaissent
d'autre divinite que le soleil. leur scule et unique oc-
cupation est la chasse. les trauvaux de Tagriculture
sont faits par leur femmes. ce sont elle qui pourvoient
a la nouriture de leur famille. ces differentes nations
portent leur pelletries a la nouvel Orleans qu'ils vendent
indistinctement a ceux qui en font le commerce, ils
sont aujourd'huy bien plus civilises qu'ils ne I'etaient
il y a vingt ans. ils vivent les uns et les autres avec
beaucoup plus d'union qu'autrefois.
Les sauvages qui avoisinent le mexique envoient tous
les ans des deputes qu'ils choisissent entre eux aupres
du viceroi qui leur fait des presens, et qui regoit d'eux
le serment d'etre pour toujours les amis des espagnols,
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 103
If they had more hands, they would quickly make their
fortunes. Few among them are married. The ease with
which they procure women of color determine them not
to take legitimate wives. There is no church nor any
priest in that place. It is to be believed that under the
American government which never pays a salary to any
minister, one will never be established.
Travelers who desire to go overland to Mexico, which
is about five hundred leagues from New Orleans, find
there on the other side of the lake a very comfortable
road from which they will not go astray." After having
made five hundred leagues, they reach the Choctaws, a
savage and very populous nation, by whom they will be
well received. Since they will come across many vil-
lages along the route inhabited by various other nations,
who are also friendly to travelers, they will have no
trouble in procuring what they need to sustain life, and
even other aid. Those children of nature will furnish
them with guides, and will shelter them from all out-
rages. They recognize no other divinity than the sun.
Their only one occupation is the chase. Agricultural
labor is performed by their women, and the latter pro-
vide the food for the family. Those several nations
carry their pelts to New Orleans and sell them indis-
criminately to those who trade in them. They are now
much more civilized than they were twenty years ago,
and live in much greater harmony with one another
than formerly.
The savages living near Mexico send annually depu-
ties chosen from among them to the viceroy who makes
them presents and receives from them the oath to always
maintain friendship with the Spaniards, to defend them,
I04 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
de les deffendre, de les proteger et de les secourir, en cas
de besoin. ceux qui avoisinent la Louysiane en font
autant aupres du gouverneur ou de part et d'autre le
traite est pleinement execute.
Les agens du Roi d'Espagne en se conduisant ainsi
envers le peuple sauvage, mettent a Tabri de toute de-
vastation les proprietes des habitans de la campagne,
ainsi que leur personne. ils tiennent ce traite sage et
politique des agens du roi de f ranee, lorsque la Louysiane
lui appartenait.
Le Gouvernement francais en se conduisant ainsi
envers les sauvages avait bien sgu apprecier leur forces,
leur adresse, leur courage et leur population, vingt
fois le gouvernement Espagnol a voulu enfreindre le
traite qui lie ces nations ; vingt fois il a ete vaincu ; et
les proprietaires eloignes de la nouvelle Orleans ont est
pille, devaste et assasine. malheur a un Espagnol qui
insulterait un sauvage ; le gouvernement le punirait avec
la derniere severite comme aussi si un Sauvage insultait
un Espagnol, sa nation en ferait desuite justice, voila
la force du traite fait entre eux et le Gouvernement
espagnol, qui assure la tranquillite et la prosperite des
habitans de la Louysiane. On peut affirmer que sans
cette convention, les espagnols auraient ete contraints
d'abandonner cet empire.
apres avoir traverse le lac qui peut avoir quinze lieus
de long on entre dans la riviere du Rivolai. on n'y
trouve a droite et a gauche aucune habitation, les for-
ets immenses qui couvrent Ses bords sont remplies
d'cau.
Apres avoir navige une douzaine de lieues dans cette
riviere, on entre ensuite dans la mer du nord qu'on est
oblige de cotoycr pendant vingt lieues. apres ce trajet
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 105
to protect them, and to aid them in case of need. Those
who live near Louisiana pursue the same course toward
the governor, where on each side the treaty is fully ex-
ecuted"
The agents of the king of Spain by this conduct to-
ward the savage peoples, keep the property of the in-
habitants of the country, as well as their persons, safe
from all harm. They got this wise and politic method
of treatment from the agents of the king of France, when
Louisiana belonged to the latter.
The French government by this conduct toward the
savages, learned thoroughly to appreciate their forces,
their skill, their courage, and their population. A score
of times has the Spanish government tried to violate the
treaty which binds those nations. A score of times has
it been conquered ; and the proprietors living far away
from New Orleans have been pillaged, devastated, and
murdered. Ill betide the Spaniard who would insult a
savage 1 The government would punish him with the
utmost rigor. In the same way if a savage insulted a
Spaniard, the former's nation would immediately do jus-
tice on him. Such is the force of the treaty made be-
tween the savages and the Spanish government, which
assures the tranquility and prosperity of the inhabitants
of Louisiana. It may be asserted that were it not for
that treaty, the Spaniards would have been forced to
abandon that empire.
After crossing the lake,^® which is about fifteen
leagues long, one enters the river of Rivolai." No hab-
itations are found on either its right or left bank, and the
immense forests which cover its edges are full of water.
After traveling a dozen leagues by that river, the
traveler comes out into the sea of the north," the shore
of which must be coasted along for twenty leagues. That
io6 LOUISIANA, 1 785-1 807 [Vol.
on entre dans la riviere de la moville, ou on trouve des
son embouchure un fort commande par un officier et
quarente soldats ; un bourg ou demeure environ soixante
habitans qui s'occupent avec leurs esclaves a faire du
godron, de la braie et du charbon ; a planter beaucoup
de vivres, un cure un eglise et un commandant, ces
habitans font le commerce des pelletries. leur femme
elevent beaucoup de volailles et de cochons. ils ont
des troupeaux de vaches avec les quelles ils font du
boeur et du fromage. leur maniere de vivre est a peu
pres la meme que celle de ceux des bords du lac.
en sortant de la moville, on entre dans la mer qui est
remplie de petites isles, deux seulement sont habitees
par des pecheurs.
apres avoir navige environ huit lieues, on decouvre
dans une ance au bord de la mer la petite jolie ville de
pensacole. ses rues sont tres bien entretenues, et on ne
voit point comme a la nouvel Orleans des trous remplis
d'une eau infecte et pourie. sa population est de mil
ames. il y a deux forts sont en bon etat et bien garnis
de canons, ils sont gardes par un commandant et trois
cents soldats.
La ville de pensacole est la siege d'un gouverneur
d'un cure, et d'un magistrat, qui rend tres bien la justice
a ceux qui la reclament. on n'y voit point comme en
france d'avocats, de procureurs, et d'huissiers qui ron-
gent et detruisent la fortune des families, les parties
litigieuses se deflFendent elles meme. ce charmant lieu
est le sejour de la paix. le commerce de ses habitans si
considerable il y a vingt ans est tres peu de choses au-
jourdhuy. si ce n'etait une terre jaune que Ton prend en
cet endroit que des batimens transportent a la nouvel
Orleans qui par la beaute de sa couleur sert a enduire et
a decorer les maisons ; a peine voirait on dans Tannee dix
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 107
crossing finished, the traveler enters the river of Mobile,
at the mouth of which are found a fort under command
of an officer with forty soldiers, a hamlet or settlement
of about sixty inhabitants- who with their slaves are oc-
cupied in making pitch, resin, and charcoal, and in
planting many kinds of food -a priest, a church, and a
commandant. Those inhabitants trade in pelts. Their
women raise many fowls and hogs. They possess herds
of cattle, from whose milk they make butter and cheese.
Their manner of living is about the same as that of those
living on the shores of the lake.
On leaving Mobile," the traveler enters the sea which
is full of small islets, of which only two are inhabited by
fishermen.
After a voyage of about eight leagues, the traveler
discovers in a bay at the edge of the sea, the pretty little
city of Pensacola.^* Its streets are excellently kept up,
and holes filled with infectious and putrid water are not
to be seen as at New Orleans. It has a population of one
thousand souls. There are two forts in good condition
and well supplied with cannon. They are guarded by
a commandant and three hundred soldiers.
The city of Pensacola is the seat of a governor, a
priest, and a magistrate, the latter of whom renders
thorough justice to those who claim it. Lawyers, solic-
itors, and bailiffs, who gnaw and destroy the fortunes
of families are not to be seen there as in France. The
litigious parties defend themselves. That charming
place is the abode of peace. The trade of its inhabitants
so considerable twenty years ago, is very scant nowadays.
Were it not for a yellow earth, which is found in that
place, and which ships transport to New Orleans, which
is used to coat and decorate the houses because of the
beauty of its color, scarce ten ships a year would be seen
io8 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
batimens dans sa rade. les terres des environs de la
ville sont sabloneuses et ne produisent presque rien.
les vivres et les loyers de maison sont a tres bon marche.
I'air y est si bon et si sain que ses habitans ne sont presque
jamais malades et qu'ils vivent tres long terns, ils
n'eprouvent point de ces maladies enfantees par le lib-
ertinage. le mariage y est honore. on n'y trouve que
tres peu de gens de couleur. les medecins n'y font
point fortune, aussi il n'est pas rare d'y trouver des
viellards de quatre vingt a quatre vingt dix ans.
a quarante lieues plus loin en remontant la riviere des
apalaches, il est une petite ville batie sur ses bords por-
tante son nom ou sont construite environ deux cents
maisons dont une grande partie est occupee par des
marchands. il y a un fort garde par un commandant
et cent soldats. la terre de cette province est fort basse
et en partie couverte d'eau. ses habitans font peu de
culture et ils ne sement que ce dont ils ont absolument
besoin pour vivre. ils font un tres grand commerce
sur les pelletries avec les mascou leurs voisins, peuple
sauvage qui recoivent en exchange du tafia, des fusils,
de la poudre, du plom et autres marchandises a leurs
usages.
ces peuples sont bons et humains. ils recoivent les
voyageurs avec amitie. ils adorent le soleil qu'ils re-
gardent comme le seul dieu de I'univers. leur seul et
unique travail est la chasse. leur femmes labourent la
terre plantent et recoltent toutes les productions qui
servent a leur nouriture. en general chez tous les sau-
vages de I'amerique ce sont les femmes qui travaillent.
Les grandes forets qui avoisinent ses peuples n'etant
habitees que par des ourses, des tigres, des chevreuils,
des ecureuils, de fort beaux et rares oiseaux qu'on ap-
pelle pape, cardinal, eveque, parceque leur plumages
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 109
in its roadway. The lands about the city are sandy and
produce almost nothing. Food and rent are very cheap.
The air there is so good and so healthful that the in-
habitants are almost never sick and live to an advanced
age. They experience none of those maladies due to
libertinage. Marriage is honored there. Very few
people of color are found in that city. Physicians make
no fortune there, as it is by no means rare to find old
gentlemen of eighty or ninety.
Forty leagues farther, as one ascends the river Apa-
laches" is a small city built on the shores of the river
and bearing its name. About two hundred houses, a
great number of which are occupied by merchants, have
been built there. It has a fort guarded by a command-
ant and one hundred soldiers. The land of that prov-
ince is very low and partly covered with water. Its
inhabitants engage but little in agriculture and plant
only what they absolutely need for living. They have
a very heavy trade in pelts with the Mascou,^* their
neighbors, a savage nation who receive in exchange
taffia, guns, powder, lead, and other merchandise such
as they use.
Those people are good and humane. They receive
travelers in a friendly manner. They adore the sun
which they regard as the only god of the universe. Their
only one occupation is the chase. Their women culti-
vate the ground, and plant and harvest all the products
which they use as food. In general among all the sav-
ages of America, it is the women who do the work.
Since the great forests which surround those peoples
are inhabited only by bears, tigers, deer, squirrels, many
beautiful and rare birds, called pope, cardinal, and
bishop," because their plumages are the color of the
no LOUISIANA, 1 785-1 807 [Vol.
sont de la couleur des habits de ces princes de I'eglise
catholique. les voyageurs ne trouvant aucune route pour
parcourir ces forets immenses, sont obliges de revenir a
la nouvel Orleans, afin de pouvoir, en remontant le fleuve
jusques a la riviere de missouri qui est la limite et la fin
de la Louysiane donner une description juste de cet
empire.
en sortant de la nouvelle Orleans par la post St Louis
pour remonter le fleuve la premiere paroisse ou quartier
que I'on trouve est celle des glesets rouge, eloignee d'en-
viron six lieues, celle de la cote des allemands de neuf
lieues. celle de bonnet carret de seize lieues et celle de
Canterelle de vingt cinq, ces quatre communes sont
chacune un cure et un commandant elle sont assez peu-
plee. les habitans sont tres laborieux, fort sobres et
tres menages. peu d'entre eux sont maries. presque
tous vivent avec leurs esclaves ou des femmes de couleur.
ils cultivent tres bien leur terre. ils recoltent du sucre,
de I'indigo, du coton, du ri, du mahi et beaucoup de
legumes, les patates qu'ils retirent de la terre sont tres
bonnes, les melons quUls ceuillent sont tres bons et
d'un bon gout, ils ont un parfum exquis. Leur jar-
dins potagers sont remplis d'arbres a fruit qu'ils recol-
tent, des le mois de juillet. ils ne peuvent garder ces
fruits plus de trois mois. ils ne sont pas tres bons au
gout, les oranges qu'ils recoltent sont delicieuses. leur
basse coure est remplie de cochons, de vaches et de vo-
lailles de toute espece. si ces habitans avaient en leur
disposition plus de cultivateurs ils deviendrait en peu
de tems tres riches, ce qui est une verite incontestable,
c'est que dans ces campagnes il n'y existe pas un Seul
pauvre. au lieu que dans la ville il y en a beaucoup.
il faut esperer pour le bonbeur de Thumanite que le
gouvernement americain portera un remede salutaire a
un aussi grand mal.
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS in
habits of those princes of the Catholic Church ; and since
travelers do not find any road by which to go among
those vast forests: they are obliged to return to New
Orleans in order that they may be able by ascending to
the Missouri River- the boundary and end of Louis-
iana -to give an exact description of that empire.
As the traveler leaves New Orleans by the gate St
Louis, to ascend the river, the first parish or quarter
which he finds is that of Glesets Rouges/* about six
leagues away; that of the Cote des Allemands" nine
leagues away; that of Bonnet Carret,'® sixteen leagues;
and that of Canterelle," twenty-five. Each of those four
communities has a priest and a commandant. They are
well populated. Their inhabitants are very industri-
ous, very sober, and very economical. Few of them are
married. Almost all of them live with their slaves or
with women of color. They cultivate their fields excel-
lently. They raise sugar, indigo, cotton, rice, maize,
and many vegetables. The potatoes which they take
from the earth are very good. The melons gathered by
them are fine, and have an excellent taste and an ex-
quisite perfume. Their kitchen gardens are full of
fruit trees, the fruit of which they gather from the month
of July. They do not keep their fruit more than three
months, and the fruits are not very good to the taste.
The oranges which they gather are delicious. Their
barnyards are full of hogs, cattle, and fowls of all kinds.
If those inhabitants had more hands at their disposal,
they would become very rich in a short time. It is an
incontestable fact that not a single poor man is to be
found in that country, while in the city there are many
of them. It is to be hoped for the good of humanity
that the American government will apply a salutary
remedy to so great an evil.
U2 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
ce qui est encore une verite incontestable, c'est qu'a
la nouvel Orleans il y a beaucoup d'hommes qui, au lieu
de s'occuper, ne vivent que dans la debauche, et n'ayant
pas de moyens suffisans pour contenter leur caprice et
leur passions, ils volent et quelquef ois tuent et assasinent.
au lieu qu'a la campagne, il n'y arrive jamais aucun de
ces malheurs a moins que les maitres ne provoquent
leurs esclaves a se conduire ainsi par les mauvais trai-
temens qu'ils leur font essuyer.
un arrete du gouvemement espagnol qui deffend aux
habitans de la Louysiane I'introduction des esclaves de-
puis le commencement des troubles de St domingue a
entierement paralise les progres de Tagriculture seule
et unique ressource de I'abondance et des richesses.
plusieurs habitans Lors qu'ils ont vu le prefet Laussat
arriver a la nouvel Orleans, ne voulant pas vivre sous le
gouvernement francais ont vendu a des prix consider-
ables leurs esclaves. plusieurs centaine de negres ont
ete vendus la piece jusqu'a sept a huit cent piastres.
quelques negotians de la havane qui en ont f aits passer
secretement les ont vendu la piece jusques a trois mille
francs tournois. quoiqu'ils fussent nouvellement ar-
rives de la cote d'af rique. cependant ils ne se vendaient
a la havane que quinze a dixhuit cent francs.
L'on trouve a cinq lieues plu^ loin le bourg de la
fourche bati sur les bords du fleuve, pres d'une riviere
qui porte son nom. ses habitans au nombre de trois
cents font un tres grand commerce sur les pelletries.
les voyageurs y trouvent de bonnes auberges et les habi-
tans des magasins pour y deposer leur marchandises et
denrees. ceux des provinces d'acatapa et d'apelouga y
font descendre par eau les leurs qui consistent en indigo
en coton et dans toutes les autres denrees dont j'ai deja
donne la description.
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS n3
It is also an incontestable truth that there are many
men at New Orleans who, instead of working live in
continual debauch, and who, since they do not possess
sufficient means to satisfy their fancy and their passions,
rob and sometimes kill and murder. On the other hand,
none of those evils ever happens in the country unless
masters provoke their slaves and compel them to act so
because of the bad treatment they make them undergo.
A decree of the Spanish government, forbidding the
inhabitants of Louisiana to bring in slaves since the be-
ginning of the troubles in San Domingo, has entirely
paralysed the progress of agriculture, the one single
resource of abundance and riches."^ Several inhabitants
upon the arrival of Prefect Laussat at New Orleans sold
their slaves at a considerable price, as they did not wish
to live under the French government. Some hundreds
of negroes have been sold for as much as seven or eight
hundred piastres apiece.
Several merchants of Havana who have sent negroes
over secretly, have sold them for three thousand francs
toumois apiece. Although but newly arrived from the
shores of Africa, yet they were sold at Havana only for
from fifteen to eighteen hundred francs.
Five leagues farther is met the hamlet of La Fourche'*
[i.e., the Fork] located on the banks of the river near
a river which bears its name. Its inhabitants, to the
number of three hundred, have a heavy trade in pelts.
Travelers find good inns there, and the inhabitants stores
in which to keep their merchandise and products. The
inhabitants of the provinces of Attakapas [Acatapa] •*
and Opelousas [Apelouga'] " send their products down
thither by water. These consist of indigo, cotton, and
all the other products which I have already described.
114 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
Ces provinces eloignees de la capitale de quatre vingt
lieues ont chacunes un bourg assez considerable et bien
peuple batis sur les bords de la riviere, un cure et un
commandant de quartier. comme ces provinces sont a
I'abri de toute incursion, ces habitans n'ont pas besoin
de la force militaire pour les deffendre. le commerce
qu'ils font avec ceux de la forche et les negociants de
la nouvel Orleans, leur produit beaucoup d'argent.
plusieurs d'entre eux ont etabli des manufactures en
toiles de coton et d'assez belles tanneries, ils acheptent
a si bon marche les cotons et les peaux de boeufs qu'ils
vendent leur toiles et leur peaux toutes fabriquees a
bien meilleur marche que celles que les armateurs d'eu-
rope envoyent a la nouvel Orleans.
Les habitans des campagnes ont dans leur vastes et
excellentes prairies d'innombrables troupeaux de boeufs
et de vaches qu'ils ne vendent que cinquante francs la
paire aux bouchers de la nouvel Orleans, qui viennent y
faire leur empletes, et qui a travers des forets et des
chemins tres difficiles, les conduisent dans leur mau-
vaises prairies, ce qui fait que ces animaux maigrissent
a un tel point que souvent avant de les tuer, ils en per-
dent plus du tiers, cependant il serait bien facile a ces
marchands de les tenir en bon etat et de fournir a longue
annee au consommateur de bonnes viandes. il faut en
verite convenir que Tindustrie est encore dans le plus
tendre enfance.
il faut convenir que le commerce s'y fait, tres bien, et
que si la culture et Pindustrie rurale etaient au meme
point, la culture serait beaucoup plus lucrative que le
commerce, parceque les terres en general y sont tres
bonnes, et d'un tres grand produit.
Les terres et les excellentes prairies que I'on peut as-
similer pour la bonte aux meilleures herbes de france
sont a Tabri des innondations.
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS H5
Those provinces [mentioned above], which are eighty
leagues from the capital, have each a fairly-sized hamlet
and many people who have built along the shores of the
river, a priest, and a district commandant. Since those
provinces are quite sheltered from any raids, those in-
habitants need no soldiers to defend them. Their trade
with the inhabitants of La Fourche and the merchants of
New Orleans brings them in much money. Several of
them have established cotton cloth mills and very fine
tanneries. They buy cotton and the hides of cattle so
cheaply that they sell their cloth and their hides, all
worked, at much lower prices than those sent from Eu-
rope to New Orleans by the exporters.
The inhabitants of the country possess great herds of
bulls and cows in their vast and excellent meadows,
which they sell at only fifty francs a pair to the butchers
of New Orleans. The latter go to buy them there and
drive them through forests and along very difficult roads
into their poor meadows, so that those animals become so
thin that often before being killed they have lost more
than a third of their weight. Yet it would be very easy
for those merchants to keep them in good condition and
to furnish consumers with good meat throughout the
year. It must, indeed, be confessed, that the industry
is still in its very tender infancy.
It must be confessed that trade is in an excellent con-
dition there, and that if agriculture and agricultural
pursuits were equally developed, agriculture would be
much more lucrative than trade, for the lands in general
are excellent and yield exceedingly well.
The lands and the excellent meadows which can be
compared in goodness to the best grass in France arc
protected from inundation.
ii6 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
a dix lieues plus loin, en remontant le fleuve, est la
cote de manchac, ou il y a un cure et un commandant
de quartier. cette paroisse est assez bien peuplee. ses
habitans y recoltent beaucoup d'indigo et de coton. ils
ceuillent egalement du mahi et de fort bons legumes.
presque tous ses habitans ont des troupeaux de moutons,
de cochons, de vaches, de chevres, et de toutes sortes de
volailles dans leurs basses coures. tous ces habitans a
I'exception du pain et du vin prennent sur leurs habita-
tions ce dont ils ont besoin pour vivre. ils ne manquent
a ces proprietaires que des gens instruits dans la culture
et dans I'education des bestiaux. s'ils possedaient ces
talenSy et que le gouvernement protegeait entierement
la culture, il leur faudrait tres peu d'annee pour jouir
d'une grande aisance.
apres avoir quitte la cote de manchac, et avoir fait dix
lieues, L'on arrive au fort du baton rouge garde par un
officier et soixante soldats. il y a un bourg ou I'on y
compte une soixantaine de maisons, un cure et un com-
mandant de quartier. ses habitans recoltent de I'indigo
du coton et toutes sortes de legumes, ils conduisent leurs
habitations et leurs travaux de la meme maniere que
ceux dont j'ai parle.
apres avoir encore fait dix lieues, Ton arrive au bourg
de la pointe coupee. Ses habitans sont tres riches et
font des recoltes abondantes en indigo et en coton. les
terres de ces quartier sont elevees et tres bonnes, cet
endroit est remarquable par les evenemens qui y sont
arrives, lors des troubles de St domingue.
un habitant de la nouvel Orleans si connu a jeremie
isle de St domingue par ses assasinats, les vols, les de-
vastations se rendit par les etats unis, la belle riviere et
le missisipi a la pointe coupee. comme cet endroit est
plus peuple en esclaves que partout ailleurs, esperant
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS u?
Ten leagues farther up the river is the Cote de Man-
chac,'' where there are a priest and a district command-
ant. That parish is quite well populated. Its inhabit*
ants harvest quantities of indigo and cotton. They also
raise maize and excellent vegetables. Nearly all its
inhabitants have flocks of sheep, droves of hogs, and
herds of cattle, goats and all sorts of fowls in their barn-
yards. All those inhabitants, with the exception of
bread and wine, raise on their own plantations what they
need for sustenance. Those proprietors lack only hands
who understand farming and how to take care of ani-
mals. If they possessed those talents, and if the govern-
ment thoroughly protected agriculture, a few years only
would be needed for them to enjoy great ease.
After having left Cote de Manchac a distance of ten
leagues, the traveler reaches the fort of Baton Rouge"
which is guarded by an oflicer and sixty soldiers. There
is a hamlet where one can find three score houses, a
priest, and a district commandant. Its inhabitants raise
indigo, cotton, and all sorts of vegetables. They con-
duct their plantations and their labors in the same man-
ner as those of whom I have spoken.
After having traveled ten leagues more, the traveler
reaches the hamlet of La Pointe Coupee." Its inhab-
itants are very rich and gather abundant harvests of
indigo and cotton. The lands of those districts are high
and excellent. That place is remarkable for what hap-
pened there at the time of the troubles in San Domingo.
An inhabitant of New Orleans, well known at Jeremie,
in the island of San Domingo, because of the murders,
thefts, and ruin which he had wrought, went by way of
the United States, the Belle Riviere, and the Mississippi
to La Pointe Coupee. As that place is more densely
populated by slaves than any other place, and as he hoped
ii8 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
tout boulverser pour s'enricher des depouilles des col-
ons, apres avoir fait connoissance avec quelques
hommes noirs, en leur representant combien etaient
heureux ceux de St dominigue, il les decida a s'insurger.
si le gouvernement Espagnol instruit a terns de ces mou-
vemens orageux, n'avait pas, au moyen de la troupe qu'il
envoya, retabli Tordre, en faisant pendre une soixan-
taine des insurges. les colons etaient perdu sans res-
source le chef de cette insurrection voyant son coup
manque s'enfuit aux etats unis, et les negres abandonnes
et delaisses par ce scelerat rentrerent sur les habitations,
cet example severe retablit entierement la tranquillite
dans ce grand et riche quartier.
Le bourg de la pointe coupee est la demeure d'un cure
et d'un commandant de quartier. I'abondance de toutes
les marchandises que Ton y trouve annonce que cet en-
droit est excellent pour le commerce, les esclaves y sont
bien mieux nouris et mieux vetus, que partout ailleurs.
quand on considere que les proprietaires des environs
de la nouvel Orleans ne donnent par chaque mois a leurs
esclaves pour toute nouriture qu'un baril de mahi en
paille, Ton est surpris que ces malheureux puissent re-
sister a un travail aussi penible que celui qu'ils font, et
comment le gouvernement peut souffrir une barbaric
aussi atroce. C'est a lui seul qu^appartient le droit de
reprimir les grands abus qui amenent quelquefois la
chute des empires, les maitres des esclaves pretendent
que, les ayant achepte, ils peuvent en faire ce qu'ils
jugent a propos. ce raisonnement est d'une monstruo-
site epouvantable- encore une fois le gouvernement qui
doit embrasser tout ce qui compose I'empire, doit et est
oblige de veiller a sa conservation.
il en est bien autrement a la pointe coupee, les pro-
prietaires abandonnent a leurs esclaves de la terre qu'ils
one] PAUL ALLIOT^S REFLECTIONS 119
to overturn everything, in order to enrich himself from
the spoils of the cotton plantations, after he had made
acquaintance with some black men and had represented
to them how happy those of San Domingo were, he
persuaded them to revolt. Had not the Spanish gov-
ernment, having learned in time of those stormy move-
ments, reestablished order by means of the troops who
were sent thither, with a loss of three score insurgents,
the colonists would have been irretrievably lost. The
leader of that insurrection, finding that his attempt had
miscarried, fled to the United States, and the negroes
abandoned and deserted by that rascal returned to the
plantations. That severe example entirely reestablished
tranquillity in that large and rich district.
The hamlet of La Pointe Coupee is the residence of a
priest and of a district commander. The plenty of all
kinds of merchandise which is found there announce that
that is an excellent place for trade. Slaves are much
better fed and clothed there than anywhere else. When
one considers that the proprietors in the neighborhood
of New Orleans give their slaves each month for all
their food only one barrel of maize in the husk, he is
surprised that those unhappy wretches can resist work
so toilsome as that they do, and how the government can
suffer so atrocious a barbarism. It is to the government
alone that belongs the right of restraining the great
abuses which sometimes lead to the fall of empires. The
masters of the slaves claim that they can do what they
wish since they have bought them. Such reasoning is a
frightful monstrosity. Yet again, I say, the govern-
ment which ought to embrace everything which com-
poses the empire, ought and is obliged to watch over its
preservation.
It is quite otherwise at La Pointe Coupee: the pro-
prietors abandon the land to their slaves. The latter
I20 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
cultivent pour leur compte, et dans la quelle ils ceuillent
dc quoi se nourir. ils elevent encore et engraissent des
cochons et des volailles qu'ils vendent pour leur compte,
ce qui fait que ces malheureux supportent leur joug avec
plus de force.
il est des habitans dans ce quartier qui recoltent tous
les ans plus de cent milliers de coton. Le colon poidras
dont la fortune est sans contredit la plus considerable de
la Louysiane traite ses esclaves avec beaucoup d'huma-
nite ^et de douceur, aussi tous ces hommes ont pour lui
autant de veneration et autant de respect que, s'il etait
leur pere. il serait a propos que tous les proprietaires
qui traitent si mal les leur, fissent, avant que d'en pos-
seder, un apprentisage de quelques annees chez lui ; ils
y apprendraient avec succes la maniere de les faire tra-
vailler, de les nourir et de les encourager. jamais Ton
entend dans son habitation le fouet claquer. aucun de
ses esclaves n'en porte les marques, dans le tems de la
rocolte de ses cotons, ils savent ce qu'ils doivent ramas-
ser, et ils le font, ce qu'ils recoltent en sus, leur bon
maitre le leur paye par leur accoustrements, lorsqu'ils
vont au travail, on croirait que tous ces cultivateurs vont
cultiver leur prop re champs, tant ils y vont de bon coeur.
Lors de I'insurrection qui eclata dans ce riche quar-
tier, ceux du philosophe poidras resterent tranquils.
ce bon et humain proprietaire fut denoncc au gouver-
ncur General, comme chef de parti, par un scelerat qui
esperait s'enrichir de ses depouilles; en consequence il
donna des ordres pour le faire arreter. mais ses es-
claves instruits a temps de cettc persecution extrava-
guante, le cacherent quelque tems, et peu de jours apres
il s'en f uit aux etats unis ou il y a vecu quelques annees
dans la paix et la tranquillite.
de retour dans son habitation il a trouve ses maga-
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS lai
— 1 V-
cultivate it at their own account, and get their food from
it. They also raise and fatten hogs and fowls which
they sell on their own account. Consequently , those
unhappy beings endure their yoke with more fortitude.
Some of the inhabitants of that region harvest more
than a hundred thousand [pounds?] of cotton annually.
The colonist Poidras, whose fortune is beyond contra-
diction the most considerable of Louisiana treats his
slaves very humanely and mildly. Hence, all those men
have as much veneration and respect for him as if he
were their father. It would be well for all proprietors,
who treat their slaves so cruelly, to serve an apprentice-
ship with him for some years before owning any. They
would learn from him the successful method of getting
them to work, of feeding them, and of encouraging them.
Never is the swing of the lash heard on his plantation.
Not one of his slaves bears the mark of it. At the time
of the cotton picking, they know what they ought to
gather, and they do it. All over and above that amount,
their good master pays them for their accoutrement
When they go to work, one would believe that all those
cultivators are going to work their own fields, so cheer-
fully do they go.
At the time of the insurrection which broke out in that
rich region, the slaves of the philosopher Poidras re-
mained quiet. That good and humane proprietor was
denounced to the governor general as chief leader of the
party by a rascal who hoped to enrich himself by despoil-
ing him. Consequently the governor general ordered
the arrest of Poidras. But his slaves, having learned of
that heinous persecution in time, hid him for a period,
and shortly afterward he fled to the United States where
he has now lived for some years in peace and quiet.
On his return he found on his plantation his bams full
122 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
sins remplis de cotons et d'indigo, ses jardins en aussi
bon etat qu'il les avait laisse lors de son depart, ses
esclaveSy en le revoyant, ont arrose de leurs larmes ses
pieds.
quelle difference L'homme sensible vertueux et hon-
nete ne doit il pas faire de poidras, a un de ses voisins
qui maltraitait tous les jours un de ses esclaves. le
desespoir s'empara un jour de ce malheureux avant un
fusil charge a la main, il monta dans la chambre de son
maitre pendant le terns qu'il soupait, et en lui reprochant
ses cruautes envers lui, il le coucha un joug, et il le tua.
aussitot ce malheureux s'en fuit dans sa case, ferma sa
porte et se pendit. Ce n'est pas le seul quartier dans la
Louysiane ou de pareils evencmens sont arrives, encore
une fois, quoi qu'en disent les colons, si le gouvernement
le voulait, tous ces crimes ne se commetraient pas.
Si tous les esclaves qui sont a la Louysiane etaient
traites comme ceux de poidras, les maitres seraient au
milieu d'eux autant en surete que des peres de famille
le sont au milieu de leurs enfans. leurs maitres coule-
raient des jours sereins et delicieux sur leurs habitations,
pourquoi les proprietaires ne veulent ils pas considerer
de pres I'etat infortune de ces hommes condamnes a cause
de leur couleur, a passer sur la terre leurs jours dans des
tourmens continuels; pourquoi, lorsqu'ils n'en ont point
en propriete, les plaignent ils tant. pourquoi, lorsqu'ils
en possedent, les maltraitent ils avec tant d'inhumanite.
6 gouvernement 1 c'est a toi, oui a toi seul, par ta surveil-
lance d'adoucir les peines de ces infortunes, qui par le
moyen de leur sueur dont ils arrosent continuelement la
terre, la font fructifier, au point que ce qui en provient,
enrichit les cites, les embelit, et donne ce lustre au com-
merce qu'il n'aurait pas sans eux.
a quarente lieues plus loin de la pointe coupee, Ton
voit en face du Natchee le petit fort de la concorde
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 123
of cotton and indigo, and his gardens in as good condi-
tion as he left them when he went away. His slaves on
beholding him again, shed tears at his feet**
What a difference must the sensible, virtuous, and hon-
est man find between Poidras and one of the latter's
neighbors who maltreated his slaves daily 1 Despair
seized one of those miserable wretches one day when he
had a loaded gun in his hand. He went up to his mas-
ter's room while he was supping, and after reproaching
him for his cruelty toward him, shot and killed him.
Then immediately that miserable wretch fled to his own
cabin, locked the door and hanged himself. That is not
the only district in Louisiana where such events have
occurred. Again, whatever the colonists say, if the gov-
ernment wish it, all such crimes would not be committed.
If all the slaves of Louisiana were treated like those
of Poidras, their masters would be as safe among them
as fathers among their children. Their masters would
pass a quiet and delightful life on their plantations.
Why will not proprietors consider deeply the unfortu-
nate condition of those men condemned to pass their life
in this world in continual torment because of their color?
Why do they complain of them so much when they have
nothing properly for which to complain? Why since
they own them do they treat their slaves so inhumanly?
O Government! it is for thee, yes, for thee alone, to soften
by thy surveillance the pains of those unfortunate beings,
who by their sweat with which they continually water
the earth, make it bring forth so abundantly that it en-
riches cities, embellishes them, and gives that luster to
trade which it would not have but for them.
Forty leagues beyond Pointe Coupee, the traveler be-
holds opposite Natchez, the small fort of Concordia,**
124 LOUISIANA, 1 785-1 807 [Vol.
garde par un officier et vingt cinq Soldats. il est bati
sur les bords de la riviere rouge.
c'est dans les provinces qu'arrose cette riviere que le
voyageur contemple aves plaisir son solle. c'est encore
dans ces immenses forets que I'intrepide chasseur s'en-
richit des depouilles des ourses, des chevreuils, des
boeufs sauvages et enfin de d'autres animaux. ce vaste
pays qui offre de grandes ressources, est tres peu peuple.
le premier cndroit que Ton y voit, est le bourg des
aboyelles habite par quelques particuliers qui ne font
d'autres cultures que celles dont ils ont besoin pour vivre.
les troupeaux de boeufs qu'ils nourissent dans leurs
vastes prairies forment leur unique richesse. Ton ne
concoit pas pourquoi ces habitans qui ont de si bons pa-
turages ne font pas des eleves en chevaux.
a cinq lieues plus loin sur La meme riviere est le bourg
du rapide. une cinquantaine d'habitans forme sa po-
pulation, ils font le commerce de boeufs et de f romage.
ils ne s'occupent a Tagriculture que pour se procurer ce
dont ils ont besoin pour vivre. ils elevent aussi dans
leurs basses coures des cochons et des volailes.
C'est enfin sur cette riviere qu'est la ville du Nagui-
toche. elle est le chef lieu d'une excellente et delicieuse
province, elle est peuplee par cinq cens habitans, et
un millier d'autres habitent la campagne. elle est la
demeure d'un cure et d'un commandant de quartier qui
rend la justice avec zele et paternite a ceux qui la re-
clament. le commerce d'une partie des habitans de la
ville consiste dans les pelletries, les boeufs et les cochons,
les f romages ; et I'autre partie s'occupe a la chasse. les
quantites d'ourses, de chevreuils, de cerfs et des autres
betes f auves qui vivent dans les bois et dans ces vastes et
belles prairies est un puissant attrait pour ces chasseurs,
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 125
which is guarded by an officer and twenty-five soldiers.
It is constructed on the bank of the Red River.'^
In the provinces watered by that river, the traveler
contemplates its soil with pleasure. It is also in those
immense forests that the intrepid hunter gains wealth
from the spoil of the bears, deer, wild cattle, and, in
short, from other animals. That vast country which
offers great resources is but scantily inhabited. The
first hamlet seen by the traveler is that of Aboyelles."
That hamlet is inhabited by a few persons, who engage
in no other agriculture than that necessary for their sus-
tenance. The herds of cattle which they raise on their
vast meadows form their only source of wealth. One
can not imagine why these inhabitants who possess such
fine pasturage, have not undertaken the rearing of horses.
Five leagues farther by the same river, is the hamlet
of Du Rapide [i.e., of the Rapids],*' whose population
consists of half a hundred inhabitants. They trade in
cattle and cheese. They engage in agriculture only to
the extent necessary for their sustenance. They also rear
hogs and fowls in their barnyards.
Finally on that river is located the city of Natchi-
toches.'* It is the principal place of an excellent and
delightful province. It is the abode of five hundred
inhabitants, while a thousand others dwell in the coun-
try [round about]. It is the residence of a priest and
a district commander who renders zealous and paternal
justice to all persons claiming it. The trade of a por-
tion of the inhabitants of the city consists in pelts, cattle,
hogs, and cheese ; while the other portion is engaged in
the chase. Numbers of bears, roe deer, red deer [cerfs"]
and other fallow deer which live in the woods and in
those vast and beautiful prairies, form a powerful at-
traction for these hunters, who gather all told more than
126 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
qui en trois ou quatre mois rapportent entre eux plus de
vingt mille peaux, ce qui leur donne net a chacun quinze
a seize cent francs, la chair de tous ces animaux reste
ou ils sont depouilles, et devient la pature des oiseaux de
proie et des autres betes carnifores. lors que ces chas-
seurs partent, ils se mettent une quinzaine ensemble et
choisissent un d'entre eux pour faire le manger, cette
homme partage comme les autres la depouille des ani-
maux.
Les habitans de la campagne s'occupent particuliere-
ment de la culture du tabac si renomme par son bon
gout. sMls avaient plus d'ouvriers, ils pouraient en
recolter pour en fournir la f ranee dont ses habitans n'en
recoltent pas beaucoup. ils seront dans tout le terns
forces de traiter pour cette partie avec le commerce des
etats unis. ainsi il est done de I'interet de son gouverne-
ment de donner a cette culture une grande extension;
attendu qu'il est bien demontre que les terres du Nagui-
toche produisent d'excellent et tres bon tabac.
Les autres denrees que ces habitans y recoltent, prou-
vent egalement par leur immense production la bonte
de son sol. les forets sont remplies de ceps de vigne qui
produisent d'excellens muscats et d'autres raisins deli-
cieux de differentes couleurs, des fruits sauvages, des
ciriers des mouches a miel, des muriers sur les feuilles
des quelles on trouve des cocous ou sont renfermees les
graines des vers a sole, des oliviers sauvages et quantite
d'autres arbres a fruit, on y voit des coteaux remplis de
noyers prodigieux en grosseur, de superbes chateigniers
dont le fruit est a la verite fort petit, mais il est d'un ex-
cellent gout, de beaux pataniers qui produisent une
espece de gland dont le fruit est bon, doux, et delicat.
si ces habitans etaient industrieux ils pouraient avec les
fruits des noix et des patanes faire d'excellentes huiles a
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 127
twenty thousand skins in three or four months -which
gives each one net fifteen or sixteen hundred francs. The
flesh of all those animals remains where they have been
skinned, and becomes food for birds of prey and other
carniverous beasts. When those hunters depart [for
the chase], fifteen of them form a party and choose one
of their number to look after their eating. That man
has an equal share with the others in the skins of the
animals.
The inhabitants in the country engage especially in
the culture of the tobacco so famed for its good taste.
If they had more hands, they could raise enough to sup-
ply France, whose inhabitants do not raise much. They
will be continually forced to treat for that part with the
trade of the United States. Consequently, it is to the
interest of the government of the United States to give a
careful consideration to that culture, since it has been
well demonstrated that the lands of Natchitoches pro-
duce excellent and very fine tobacco.
The other products raised there by these inhabitants
prove equally well by their abundant yield the richness
of its soil. The forests are filled with excellent vines,
which yield muscats and other delicious grapes of vari-
ous colors, wild fruits, wax plants, honey bees, mulberry
trees (on the leaves of which are found cocoons in which
are enclosed the eggs of the silkworm) , wild olives, and
a number of other fruit trees. The hills there are seen
to be filled with walnut trees of huge growth, with mag-
nificent chestnuts, whose fruit is indeed, very small, but
of an excellent taste, with beautiful pecan trees which
produce a kind of acorn whose fruit is good, sweet, and
delicate. If those inhabitants were industrious, they
could make excellent eating oils from the fruit of the
I30 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
font egalement le commerce des pelletries avec les Sau-
vages en partie qui occupent les hauteurs de la riviere
rouge, ils s'occupent egalement a la culture du coton
du mahi et du tabac. ils ceuillent aussi de bons et ex-
cellens legumes.
les cadous, Cocinthes, et les panis nations sauvages
qui demeurent sur les bords des hauteurs de cette riviere
echangent leur pelletries avec ces habitans pour des
fusils, de la poudre, du plom, du vermilion, du tafia et
pour quelques bijouteries dont ils se decorent le col, les
oreilles et le bout du nez. ils recoivent avec humanite
tous les voyageurs. ils cherissent beaucoup les habitans
du Naguitoche ainsi que ceux du gouet de chitan. ils
regard le soleil comme leur seul et unique dieu. ils
envoyent tous les ans des deputes a la nouvel Orleans
aupres du gouvernement pour chercher les presens qu'il
est dans Tusage de leur f aire, et ils font en meme tems
le serment d'executer le traite. apres avoir visitc ces
Sauvages, le voyageur est oblige de retrograder et de
regagner le fleuve missisipi, ou il navigue environ cent
cinquante lieues, sans trouver de paroisse ny de bourg.
le premier endroit ou il s'arrete, est a la riviere des
arcs sur les bords de la quelle est un fort garde par un
officier et vingt Soldats, et une petite ville portante son
nom habitee par cent vingt personnes, dont les uns font
le commerce des pelletries avec les souvages [sic'\ qui
habitent les hauteurs de cette riviere en echange pour
des marchandises a leur usage. Les habitans de la cam-
pagne font de Tindigo du coton et recoltent ce dont ils
ont besoin pour leur nouriture, ils elevent beaucoup de
cochons de vaches et de volailles. cet endroit est encore
la demeure de quelques chasseurs.
en remontant le fleuve a cent lieues plus loin, on trouve
cette charmante riviere connue sous le nom de la belle
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 131
habitants form its population. They also trade in pelts
with the savages who live in the districts of the bluffs
of the Red River. They engaged also in the cultivation
of cotton, maize, and tobacco. They also raise good and
excellent vegetables.
The Caddoes, Cocinthes, and Panis,'^ savage nations
who inhabit the bluffs along the banks of that river, ex-
change their pelts with those inhabitants for guns, pow-
der, lead, vermilion, taffia, and certain jewelry with
which they decorate their necks, ears, and the end of
their noses. They receive all travelers humanely. They
have a great affection for the inhabitants of Natchitoches
as well as those of Gouet de Chitan. They regard the
sun as their one and only god. They send deputies an-
nually to New Orleans to the government to get the
presents which it is usual to make them. At the same
time they take oath to observe the treaty. After having
visited those savages, the traveler is obliged to retrace
his steps and regain the Mississippi River, on which he
must travel for about one hundred and fifty leagues with-
out meeting parish or hamlet.
The first place at which he stops is at the river Arcs •*
on the bank of which is a fort guarded by an officer and
twenty soldiers, and a little city bearing its name, inhab-
ited by one hundred and twenty persons. Some of the
inhabitants are engaged in the fur trade with the savages
who live oil the bluffs of that river, giving them in ex-
change the merchandise to which they are accustomed.
The inhabitants of the country raise indigo and cotton,
and the food necessary for their sustenance. They rear
many hogs, cattle, and fowls. That place is also the
abode of a few hunters.
One hundred leagues farther up the river, the traveler
comes to that charming river known by the name of the
132 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
riviere, qui, comme tant d'autres, paye son tribut de
reconnoissance a I'immortel missisipi, en y deposant Ses
a eaux limpides. c'est a cet endroit qu'est construit le
fort de I'ance a la grece, ou il y a un commandant et cent
cinquante Soldats. un bourg habite par une soixantaine
de personnes. cet endroit est dautant plus remarqua-
ble; c'est que ses habitans sont les premiers sur le fleuve
qui s'occupent de la culture du bled, on y voit d'excel-
lentes prairies ou paissent les vaches et les boeufs. Ses
habitans nourissent beaucoup de cochons et de volailles.
les forets sont remplies de toutes sortes de Gibier et de
betes f auves.
a quelques lieues plus loin est batie la ville de misere
qui est en face de celle du Cas pays americain. elle est
peuplee par douze cents habitans qui s'occupent parti-
culierement de le culture du f roment, et a la chasse. ils
possedent des mines de plom dont ils tirent un grand
benefice, ils trouvent dans leur forets des ourses d'une
grosseur et d'une grandeur prodigieuses. I'huile qu'ils
tirent d'elle, est fort recherchee des habitans, meme de
ceux de la nouvel Orleans, quoiquelle ait au gout fort
acre, ils la prefirent a la mauvaise huile de province,
ils recoltent de bons legumes et ils font de tres bon boeur
et de bons f romages. quoique cette ville soit assez peu-
plee et assez riche pour nourir un cure, cependant il ny
en a point, et les habitans s'en passent. ils sont gou-
vernes par un commandant qui termine toujours a I'ami-
able les contestations qui s'elevent entre eux.
apres avoir marche encore trente lieues, le voyageur
arrive a ce lieu et bon pays connu sous le nom des illinois.
c'est dans ce Sejour enchanteur que ces bons habitans
exercent avec sensibilite et avec humanite L'hospitalite
envers ceux qui s'y presentent; et que la fortune a re-
jettee de son sein, ou que la persecution a contrainte de
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 133
Belle Riviere [i.e., the Ohio] which like so many others,
pays its tribute of respect to the immortal Mississippi
by giving its limpid waters to it. At that place is built
the fort of I'Ance a la Graice,'* where a commandant
and one hundred and fifty soldiers are stationed. There
is a hamlet there inhabited by three score persons. That
place is so much more remarkable inasmuch as its in-
habitants were the first along the river to engage in the
cultivation of wheat. Excellent meadows are seen there,
on which cows and steers feed. Its inhabitants rear many
hogs and fowls. The forests are full of all sorts of game
and fallow deer.
Some leagues farther on is built the city of Misere,*^
which is opposite that of Cas ^^^ on the American side.
It is inhabited by twelve hundred people who are espe-
cially engaged in the culture of wheat and in the chase.
They own lead mines from which they derive great prof-
it. In their forests they find bears prodigiously fat and
large, the oil from which is much sought after by the
inhabitants, even by those of New Orleans. Although
it is very bitter to the taste, it is preferred to the poor oil
of Provence. They raise good vegetables, and make
excellent butter and cheese. Although that city is large
enough and rich enough to support a priest, yet it does
not have any, and the inhabitants are dying. They are
governed by a commandant who always terminates in a
friendly manner the quarrels which rise among them.
After having gone thirty leagues farther, the traveler
reaches that place and good country known by the name
of Illinois.^^' It is in that enchanting abode that those
good inhabitants exercise with kindness and humanity
hospitality toward those who present themselves there,
and those whom fortune has cast from its bosom, or who
have been constrained to flee through persecution. Those
134 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
fuir. ces braves habitans leurs prodiguent des secours
et ils les aident Sans interet a former des etablissemens.
St Louis la capitale de cette province a un fort garde
par un commandant et cent soldats. il possede dans son
enceinte une population de deux mille cinq cents ames,
un cure et un gouveraeur en second, la ville est d'un
tiers moins grande que celle de la Nouvel Orleans, le
magistrat qui y rend la justice ne vexe ny ne persecute
aucun citoyen. c'est un pere dont les entrailles sont
dans tous les tems ouvertes pour ses enf ans. La conduite
qu'il a tenue envers quelques jeunes gens qui des le com-
mencement de la revolution francaise se permirent de
chanter des chansons patriotiques que les rois ou leurs
agens reprouvent, de crainte que les peuples qui sous eux
sont dans un profond sommeil, ne se reveillent, furent
denonces au gouverneur general de la nouvel Orleans qui
donna desuite les ordres les plus severes pour les faire
arreter et pour les lui envoyer, afin de les punir de cet
attentat royal, mais ce gouverneur fut trompe dans
son attente. les jeunes gens qu'il comptait employer
comme forcats dans les mines, en furent quitte pour se
retirer aux etats unis ou ils ont chante tant qu'ils ont
voulu des chansons patriotiques et ou ils y ont joui d'une
grande liberte, en benissant le magistrat qui s'etait re-
fuse de servir Tarbitraire et le despotisme.
Cependant en considerant et en se rappellant le com-
mencement de I'insurrection des noirs de St domingue, il
est fort bien demontre que se sont les agens du Roi d'es-
pagne qui ont conduit la machine, en faisant fusilier au
fort dauphin sur la place publique douze cents mal-
heureux habitans qui avaient fui de chez eux, et qui sur
une proclamation de jean francois le chef des insurges
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 135
fine inhabitants are prodigal of help to them and aid
them without any selfish end in view in forming their
settlements.
St. Louis/^* the capital, of that province has a fort
guarded by a commandant and one hundred soldiers.
In its circumference it has a population of two thousand
five hundred souls, a priest, and a lieutenant governor.
The city is smaller by a third than the city of New Or-
leans. The magistrate who renders justice does not
molest or persecute any citizen. He is a father whose
entrails are at all times open to his children. [Witness]
his conduct toward some young people who allowed
themselves to sing patriotic songs which the kings or
their agents reproved, at the beginning of the French
Revolution, lest the people who were in a profound
sleep under them would awaken, and were denounced
to the governor general of New Orleans. The latter
immediately gave the most stringent orders to have them
arrested and sent to him in order that he might punish
them for that royal crime. But that governor was de-
ceived in his attempt. The young people upon whom
he counted to employ as criminals in the mines were
given freedom provided they would retire to the United
States. There they have sung patriotic songs to their
heart's content, and there they have enjoyed a very great
liberty, while blessing the magistrate who refused to
serve arbitrariness and despotism.
However, when one considers and recalls the com-
mencement of the insurrection of the blacks of San Do-
mingo, it is very well proven that it was the agents of the
king of Spain who conducted the machinery of it, by
having twelve hundred miserable persons shot at Fort
Dauphin on the public square. Those persons had fled
to them and by a proclamation of Jean Francois,*** the
136 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
s'etaient rassemble de bonne foi sur cette meme place, ou
tous, sans en excepter un Seul, furent mis a mort. cette
action atroce rappelle les assasinats des espagnols au
mexique, au potosi, et partout ou ils ont rencontre les
pauvres indiens. jean f rancois soutenu des chefs de la
partie espagnole de St domingue a ete recompense d'une
maniere eclatante, pour avoir assasine, vole, viole, et
bnile un brevet de lieutenant general des armees de sa
majeste catholique et une pension de vingt mil piastres
par chaque annee avec invitation de passer en espagne
en a ete le resultat en tracant par ecrit un pareil tableau
la plume tombe des mains, il faut esperer que tot ou
tard des hommes patriotes et courageux vengeront de tels
attentats.
Les habitans de la ville de St louis semblambles a ces
anciens patriarches simples et unis ne vivent point dans
la debauche, comme font une partie de ceux de la nouvel
Orleans, le mariage y est honore, et les enfans qui en
proviennenty partagent les successions de leurs parens
sans contestation, jamais I'interet qui divise les families
en france et meme en europe, ne les a desunis. on ny
voit point ces sangs sues connues sous les noms d'huis-
siers, d'avocats et de procureurs. il ny a aucuns impots
arbitraireSy et I'air que les habitans y respirent est fort
bon et tres sain, ils sont sobres et ils ne sont point sujets
a ces maladies de communication si affligeantes pour
Tespece humaine. jamais les eaux ne croupissent dans
ses rues, jamais ils n'y passe d'epidemie et ces braves
gens vivent dans leur viellesse sans douleur ny tourment,
et jouissent d'une sante parf aite. ils recoltent beaucoup
de froment et de menus grains; ils cultivent avec un
grand Succes le tabac. ils retirent de tres grands bene-
fices de leur mine de plom. ils engraissent dans leur
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 137
leader of the insurgents, they had reassembled at that
said place, where all, without a single exception, were
killed. That atrocious act recalls the assassinations of
the Spaniards in Mexico, in Potosi, and wherever they
have found the poor Indians. Jean Francois, sustained
by the leaders of the Spanish faction of San Domingo,
has been recompensed in a striking manner for having
assassinated, robbed, violated, and burned. The office
of lieutenant general by brevet of the armies of his Cath-
olic Majesty and a pension of twenty thousand piastres
annually with an invitation to go to Spain has been the
result of it. In setting down in writing such a picture,
my pen falls from my hands. Let us hope that sooner or
later patriotic and courageous men will avenge such
crimes.
The inhabitants of the city of St. Louis like those old
time simple and united patriarchs do not live at all in
debauchery as do a part of those of New Orleans. Mar-
riage is honored there and the children resulting from it
share the inheritance of their parents without any quar-
reling. Never does that self interest which divides fam-
ilies in France, and even in [other parts of] Europe,
disunite them. None of those blood-suckers known un-
der the names of bailiffs, lawyers, and solicitors are seen
there. There are no arbitrary imposts, and the air that
those inhabitants breathe there is very good and healtfiy.
They are sober and not subject to those diseases of con-
tact so afflicting to the human species. Never does the
water lie on their streets; never does an epidemic visit
them ; and those fine people live without pain or torment
in their old age and enjoy perfect health.*^ They raise
much wheat and small grains. They cultivate tobacco
with great success. They derive enormous profits from
their lead mines. They fatten cattle and sheep on their
138 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
prairie des boeufs et des moutons. ils y elevent d'assez
bons chcvaux. on n'y voit point comme a la nouvel Or-
leans ces grandes et vastes pleines, ces terres basses et
marecageuseS) mais bien de superbes coteaux et d'agre-
able valons, remplis d'arbres et de ceps de vigne dont
le raissin couronne le fait des plus hautes branches, il
y a quelques annees que des habitans en ramasserent, et
qu'ils en firent d'assez bon vin. d'apres cet essai, si on
cultivait la vigne dans la province des illinois, comme
on le fait a Bordeaux, on pourait par la suite y faire de
tres bon vin. et peut etre dans une douzaine d'annees on
approvisionerait de cette bonne liqueur toute la Louy-
siane et meme les etats unis.
on trouve dans ses vastes forets des troupeaux de
boeufs sauvages qui pesent jusqu'a quinze cents la piece,
ils sont encore remarquables par la bosse qu'ils ont Sur le
dos et par leur chair si exquise au gout, des ourses d'une
grandeur et d'une grosseur enorme dont les jambons sont
meilleurs que celle du cochon, et dont la graisse est si
recherchee. beaucoup de perdrix, des especes de lievre,
des canards, et enfin de tous les autres animaux qui habi-
tent les bois. on y mange de bon poisson et de bon gi-
bier d'eau. la nouriture des habitans y est a grand
march6. L'on peut considerer St Louis comme un des
meilleurs endroits du globe.
Le commerce des pelletries est tres considerable et
fort lucratif. quoique l'on compte de St Louis a la
Nouvel Orleans cinq cents lieues de distance, cependant
lors que le fleuve est haut, il ne f aut que vingt jours pour
s'y rendre. aussi les negocians profitent ils de ce tems
pour faire I'envoi de leur farine, de leur plom de leur
pelletrie de leur tabac de leur Salaisons et enfin de tous
les objets differens qu'ils echangent pour de la clincail-
lerie, de la draperie, de la mercerie, de la chapellerie,
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 139
meadows, where they also raise excellent horses/^ Those
great vast plains and those low swampy lands, such as
are seen at New Orleans, are not found there, but instead
magnificent hills and pleasant valleys, full of trees and
the vines of which the grape crowns the highest branch-
es. Some years ago die inhabitants gathered the grapes
and made excellent wine from them. In view of that
trial, if the vine were to be cultivated in the province of
Illinois as is done at Bordeaux, very good wine could be
made there in die future. And perhaps within a dozen
years they could supply all Louisiana and even the
United States with that good liquor."^
In those vast forests are found herds of wild cattle
which weigh as high as fifteen hundred weight apiece.
They are also remarkable for the hump which they bear
on their back, and for their flesh which is so delicious to
the taste. [Those forests also contain] bears of enor-
mous size and very fat, the hams of which are better
than those of the hog, and whose grease is much sought
after. [There are] many partridges, various kinds of
hares, ducks, and in short, all the other animals that live
in the woods. They have good fish and good water
game to eat there. The food of the inhabitants is very
cheap. St. Louis may be considered as one of the best
places on the globe.
The fur trade is very considerable and very lucrative.
Although it is reckoned as five hundred leagues from
St. Louis to New Orleans, yet with the river high, it only
takes twenty days to reach the latter place. Consequent-
ly, the merchants take advantage of that season to send
for their flour, lead, pelts, tobacco, and salt provisions,
and, in fine, for all the various things which they ex-
change for their hardware, cloth, haberdashery, hats.
I40 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
de I'epicirie, des armes a feu, du rouge et de la poudre.
pour remonter par le fleuve leur marchandise a St louis,
ils mettent ordiaairement trois mois.
enfin apres avoir encore marche quinze lieues, on
arrive a Tentree de la riviere du missouri qui est la fin
des limites de I'empire de la Louysiane, sur la quelle on
trouve la poste du petit cote garde par un officier et
cinquante soldats, une petite ville dont la population est
de deux a trois cents habitans qui font le commerce des
pelletries avec les differentes nations sauvages qui hab-
itent les hauteurs de cette riviere et qui recoltent les
memes denrees qu'a St louis.
Ces bons et courageux habitans eloignes de toutes les
factions et eloignes de la perfidie et de la tirannie, s'oc-
cupent au Sein de la paix qu'ils ont enfin trouve dans un
pays qui fut autrefois la demeure de ces hommes que la
nature forma sans besoin et sans passions criminals, a
elever leurs enfans, en les instruisant de bonne heure a
s'aimer, a travailler, et enfin a jouir par la suite de ce
bonheur terrestre que les bons epoux trouvent dans leur
menage.
Fin de la deuxieme et demiere partie
observation a faire a son excellence monsieur Geflfer-
son president des etats unis de I'amerique.
ma traversee de f ranee a Neuve york, a etc de quatre
vingt onze jours, et tous mes papiers ont ete mouille, et
hors d'etat d'etre lus et presente. j'avais avant mon
depart de france fait mettre au net le petit ouvrage
manuscrit que j'ay L'honneur de vous envoyer. I'ecri-
ture en etait belle, correcte et sans aucune faute d'orto-
graphe.
arrive a Neuve york sans moyens, meme d'existence
pour ma f amille et moi ; j'ai done pris le partie de I'ecrire
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 141
Spices, firearms, rouge, and powder. They generally
take three mondis in taking their merchandise up the
river to St. Louis.
Finally, after having gone fifteen leagues farther, the
traveler reaches the mouth of the Missouri River which
is the boundary of the empire of Louisiana. There is
found the post of Petit Cote,^^* which is guarded by an
officer and fifty soldiers. There is also there a small
city whose population is two or three hundred inhabi-
tants. They trade in pelts with the various savage na-
tions who inhabit the bluffs of that river and who raise
the same products as do the inhabitants of St Louis.
Those good and courageous people, far distant from
all faction, as well as from perfidy and tyranny, occupy
themselves, in the bosom of peace which they have at last
found in a country which was formerly the abode of
those men whom nature forms without need and widiout
criminal passions, in rearing their children, in teaching
them at an early age to love one anodier, to work, and
finally, to enjoy as a consequence that terrestrial hap-
piness which good spouses find in their homes.
End of the second and last part
Observations to be made to his Excellency, Mr. Jef-
ferson, President of the United States of America.
My voyage from France to New York took ninety-one
days, and all my papers were soaked with water and
not in condition to be read or presented. Before my
departure from France, I had had the little manuscript
work, which I have the honor to send you, written out
clearly. The writing therein was beautiful, correct,
and free from all orthographical errors.
On my arrival at New York, without means, even of
existence for my family and myself, I have accordingly
142 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
moi memc. vous y trouverez quelque rature, des fautes
d'ortographe et des mots f rangais mal articules. votre
grandeur d'ame et votre philosophie qui sgavent appre-
cier avec beaucoup de prudence et de Sagesse, me par-
donneront tout cela. comme je ne I'ai fait que par un
bon motif, et que mes idees, mes pensees, et mon opinion
politique partent d'un coeur sincer et pur. j'espere que
vous me lirez et que vous prendrez en consideration
tout ce que j'ai dit de bon et d'util pour un pays qui Sans
exageration va devenir sous vous le meilleur des pays
du monde.
Alliot medecin.
A Neuve york ce 13 avril 1804
one] PAUL ALLIOT'S REFLECTIONS 143
undertaken to write it [again] myself. You will find
some erasures in it, some orthographical errors, and some
badly articulated French words. Your greatness of soul
and your philosophy which are able to be appreciative
with great prudence and wisdom, will pardon me all
that, since I have done it all only with a good motive, and
since my ideas, thoughts, and political opinion proceed
from a pure and sincere heart. I trust that you will
read my words and that you will take into consideration
all that I have said as good and useful for a country
which without exaggeration, is going to become under
your rule die best country in the world.
Alliot, Physician.
New York, April 13, 1804.
ANNOTATIONS OF PRECEDING
DOCUMENTS
* From New York, under date of April 14, 1804, Alliot addressed
the following curious letter to Jefferson, enclosing his Reflexions,
This letter is conserved in the Library of Congress, among the Jeffer-
son Papers, A, Letters received at Philadelphia, JVashin^ton, and
after his retirement ^ second sen, vol. ii, no. 19. It is in the same
hand as the Reflexions^ and covers two folio pages. The translation
of the entire letter is presented, as it throws considerable light on the
personality of Alliot, of whom there is no record at hand save his own
writings.
Alliot, Physician, at present in New York, with his wife and child,
to his Excellency, Mr. Gefferson, President of the United States of
America :
Mr. President: I have the honor to send you a manuscript which
is entitled Historical and Political Reflections on Louisiana^ in two parts.
Since I have written this little work only for a good purpose, and since
I have dedicated it to you, I hope that you will welcome it I earnestly
desire that throughout its perusal, you may be able, by your wisdom,
by your great talents, and by your virtues, which are today the admira-
tioQ of all Europe, to give to that good country which you have acquired
what it needs in order one day to become like the mother country which
you are governing so well.
Mr. President: I am also sending you a memoire of facts which
will prove to you the persecution and the great misfortunes which my
wife, my children, and myself have suffered at New Orleans.
The French government, before which we were led as great crim-
inals, has recognized my innocence, has censured the conduct of its agent,
has set me at liberty, and has permitted me by means of a passport,
which is now in my possession, to return to the United States of America
with my wife and child.
The crime committed in my house and on my person at New Orleans,
March eighteen, eighteen hundred and three, at eleven o'clock in the even-
ii>g» by Judge Meirieux, his bailiff, and certain surgeons who were in
the band, is one of those atrocities, unknown, thank God, in the United
States, even before their independence.
Why were those men the cause of my ruin, and of the deplorable con-
dition of my wife? For two reasons: the first, because I am a patriot, and
would sooner die than embrace the aristocratic of monarchical party ; the
146 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol
aecood, because I was practicing my profession as physician at New
Orleans with superior talents.
Consequently, it is their political opinion, consequently, it is the
jealousy of the physicians, which determined them to violate my asylum
during the night, to rob me, and to be the cause of the great misfortune
that befell my wife at Lorient, and from which, perhaps, she will never
recover, for still today, from time to time, she has those crises which
announce the loss of her reason.
Since such a crime can not and should not remain unpunished,- and
since those who arrested me, broke through my doors during the night,
and incarcerated, persecuted, and robbed me, dwell still at New Orleans
which is today governed by American laws ; and since I cannot prosecute
them for reparation, damages, and interests before the Spanish power, nor
before the French power, for their laws have no force there; and since,
living under the laws of the United States of America, I can not and
ought not prosecute them before other laws than those of the country:
therefore I ask permission of you for it I hope, after having seen my
afflicted condition, you will grant it me, and that I shall obtain prompt
justice.
There is still due me from various individuals whom I have treated
and doctored about four thousand francs, which they refused to pay me
when they heard of my deportation. I ask, furthermore, for authorization
to prosecute my debtors. If they had not deprived me of that sum, we
would not have had to sell our very shirts in France in order to obtain
passage to, and reach, the land of liberty where we have determined to
end our days.
Mr. Presidbnt: Since I have some talent in medicine, I have the
honor to send you in writing the name of all the maladies which I treat
with success and which I cure, in order that, in your quality as leader of
the great nation which you g^ovem, 3rou may be able to announce my name
and the various maladies which I treat, to all those whom you govern.
I treat and cure the following maladies:
Cancers or cankers, even after gangrene has set in
Colics in general
Carbuncles
Dysentery and the most obstinate tenesmus
Scurvy
King's evil, or scrofulous glands
Skin eruptions, even if driven inward
Quinsy or disease of the throat
Inflammation of the chest
Fistules in general
Gout
Gravel and stone
Dropsy
Piles
Epilepsy, or the falling sickness, when not congenital
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 147
Jaundice
Venereal diseases, even the most inveterate, without mercury
Went
Loss of milk
Wounds of all kinds, even cut sinews
Paral3rsi8
The pest
Bites from venemous beasts
PhthsU
Retention of the urine
Involuntary loss of the urine
Deafness
Suppression of the monthly courses
Scurf
All sorts of tumors, even of the natural and genital parts
SmallpoK and the prevention of its progrttB
Disease of the pupil of the eye, or dragons
Had I been in the United States at the time of the yellow fever, I am
almost sure that I could have prevented its progress and saved the lives
of thousands of citizens who no longer live. Wishing to bear the French
name no longer, and desirous of dying a free man, and desirous of being
useful to my fellows, I declare to you that I shall pursue my profession;
and in order to give you an idea of what maimer of man I am, and of
what I can do, I shall place before you my mode of defining yellow fever.
You will recognize by that whether anyone has given such a definition
of it since that malady has manifested itself in the United States.
Definition of yellow fever
This fever is an ague, and is accompanied by fever and worms, which
are infallible signs of great corruption; a burning fire which dries the
tongue and coats it ; a slow pulse, and a heart continually growing weaker.
This malady is generally mortal, and more dangerous in summer
than in winter, for by the first coming of the heat, the corrupt humors
offend all the noble parts by their poisoiL
Now then for this reason, I believe that I am obliged to minister to
the preservation of people by prescribing for them, as soon as I shall
have succeeded in the treatment of some persons in order to instruct
them in necessary matters, and to withdraw them from dieir ignorance
in regard to their remedies against such kinds of afl9ictions.
I count on your justice, your goodness, and your protection. While
awaiting your Excellency's answer, I am with respect, Mr. President,
3rour very humble and very submissive servant, Alliot, Physician.
Lodged at New York, at the house of Mr. Halsey, innkeeper, near the
butchers' shops and the vegetable market, 'Fly Market'
The "memoir of facts" of which Alliot speaks in the above letter
(a nine-page pamphlet, published by the press of Feutray, Lorient) is
148 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
found also among JeflEerson's papers. It is addressed by "AUiot, phy-
sician, proprietor of negroes and lands in San Domingo, deported from
Louisiana, to the inhabitants of the community of Lorient, and to all
Frenchmen." This pamphlet charges his wife's attempt at suicide
at Lorient to their many misfortunes at New Orleans, namely, his
arrest, and the loss of money due him at New Orleans and on notes
signed in San Domingo, his deportation to France, and his later im-
prisonment at Lorient. Of his relations in New Orleans and events
there, he says:
Since cmlumny and jealousy are the only weapons employed by my
enemies in imprisoning me in New Orleans and in having me deported
to France; and since all those influential and wealthy enemies have in-
vented eveiything in order to destroy me ; and since they have found men
cowardly enough and rascally enough and vile enough to spread in their
turn a thousand calunmies against me in this city, I have consequently
been forced, in spite of the few means I have left, to sacrifice a portion
of the feeble wreck of my fortune in order to make known to the magis-
trates and to the good inhabitants of this community, who might have
been forewarned against me, the awful stoiy of my misfortunes.
Three months after we had arrived at New Orleans, and after I had
been practicing as physician with great success, at eleven o'clock at night,
on the x8th of March, a judge whom I did not know, followed by several
other persons, all armed with swords and muskets, first having broken
in my doors, and overturned my furniture and beds, without any consid-
eration for the tears and prayers of my most unfortunate wife (then with
her child at the breast), seized my large portfolio, which contained all
my papers, titles, and notes, laid hold on me, and dragged me from my
house. They threateningly ordered my wife who was following me to
return to the house, and then led me forthwith to prison, where I was shut
into a room alone and without communication until further orders.
Three da3rs after my imprisonment, the warden, by order of the judge,
led me before the latter. In my presence, the judge ordered my portfolio
to be opened, examined all the papers in it, and returned them to me with
the statement that he found nothing there contrary to the government.
He returned them, I say, with the exception of the two notes for ttventy-Pwo
thousand livresy of which I have spoken above. Yet they were in my
portfolio when the judge seized it Finally he ordered the warden to
take me back to prison.
On the fifth day of his imprisonment, he underwent the judicial in-
terrogatory. Alliot disclaimed a knowledge of the cause of his arrest,
and when charged with practicing medicine without a license, declared
that he had never been informed that a license was necessary. He
indignantly denied the accusation that he had attempted to incite the
colored population to insurrection. He had never inveighed against
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 149
Napoleon and General Victor, the latter of whom was to be sent to
Louisiana. Alliot presented a certificate signed by various respectable
persons in New. Orleans in support of his assertions at the interro-
gatory. After the lapse of a fortnight w*ithout the defense promised
him having been furnished, Alliot (through his wife) petitioned the
French commissioner, Laussat (who had shortly before arrived at
New Orleans) for justice. Laussat, however, refused to meddle in
the matter, saying, "Since the French government has not yet taken
possession of Louisiana, I exercise no authority there ; for your husband
is under the bounds of Spanish justice, which has the sole right to
judge his case." A petition to Governor Salcedo, and an examination
of the case by the auditor, succeeded better, and it was announced that
Alliot would be liberated. But his worst enemy, the rich and influen-
tial physician, Montaigu, on hearing this, vowed that he would see
that Alliot was compelled to leave New Orleans.
It was not difficult for Monsieur Montaigu to ruin me. He had 3ret
one other resource at his command to employ more seductive than
piastres. All the inhabitants of New Orleans know perfectly well
that Demoiselle Montaigu, his daughter, is intimate with the governor's
son, who, because of the advanced age of his father, conducts the political
machine of Louisiana. Accordingly, the surgeon Montaigu made the
governor, with whom he dined, promise to write to Citizen Laussat to
ask him to deport me.
Laussat complied with the request, contrary to his assertion that he
would not meddle in the matter, and Alliot was accordingly deported.
Passports were issued to himself and wife, and they departed for
France. On reaching Lorient, Alliot was imprisoned, contrary to his
expectation, as he had committed no offense against the French laws,
and still awaits his freedom.
It is interesting to note that Alliot's grandnephew. Hector Alliot, is,
today, curator of the Southwest Museum of Los Angeles.
^ By treaty agreed on at Paris, April 30, 1803. See Appendix.
•The census of 1785 for Louisiana showed 14,215 whites, 1,303
free people of color, 16,544 slaves, a total of 32,062. In 1799, the
population of Upper Louisiana was 4,748 whites, 161 free mulattoes,
36 free negroes, 883 slaves, a total of 6,028 ; that for Lower Louisiana
was 50,150 whites, and 39,820 blacks, but this estimate appears to be
wrong. The population of Lower Louisiana (from 31® north latitude
to the Gulf of Mexico; and 68*'-78*' longitude west of the He de Fer)
in 1802 was about 60,000, exclusive of the Indians. Of this number
150 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
some 26,000 or 27,000 were white, 5,000 or 6,000 freedmen, and
about 28,000 slaves. Density of population was about 15 to the
square league. It was distributed as follows: 32,000 along the
Mississippi (about 10,000 in New Orleans, and 22,000 in the country
districts) ; 6,000 in the district of La Fourche; 12,000 in the districts
of Atacapas and Opelousas; 6,000 at the settlements of Bayou-Sara,
Avoyelles, Natchitoches, and Ouachita; and 4,000 about Lakes Pont-
chartrain and Barataria, and along the gulf. The population of
Upper Louisiana would probably be about 10,000. See: Berquin-
Duvallon. Fue de la Colonic Espagnole, 162-165. Robin's figures
[Voyages J ii, 204-206] for the population of Lower Louisiana about
1802 (althou^ his results are from various sources) was 37,697, and
for Upper Louisiana, 7,000; a total of 44,697. See, also: Houck.
Spanish Regime in Missouri (Chicago, 1910) for the census of Upper
Louisiana for various years.
^ In 1800 the total population of New Orleans was a trifle above
12,000 according to Perrin du Lac.
About one-quarter of the whites are Spaniards, generally from the
province of Catalonia. Poor, lazy, and dirty beyond expression, that
people mingle indiscriminately with the blacks, free or slave, and are
intimate with them in a manner dangerous to the colony. Those blacks,
accustomed to be treated as equals or as friends, are more inclined to
depart from the respect with which it is so important to inspire them for
die whites. — Perrin du Lac, Voyage dans Us deux Louisianes (Paris,
1805), 390, 391.
Berquin-Duvallon [Vue de la Colonie Espagnole (Paris, 1804),
248-250, 252] says:
The French who inhabit Louisiana with the exception of a few honest
and distinguished persons are either people of common origin who lack-
ing the advantages of a careful education, are mechanics, petty tradesmen,
and planters, or indeed adventurers, from the mother country or the
French colonies, whence they have been compelled to disappear because
of bankruptcy, rape on girls or women, abuse of confidence, various acts
of spoliation, and other pretty things of that sort, which would have
merited some exemplary corrections from their fellow citizens had they
remained longer among them. They have come to seek asylum in this
country rather than elsewhere: first, because they were admitted with-
out any trouble ; and secondly, because, added to the advantage of being
protected by a foreign government, they found here also advantage of
not having to quit their language and the customs peculiar to them.
Among those of both classes are persons, either of the former who have
made fortunes here and have rubbed off the rough comers, or of the
latter, who have also become rich, and what is more, honest, or have
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 151
taken the mask of honesty, for it comes to the same thing in the ejres
of much of the world. The Spaniards are either persons occupied in the
divers employments of the robe, of the pen, and of the sword, who yie
with one another in feathering their nests at the expense of the king.
Their august master, and of the public, their servant (with the excep-
tion of a few among them, who, together with a few French, English,
and Americans compose the honest and well regulated portion of the
people in general, among all the foreigners of the various nations who
are teen here) or Catalanians, who are a common people, nearly all
tavern-keepers or petty tradesmen, who aid and sustain one another, like
thieves at a fair, and who run after fortune in every way imaginable, to the
cost often of honor and good faith. The English or Irish and the Amer-
icans are nearly all merchants in the city. Among them are often persons
well reared and entirely honest, as there are also others both coarse and un-
scrupulous. All this can be called mixed merchandize, just as such must
usually be found among the people of every class who are brought to-
gether by commerce. Further, there are a certain number of Americans who
have settled as planters or as artisans in the distant posts ~ the dregs and
scum of their country ~ as well as certain Frenchmen of whom I have al-
ready spoken: but whom fortune has neither polished nor refined, like many
of these latter, and who, consequently since they are unable to play meth-
odically in their turn and in imitation of those favorites of fortune the role
of well regulated or honest people, have remained in statu quo, and such
as they were at first, that is to say, poor devils or downright rogues. . .
Moreover, there are among the lowest class of foreigners, a few Italians
engaged in fishing, some islanders or inhabitants of the Canaries engaged
in gardening, and in the production of some other small objects of coo-
sumption, and even some few Bohemians [i.e., probably gypsies], whom
they have succeeded in domiciling there, almost all of whom are dancers
or fiddlers. In this respect, I dare say that there are few places in the
world, where one may see in a locality of like extent, the human species
so diversified in nations, races, and colors, as at New Orleans, in the
months of January, February, and March, when the concourse of people
is more considerable and more varied than at any other time. It is really
an original spectacle and one that seems to have been reserved for this
little comer of the world.
See also note 3, and notes 79 and 83.
' See note 10.
* There is considerable truth in Alliot's assertions and insinuations
concerning medical practice in Louisiana at this period. The matter
is commented on by some of the writers of the time. See: Berquin-
Duvallon. Fue de la Colonie EspagnoUy 83. See also note 36.
^ Also called TOrient. This dedicatory letter was, however, evi-
dently written, or at least, revised, in New York.
' Lake Pontchartrain.
152 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
•The canal dug by Baron de Carondelet, who was governor of
Louisiana, 1792-1797. Sec: Gayarre. History of Louisianay vol. iii,
33 1 » 332. The Account of Louisiana^ compiled at the instance of Jef-
ferson in 1803, describes the canal as one and one-half miles long.
At the mouth of it about 2V2 leagues from the city, is a small fort
called St Jean, which commands the entrance from the lake.
Communication was had thence to Mobile and the West Florida
settlements. Boats drawing six or eight feet could navigate the bayou,
but special swells from the lake were necessary to allow them to enter
it without lightering.
*®The unhealthy conditions at New Orleans are thus described
by early writers :
Nothing equals the filthiness of New Orleans, unless it be the un-
healthiness which has, for some years, appeared to have resulted from it.
That city, the filth of which can not be drained off, is not paved, and
probably never would be if it remained in the hands of the Spaniards.
Its markets which are unventilated, are reeking with rottenness. Its
quay is adorned with fish that rot there for want of purchasers. Its
squares are covered with the filth of animals, which no one takes the
trouble to remove. Consequently, there is seldom a year that the yellow
fever or some other contagious maladies do not carry off many strangers.
Even the inhabitants of the country are often overtaken by such mala-
dies. ^Perrin du Lac, Voyage^ 392, 393.
Berquin-Duvallon [Vue de la Col. Esp.y 90] describes the filth of
the city as being "in the port, in the streets, in the yards of the houses
even, where heaps of filth are thrown indiscriminately, which are re-
moved only partially and at long intervals."
^^ According to Howard [Louisinna Purchascy 28], sugar was first
introduced into Louisiana by the Jesuits from San Domingo in 1751.
The Jesuits also sent over some negroes experienced in the manufacture
of sugar. One Dubreuil built the first sugar mill on what is now
Elsplanade Avenue, in New Orleans. The first real success in sugar
making in Louisiana is well described by Gayarre in his History y vol.
Hi, 347-350.
Of sugar cane cultivation and the manufacture of sugar, Thomas
Hutchins [Historical Narrative (Philadelphia, 1784), 38] says:
In the year 1762, several of the richest planters began the cultivation
of sugar, and erected mills to press the canes; the sugar produced was
of a veiy fine quality, and some of the crops were very large: but no
dependence can be had on this article, as some years the winters are too
cold, and kill the canes in the ground.
Pontalba (a Louisiana Creole) in his Memoir e (see Gayarre's
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS iS3
History, vol. iii, 435-437), discussing the culture of sugar cane says
that while eighteen months is required in the West Indies for its
growth, seven suffices in Louisiana, namely, from March to October.
Unlike the cane of San Domingo, which sours two days after cutting,
that of Louisiana remains sound if covered with its stubble on the
ground until it can be manufactured into sugar. Consequently, this
source of wealth has become very important in Louisiana. The first
successful plantation was started in 1795 with thirty negroes by one
Jean Etienne Bore (the mayor of New Orleans when that city was
transferred to the United States), who sold his raw sugar to Americans
for $12,000. Its quality was at least equal to that of Martinique.
At the time the memoir was written, so common was the cultivation
of sugar that there were sixty plantations with an annual output of
4,000,000 pounds of sugar, which yielded 20 to 25 per cent on invest-
ment. Perrin du Lac IFoyage, 381-383] speaks of the early culti-
vation of sugar in Louisiana as follows :
Indigo cultivation has been replaced throughout the lower part of
the colony by that of sugar, the easy sale of which assures the inhabitants
a more certain and not less profitable income. During the frightful crises
which have depopulated San Domingo, the scattered inhabitants sought
ever3rwhere the means of withdrawing themselves from the misery which
pursued them. Some thought that lower Louisiana where the cultiva-
tion of sugar had not yet been attempted might produce sugar abundantly,
and that the climate, although subject to very great cold, might profitably
permit its manufacture. The several experiments made there succeeded
so well, that soon all the inhabitants imitated them and renounced every
other branch of agriculture in order to give themselves entirely to it
The sugar made there is good and substantial, although very inferior to
that of more southern colonies. The reason for this is that the sugar cane,
instead of being ripened by the heat, is, so to say, forced by the white
frosts, which scarcely ever fail to make themselves felt in the month of
December. These frosts have two drawbacks: the first to diminish the
quality of the cane which can only remain in the ground for nine months;
the second, to destroy at times the harvest when they come too early, for
since the cane can be worked only continuously, and since the proprietors
can begin the work only about the time that the cane has become ripe,
if the frosts come at the last of November or in the first part of December,
a great part of the cane is lost while still standing or is only fit for syrup.
The climate, which is becoming warmer as the country is being opened
up, causes the inhabitants to hope that they will not have long to fear that
drawback which is the only one that apparently opposes the cultivation
of sugar.
Sec, also, Berquin-Duvallon's Vue de la Col. Esp,, 121-141 for
matter relating to the cultivation and refining of sugar and its prod-
1 54 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
ucts. An arpent of ground, he declares, will yield a net product of
2,000 pounds of sugar and about two hogsheads of syrup. These will
sell for 1 ,000 livres tournois. Americans who bought sugar in Louisi-
ana complained that hot weather caused it to turn to molasses, which
may have been due to insufficient refining. In 1 801 -1802, the sugar
production was estimated at about 5,000,000 pounds. Sugar planta-
tions along the Mississippi are subject, though but rarely, to destruc-
tive hurricanes. The planters must also fear frosts. The cane must
be manufactured into sugar between the months of October and Feb-
ruary. Another obstacle in the manufacture is the necessity of cutting
great quantities of wood for the refining of the sugar, the cost of which
is almost prohibitive. The yield, in the opinion of this author, has
reached its highwater mark. Collot [Foyaget vol. ii, 224-233] dis-
cusses the sugar cultivation. He concludes that the lands of Lower
Louisiana are suitable for such cultivation, and that the quality of the
sugar is excellent More hands are needed. In 1 796, there were ten
refineries, while at the time Collot was there, there were more than
two hundred. The possible production of sugar and rum was esti-
mated [Account of Louisiana, 31, 32] in 1803 at 25,000 hogsheads of
sugar, and 12,000 puncheons of rum. Sugar was imported as follows
from Louisiana and the Floridas into the United States: 1799, 773,542
pounds; 1800, 1,560,865 pounds; 1801, 967,619 pounds; 1802,
i>576»933 pounds. The sugar crop of the state of Louisiana for 1823
was 15,401 tons; in 1905, 336,751 tons of 2,240 pounds. See State-
ment of sugar crop made in Louisiana in igos-igod, by A. Bouchereau
(New Orleans, 1909). See also: Porter, George Richardson. Nature
and properties of the sugar cane (Philadelphia, 1831); Newlands,
A. R. and Benjamin E. R. Newlands. Sugar: a handbook for planters
and refiners (London and New York, 1909). A valuable contribution
to the "Routine of work on a great sugar plantation'' for various years
after 1827, will be found in Documentary History of American Indus-
trial Society, vol. i (compiled by U. B. Phillips, Cleveland, 1910),
214-230.
** Many of the early documents make considerable mention of
indigo raising in Louisiana, which seemed at one time to promise
excellent returns. However, it was generally unprofitable, as the
crops were greatly troubled by insects. It was worth in France from
seven to nine francs per pound. See Pontalba's Memoire in Gayarre's
History, vol. iii, 436, 437. Oliver Pollock, agent for Virginia and the
United States in New Orleans during the Amencsdi Revolutionary
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS iS5
War, owned an indigo plantation, which he seems to have regarded
as profitable. See his letters in the Manuscript Division of the Library
of Congress. Collot [Voyage, vol. ii, 221, 222] says that the indigo
of Louisiana was much inferior to that of Guatemala and the Antilles,
although better than that of Georgia and the Carolinas. The crops
were often lost before ripening, because of the dampness of Louisiana,
for indigo requires a dry climate. The dampness is probably the cause
of the worm which destroys the root of the plant The crop has been
destroyed several years in succession. This, as well as the low price
in Europe, as the market is glutted, has largely caused planters to
discontinue its cultivation, and to give their attention to the raising
of other products and to lumbering.
^' The exportation of cotton from Louisiana, according to Pontalba
[Gayarrc's History y vol. lii, 437] was about 200,000 pounds. Its fiber
was fine but short. During the peace, the entire product was sent to
France. Sec, also: Berquin-Duvallon. Vue de la Col. Esp., 142-147.
This author says that the vicinity of New Orleans was not very favor-
able for cotton. The best districts were the upper parts of Baton
Rouge and Pointe Coupee, and the regions of Attakapas and Opelousas.
An arpent of ground usually yielded about 400 pounds of cotton, valued
at 100 piastres. One good negro could cultivate about three arpents.
However, its cultivation was less popular than that of sugar cane, and
there was a prejudice against it on account of caterpillars and excessive
rains which damaged the crop. Notwithstanding this, Berquin-Du-
vallon thinks it the fitter crop for Louisiana. It was complained that
the fiber of Louisiana cotton was too short and could not be profitably
used in many manufactures, but this was due to the method by which
it was worked. Collot [Voyage, vol. ii, 223, 224], says of cotton and
its cultivation :
Cotton it cultivated successfully in Louisiana. Its fiber is as fine and
as white as in the Antilles, but shorter. One of the causes which con-
tributes to disgust the inhabitants with the cultivation is its difficulty,
while it employs a great many hands ; and the cotton plant, which resists
the climate for three years, perishes in Louisiana, because of the severity
of the winters (although the latter last but a short period) if it is not
replanted every year. Also the fact that the seed clings to the cotton
makes it necessary to exercise great care in picking it, and the sort of
coarse mill that is used to further that operation, shortens the cotton fiber
still more « which is the cause of its low price in Europe, where the cotton
[from Louisiana] is always considered to be inferior to that of Surinam,
Cayenne, the Antilles, and India. However, one is disposed to believe
that the more enlightened and prudent cotton planters of Louisiana will
1 56 LOUI SIAN A, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
not abandon its cultivation, which, if it demands care, may give sure
harvests in return, and which, excepting the preparation of the ground,
can be entrusted to children. As to the clinging of the seed to the cotton,
that depends absolutely on the seeds used, the choice of which may be
learned by experience.
He says that the same difficulties in separating the seed has been
experienced in Georgia and the Carolinas. The new machine (Whit-
ney's cotton gin) just introduced into the United States, and which
will doubtless be improved will have a good effect, as is seen already
in the advancing prices. See also Robin's Voyages, vol. iii, 44-62.
He says of the cotton harvest that a negro could harvest at least 60
pounds per day, which after cleaning, would make about 20 pounds.
The harvest began in the middle of August and lasted until December.
Prices were 15 to 20 sous per livrc during the Spanish regime, and
20 to 28 sous under the American. One arpent could produce 250 to
300 pounds. See Stone's The Negro Problem (New York, 1908) for
modem estimates of production per acre and individual capacity in
the state of Mississippi. The following statistics are taken from
James L. Watkins's King Cotton, a historical and statistical review,
lygo-igoS (New York, 1908) chapter ix, "Louisiana and its cotton
crops from 1800 to 1908," pp. 188-21 1: In 1800, 3,000 bales; in
1810, 8,000; in 1820-1830, an increase to 139,000; 1830-1840, an
increase to 411,000; largest crop prior to the Civil War, 778,000;
first crop after Civil War, 165,000; in 1904, largest crop ever pro-
duced in the state, 1,109,000. The area planted in 1879 was 865,000
acres; in 1906, 1,778,000. In 1806, an acre of cotton land produced
250 pounds of cotton, which was worth 20 cents per pound. One
negro could cultivate four acres. The species of cotton known as
Mexican was first introduced into Louisiana in 1806. See also George
McHenry's The cotton trade, considered in connection with the sys-
tem of negro slavery in the Confederate States (London, 1863) ; and
Documentary History of American Industrial Society ^ vol. ii, 231-244.
^* Pontalba [Gayarrc's History, vol. iii, 437] reports the amount
of tobacco raised in the Natchitoches district at 2,000 pounds, the
greater part of which was exported to France, and the rest to Vera
Cruz and Campechy. According to Berquin-Duvallon [Fue de la
Col, Esp.f 147, 148] cultivation of tobacco in Louisiana had consider-
ably decreased because of fraud introduced in the manufacture of it.
Collot [Voyage J vol. 11, 233, 234] says of the tobacco culture:
Tobacco is also cultivated there, especially in Natchitoches, Pointe-
Coup6e, and Natchez. The first-named settlement supplies a tobacco of
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 157
the first grade, which is considered the finest and best in the market.
Two millions of pounds of it are exported annually. In the other two
settlements the tobacco is also good but inferior [to that of the first].
For that reason it is less cultivated there and exported in less quantity.
In 1906, Louisiana had the smallest acreage of the tobacco-pro-
ducing states -only 61 acres, with a yield of 475 pounds per acre, a
total yield of 28,975 pounds. It was valued at 27^^ cents per pound
or a total of $7,968, farm value, December i, 1906. See United
States Tobacco Journal^ Dec. 29, 1906. See also the article on "To-
bacco in Louisiana'' by Professor Stubbs, in Louisiana, its products,
soil and climate (Baton Rouge, 1894), 105-109.
" See "Olive culture in the United States" by Newton B. Pierce,
in Yearbook of the Department of Agriculture, 1896 (Washington,
1897), 371-390. Much of California constitutes a region especially
adapted to the cultivation and pioduction of olives, but this fruit will
also grow in parts of Arizona, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama,
Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, and perhaps in parts of southwestern
Utah and southwestern Nevada. Stoddard [Louisiana^ 168] says
that trees grew in the cypress swamps that were called olive trees,
because of a resemblance to the latter.
*• For silk culture in the United States, see "The United States
Department of Agriculture and Silk Culture," by L. O. Howard, in
Yearbook of the Dept, of Agric, 1903 (Washington, 1904), 137-148.
Silk culture seems to have been introduced into New England about
1660, by Mr. Aspinwall, who had nurseries of mulberries at New
Haven and on Long Island. Culture was begun in Pennsylvania and
New Jersey in 1771. No real success has been obtained on this con-
tinent.
^^ This is doubtless the Traite sur la culture de la vigne, avec I'art
de faire le vin, les eaux-de-vie, esprit-de-vin, vinaigres simples et com-
poses (Paris, an x-1801), second edition, by Jean Antoine Claude
Chaptal, Comte de Chanteloup. This author wrote many agriculture
treatises, in which he deals with the subject chiefly from the chemical
side. CoUot, when speaking of Upper Louisiana [Voyage, vol. ii,
218] says:
The vine is found among this surprising variety of products. The
country is covered with them. It is, however, a wild vine, and but little
attempt has been made to cultivate it successfully.
This vine differed from that seen by Collot in the northern parts
of America. Its stock grew to about two and one-half or three feet.
158 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol.
while the vine itself was a climbing one that grew more especially on
stony ground. Its leaves resembled those of the vine of Madera and
the district of Champagne, while its grape was black, small, and very
full of sugar. Collot thinks cultivation would improve both size and
quality.
^•The wax tree is the wax myrtle or bayberry, sometimes called
the candleberry. Its scientific name is Myrica cerifera and it belongs
to the sweet-gale family (Myricaceae).
Among the products natural to Louisiana, that of the wax tree must be
particularly distinguished. Although as yet it has not offered a major
interest, it can not longer be doubted that it will become hereafter an ob-
ject of trade of the highest importance. A French chemist, a refugee for
some 3rear8 in New York, has just discovered a simple and cheap process
for making that wax as white as beeswax. The approbation accorded
him by the government of the United States, in granting him a patent for
his invention, can do no less than add to the value of that shrub and to
diffuse its culture in all parts of North America, where the climate is
suitable for it — Perrin du Lac, Foyages, 383.
Jacquemin [Mimoirey 16, 17] describes the tree and its fruit. He
says that there were two qualities of wax, the first of which was sold
in the islands for one hundred sous and the second for forty.
^* "Balise" is a French word signifying buoy or mark, the applica-
bility of which to the location on which the station of this name was
placed is readily seen. With the description in the text of Balise,
compare the two following. Hutchins [Hist. Narr., 31, 32] describes
Balise and navigation about it as follows :
It is an observation said to be founded on experience, that where the
water of the Mississippi incorporates with, and apparently loses itself in
the bay of Mexico, the current divides, and generally sets north-easterly
and south-westerly, but out of soundings the currents are in a great
measure governed by the winds; and if they are not attended to, vessels
may be driven south-westward beyond the Balize into the bay of St
Bernard, which is reported to be full of shoals, and consequently a very
dangerous navigation. To come to an anchor off the Balize, vessels ap-
proaching the land ought to bring the old Balize to bear about W by S,
and the new Balize nearly WNW; they will then be about two miles
distant from, and opposite to the East pass, or mouth, in 13 or 14 fathoms
water: and the strong N£ and SW winds always occasion great swells
off the Balize, yet when anchored as above directed they may ride in
safety; except a SE wind, which is the most dangerous, as it blows di-
rectly on shore, should come on so violent as to part them from their
anchors, and prevent their carrying sail ; in which case, if care has not
been taken to secure a good offing, they will drift either on the mud banks
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 159
into the past a la Loutre, which has only eight feet water, or into the
bay Britoo, where they will be in a critical situation, on account of the
shoal water for which that bay is remarkable. The best precaution
against the consequences of a south-east wind will be to get under way
before the strength of the gale comes on, and to steer about N by W half
W for the island called Grand Cosier distant 7 leagues. In sailing
round the south westermost part of which, care should be taken to steer
clear of a shoal that runs out from it WSW about two miles, which
being passed, vessels should luff up, until the SW end of the island bears
nearly S£ two miles; there is then good anchoring in three and a half
fathoms soft bottom. There is another safe anchoring place in 2 fathoms
water, just within the SW point of the Isle au Briton; from the SW end
of which a shoal runs out nearly half a mile. This island is about a
league to the westward of the Grand Cosier, and there is good anchoring
between them in 3 and 4 fathoms. If a south-east gale should happen at
night, it would be impossible to see the way between the above islands.
In that case, a NN£ course from the mouths of the Mississippi will
clear the chandelures, situated about 3 leagues to the north-ward of the
Isle au Crand Cosier, which are better than 9 leagues in length. As all
the above islands are low and have no trees growing on them, they can
not be seen at any distance. On that account it will be necessary when
sailing towards them, to keep a good look out There is drift wood on
these islands, and fresh water may be got by digging. The water be-
tween the chandelures and the peninsula of Orleans is full of shoals, and
the navigation fit only for small craft
The same author says, ut supra^ 33, 34:
The old Balize, a small port erected by the French on a little island,
was in the year 1734, at the mouth of the river, it is now two miles above
it In the year 1766, Don Antonio D'Ulloa erected some barracks on a
small island, the new Balize, (to which he gave the name of St Carlos)
for the convenience of pilots, and other purposes, being near the south-
east entrance of the river, and a more dry and higher situation than any
there abouts^ There was not the least appearance of this island 30 years
ago. The old and new Balize were formerly very inconsiderable posts,
with 3 or 4 cannon in each, and garrisoned by a subaltern's command.
Such are their situations that they neither defend the Mississippi, nor the
deepest channel into it, and appear to have been established only for the
purposes of assisting vessels coming into the river, and forwarding in-
telligence or dispatches to New Orleans.
Pcrrin du Lac [VoyageSy 453-455] speaks at length as follows:
At Balize resides the chief pilot, who alone has the right to enter or
leave vessels bound to and from New Orleans, to whatever nation they
belong. That custom which still holds to the S3rstem of exclusion of the
Spanish government is extremely annoying to travelers. The pilots
under the orders of the chief pilot, sure of having no competitors, only
go out when the vessels are near the channels, and the winds must be
ito LOUISLAXA, 1785-1807 [Vd.
fae wta dbc tnxa of
kxTV calr twirire leet of wsarr « Ingh
of dKir flight wiilik jbi4
Bfdmofthci, M
for lot »nw oifer wkhoor kb help, the cUcf pike
•f his daDa» if ■■I bad faith, m least peat
a gai.iM of ftuii fBCB « Ralfir,
All csplove of thii Krrioe visiti all the
that cBBcr or leare. These arc al» twescT-fbar moi oadcr the onien of
qoit at win, pnrrided that it it oat at a time whea the Krrice ii p
/ »
~ Of the setticncnt of Pljqucmiiie. Pe n in du Lac [TojtffCT, 450-
452] savs:
Sxxn- Bijes helow New Orleans is fooDd Fore Ptaqocsune, which was
dux log the g g i e imu cat and coder die direcaoB of Baron de Caron-
deScc . . Fort Plaqtxmine. bcih cnexreSr of bridk. p>mLM> a batterr
of tw«^^e pieces of :arf:e caliber, at each of its two faces which look on
the rrrer. Fon BccrS»« on the cpposfts side [of the rircr] has a batteir
which crcnscs with that of Plaquetztine. The sarrisen of those two
b oemposed of eiji^tT or one handled oko, ooder "■**— ■■-*^ of a
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS i6i
lieutenant colonel. . . From Plaquemine to Balise, the last Spanish
post on the Mississippi, the country is absolutely uninhabited, and the
land so low that no settlement can ever be made there.
General Victor CoUot, who served under Rochambeau during the
American Revolution, and who traveled in North America in 1796,
writes [Voyage dans VAmerique, Septenrionale (Paris, 1826), vol. ii,
132-137] as follows of Fort Plaquemine:
The English Turn is a bend in the river, which from that part to the
sea, winds very considerably. That point had formerly been chosen by
the English in order to defend the entrance of the river, and two small
forts had been built there. But the Spaniards have abandoned them and
have preferred, with reason, a position twenty miles lower, called the
Plaquemine Turn [Detour de Plaqueminis\t which is only eighteen miles
distant from the first mouth of the river. They have established a very
considerable fort there called Fort Plaquemine. It is located on the left
bank of the river, at the mouth of a small creek or bayou called Mardi-
Gras, in a moving swamp, which extends quite to the sea. It has no
land approach, and one must reach it by the river. The form is so ir-
regular and so uneven that it is very difficult to give a clear idea of it,
especially as I saw it only in passing. . . It is a bastion closed by two
long arms broken in the middle ~ which gives it at first view the appear-
ance of a homwork. The parapets facing the river are eighteen feet
thick and are faced with brick. A ditch twenty feet wide and twelve
deep surrounds it. The two long arms and the gorge are defended only
by a remblai, the earth of which was taken from the ditch, which has the
same width and the same depth all round as in front. On the remblai are
twelve-foot stakes. The bayou of Mardi-Gras supplies the water for all
the ditches. Within have been built two barracks for three hundred
men, a lodging for the commandant, and an excellent powder magazine.
On the north side has been constructed a small levee for a distance of three
hundred toises along the river bank, which runs toward one of the faces
of the bastion, in which a door with a drawbridge has been built This
is the only place by which one can leave the fort without running danger
of being engulfed in the mud. Twenty-four pieces of cannon of all cali-
bers compose its battery, and a captain with one hundred men, who are
relieved monthly, comprise its garrison. This post is intended for the
defense of the entrance of the river, and consequently, to cover New Or^
leans on the side next the sea. It is excellent for this purpose, and the
choice of the locality was perfect, not only because it is covered by the
bajTou of Mardi-Gras, but also because it is situated exactly at the point
where the lands of both banks of the river cease to be firm and passable.
Consequently, it is impossible to disembark on either of the banks of the
river near the fort, either above or below. Therefore, it can be ap-
proached only by means of the works, which could not be undertaken
without being provided with the necessary materials ~ materials which are
not usually supplied by vessels. It would not be easier to force the passage
i62 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
of the river, for no boats can enter there except corvets or small frigates.
Besides the fort would present a very formidable artillery against boats of
small burden, independently of the red-hot balls and bombs, the effect of
which would be very greatly feared by the enemy. The river, at that
point, is not more than six or seven hundred toises wide ; and supposing
that some vessels did succeed in forcing the passage, all the transports
would certainly run the risk of being sunk one after the other. Also, so
long as that fort existed, communication between the sea and the attacking
army would be in danger of being intercepted. It must, then, be said
that two galleys, protected by the fire of Fort Plaquemine, are sufficient
to prevent any force whatever from being able to ascend the river ; and it
must even be added that any enemy who knew the locality would never
undertake it But all these local advantages are not without great dis-
advantages. Those moving, or rather floating, lands admit of no fixed
foundation, on the solidity of which one can count The fort, that is to
say, the part faced with brick, although built on piles two feet in diameter
and twenty feet long and set six inches apart, has already settled three
feet on the bayou side and two feet on the eastern side. All the brick
facings, which date from scarcely three years ago, are also cracked in all
parts. The banks of the river are daily washing away, in spite of the
stakes, the clear space, and a hundred convicts emplo3red the entire year
in repairing them. All this raises a doubt as to the length of time one
can succeed in assuring the stability of these lands.
" Sec note 35.
*• Natchez was one of the posts transferred to the United States by
the treaty with Spain of 1795. Andrew EUicott was appointed com-
missioner to carry into eflFect the provisions of the treaty, survey the
ceded territory, determine the boundaries, etc. See his Journal (Phil-
adelphia, 1803), for the years 1796 -1800 (the Ellicott papers are con-
served in the Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State).
See, also: Gayarre. History, vol. iii, 366-371. For descriptions of
Natchez, see: Perrin du Lac. Voyage, 368-370; and Collot. Voyage,
vol. ii, 78-92. The oath of allegiance taken by inhabitants of the
Natchez district, after the cession (conserved in the public archives at
Havana, Cuba) is as follows:
Oath of allegiance to the king our sovereign
We, the undersigned, imbued with the greatest gratitude for the bene-
fits and favors that we have received from the Spanish government during
the time that we have lived under the dominion of the king our sovereign
in the district of Natchez, which was ceded by treaty to the United States
of North America ; and being on this account obliged to remain under the
latter government, until disposing of our property; that having been done,
and being thoroughly convinced of the well known mercy of his Majesty:
we have petitioned the governor general of this province to do us the
favor to receive us as subjects of his Majesty in the government under his
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 163
command. That favor has been granted to us, and, in consequence there-
of, we present ourselves before Don Jos^ Vidal, captain and civil and
military commandant of the port of Concordia where we desire to settle
in order to take and ratify the oath of allegiance in the following form.
We swear in the most formal manner, according to the rites of our
religions, that since it is our sincere desire and wish to establish ourselves
under the protection and dominion of the king of Spain, we declare our-
selves to be his subjects from this moment. For this reason we renounce
any alliance that we may have had with any other nation, since we ar£
subjecting ourselves entirely to the Spanish nation, where we desire to
live with our families, not only for the advantages that may result to us
from obtaining lands for our settlement, but also because of our inclina-
tion to be governed by the several laws of the Spanish government,
through our long experience of their efficient administration.
Consequently, we swear not to offend, in any way, directly or indi-
rectly, the Spanish nation; nor to conspire in a manner harmful to it; but
on the contrary to defend it by exposing our lives and property against
any enemy, within or without his dominions. We promise not to make
use of expressions injurious to said government; but on the contrary, it
will be our obligation from now on, and as soon as we hear and learn
anything that may be contrary to the crown or contrary to public tran-
quility and good order to inform the governor or nearest commandant
and lend efficient force to persecute criminals without consideration of
class or person.
We declare also that we have had no part in, nor taken arms against
the Spanish government during the last revolution of Natches when the
troops of the United States came to take possession of that country in ac-
cordance with the treaty.
We promise also to enlist in the militia, and to observe the rules estab-
lished for that service; to take arms not only to defend our rights and
property, but also with so much the more cause and right, to maintain the
sovereignty of his Majesty, and to defend his crown against the enemies
of the nation who might attempt particularly to invade this part of his
domains, or against those who in violation of the laws and regulations
established by the government, intend to violate them. We promise and
are obliged by the present oath, to obey our superiors in command in all
the casualties in which they may consider our assistance to be necessary;
and in case that we may have committed any crime by which we may be
demanded from any other nation where we may have taken refuge, in
order to escape punishment, we subject ourselves to be treated in the
same manner as the rest of his Majest/s subjects, and to lose the right
of becoming natives of the place where we may have taken refuge ; and
no other proof of this declaration is necessary than the copy of this oath.
We promise also to observe, so much as in our power, all the laws and
regulations established, or those which may be established, in this prov-
ince, the chief ones and the most essential points having been explained
to us, by the above said commandant before two witnesses who wit-
nessed our oath. The latter having been read in our language, and its
1 64 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
cootenta having been well understood, we promise solemnly to comply
faithfully and legally with all that is here set down, at the cost of our
lives and possessions, and in virtue of the oath which we have taken.
A copy of the oath of allegiance. Vidal [rubric]
[Endorsed: Copy made from legajo 557 of the Intendancy.]
" Alliot refers here of course to the troubles between Spain and the
United States regarding the navigation of the Mississippi, of which the
short-lived repeal of the right of deposit at New Orleans was a feature.
See: Ogg, F. A. Opening of the Mississippi (New York, 1904). See
also various documents at end of volume.
'' On the insurrection of the negroes in San Domingo, and the
subsequent attempt at insurrection in Louisiana, see Gayarre's History^
vol. Ill, 433 (Pontalba's Memoire). See, also: Adams. History of
the United States, vol. i, 377-398.
*• The district from Plaquemine to the sea was low and swampy,
and that whole region was subject to disaster from hurricane and tidal
waves. The last had occurred in 1794. See: Account of Louisiana,
14, 15.
" Berquin-Duvallon [Fue de la Col, Esp., 21, 22] speaks as fol-
lows of the lowest settlements in Lower Louisiana :
About fifteen leagues below New Orleans begin the settlements of the
colony, the first of which are but small, and present only a tongue of land
cultivable between the river and swamps — a space so restricted, that
from the river's edge, one may, as is said in some places, spit into the
cypress swamp. After that come without any order, above the bend
formed by the river and called the Detour de Anglais [i.e., English Turn],
and so difficult to double, a small number of wood sawmills, a few sugar
refineries and places where vegetables and food are raised — all these
lying one after another in a straight line along the river banks. From
thence one may distinguish easily and without straining the sight, the
limits and extremities of the settlements made and to be made along all
that long narrow strip of land bordering the river on either side; but
which form, nevertheless, the most considerable portion and the best lo-
cated part of the colony.
^* Taffia was a liquor resembling rum which w^as made by distilling
the juice of the sugar cane. Sec Gayarre's History, vol. iii, 347.
^* By tiger is probably meant the panther or lynx.
•® More than thirty saw mills were constructed on the Mississippi
near New Orleans after its cession to Spain, the output of which was
largely boxes for the sugar trade of Cuba and other places. See
Gayarre's History, vol. iii, 439 (Pontalba's Memoire).
*^ Pomegranates, lemons, oranges, and olives were extensively culti-
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 165
vated in the settlements of the Acadians and Germans in Lower Loui-
siana. See Collot's Voyage, vol. ii, 234. Oranges, figs, sugarcane,
and indigo were first introduced by the Jesuits who settled in Louisiana
in 1727. See the article on "Louisiana Oranges," by Henry N. Baker,
in Louisiana; its products, soil and climate (Baton Rouge, 1894), log-
in. Its output was about 450,ocx> boxes annually.
•* See note 11.
*' Pontalba, the Creole agent ordered to report on all phases of
Louisiana conditions saw clearly the great need of that territory in
order that it might develop economically :
Louisiana wants working hands. Give her population and she will
become an inexhaustible source of wealth for France. Give her popula-
tion, whatever be the means employed, but give her population. — Gayarri,
History , vol. iii, 442.
** There are many descriptions of New Orleans of this period.
Compare with that of the text the following. Hutchins [Hist. Narr,^
36} 37] thus describes it at a slightly earlier period than Alliot:
The town of New Orleans, the metropolis of Louisiana, which was reg-
ularly laid out by the French in the year 1720, is situated on the East side of
the river in 3od am North latitude, 105 miles from the Balize, as already
mentioned ; all the streets are perfectly straight but too narrow, and cross
each other at right angles. There are betwixt seven and eight hundred
houses in this town, generally built with timber frames raised about eight
feet from the ground, with large galleries round them, and the cellars
under the floors level with the ground: any subterraneous buildings
would be constantly full of water. Most of the houses have gardens.
Exclusive of slaves, there are about seven thousand inhabitants of both
sexes. The fortification is only a line of stockades, with bastions of the
same materials, on three sides, a banquet within, and a very trifling ditch
without, and is only a defense against musquetry. The side next the
river is open, and is secured from the inundation of the river by a raised
bank, generally called the Lev6e, which extends from the English Turn,
or the Detour des Anglois, to the upper settlements of the Germans, a
distance of more than 50 miles, with a good road all the way. There is
reason to believe the period is not very distant when New Orleans may
become a great and opulent city, if we consider the advantages of its
situation, but a few leagues from the sea, on a noble river, in a most
fertile country, under a most delightful and wholesome climate, within
two weeks sail of Mexico by sea, and still nearer the French, Spanish and
British islands in the West Indies, with a moral certainty of its becoming
a general receptacle for the produce of that extensive and valuable
country on the Mississippi, Ohio, and its other branches ; all of which are
much more than sufiicient to ensure the future wealth, power and prosper-
ity of this city.
i66 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
Pcrrin du Lac [Foyages, 384, 385] is less enthusiastic in his descrip-
tion:
New Orleans . . . does not merit a favorable mention. All that
can be said in its favor and which touches its very foundations, is that
there was not for a great distance another site more beautiful, or higher
or healthier. New Orleans located on the left bank of the Mississippi,
about one hundred miles from its mouth, is built on an island formed by
Lake Pontchartrain and the Iberville River, the greatest width of which
is twenty miles and its length seventy. It enjoys none of the advantages
which usually determine a new settlement The houses which are built
more than eight feet below the level of the river are only artificially pro-
tected from the periodical inundations of the latter. During May and
June of every year, the inhabitants live in a state of fear lest they be en-
gulfed or submerged, and one trembles at the sight of the lack of solidity
of the works on which their safety depends.
Berquin-Duvallon [Fue de la Col. Esp.y 23-31] enters more fully
into the life of the city, a fact that makes his description one of the
most valuable of this period, notwithstanding his gently sarcastic tone
at times :
New Orleans is located nearly under the thirtieth degree of north
latitude and the seventy-fourth degree of longitude west from the merid-
ian of Ile-de-Fer, at a distance of thirty-five leagues from the sea, follow-
ing the course of the Mississippi. It is built on the left bank of that river
on an island belonging to West Florida, and formed by the Gulf of Mex-
ico, Lake Pontchartrain, the Manchac or Iberville River, and the Missis-
sippi. That island is about sixty leagues long in its greatest extension
and has a width varying from two to fifteen leagues. But the greater
part of that territory offers unsurmountable obstacles to agriculture, and
cannot even be inhabited because of the immense swamps by which it is
intersected and the physical impossibility of draining them and of purify-
ing a soil which, like nearly all that of Lower Louisiana, affords but very
little drainage to the stagnant waters with which it is covered, and which
hold the abundance of the waters from the rains and the filtration or over-
flows from the waters of the river and the lakes. Consequently, there is
a strip along the Mississippi scarcely a half league wide that is in-
habited and cultivated. In front of this city, the river forms a bay or
kind of half-circular but wide basin on its eastern side, which serves it
as a port. Along that basin the ships anchor, one beside the other, and
so near the bank that by means of two strong transverse planks fastened
in the manner of a bridge, one may pass without trouble, and dryshod,
from the land to any boat and unload it with the greatest of ease. The
river's depth, measured in the middle of its bed, in front of the city, is, it
is said, about forty brasses. Fifty years or so ago that same measure
taken at the same place, gave a result of seventy brasses. Hence it fol-
lows (unless the measures were exceedingly faulty) that the bed of the
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 167
river, while widening during that period (as is the fact, which is suffi-
ciently proven by unanimous reports and witnesses), has decreased in
depth; and that it has lost in one sense what it has gained in another.
Its width, measured at the same place, is about five hundred toises, or
so, and is proportionate to the high or low water mark. Behind the city
is a water commmunication to Lake Pontchartrain which lies not farther
than two leagues in a straight line toward the northwest. One may as-
cend from that lake in small sailing vessels by way of Bayou St. Jean
which empties into it. At the end of this is a canal, opened some years
ago through the care of Monsieur de Carondelet, governor of the colony.
On this canal anchored those small schooners which anchored near the
city in the first period of its formation. It is a work truly useful how-
ever viewed, and besides, while it procures for the city the advantages of
a double port, it drained and dried up the neighboring swamps and
served to drain off the quantity of the stagnant water. As this canal
has not been kept up since the departure of that governor, it has lost, and
if daily losing, part of its advantages as it is filling up more and more,
so that it cannot now receive boats of medium size. The city is six hun-
dred toises long by three hundred toises wide. One may add to and com-
prehend with this, a suburb, which, like the city, lies along the river, and
which is almost three hundred toises long by the half of that in width.
But, strictly speaking, the city and its suburbs, (the latter especially),
are only outlines. Most of the houses are built of wood, on top of the
level ground, on a sort of support and brick foundation and are covered
with shingles: all of very combustible cypress wood. Consequently, this
city has been accidentally burned twice during a short period of years —
in the month of March, 1788, and in the month of December, 1794. Yet
despite that, people still build daily in the center of the city and on the
site of the old burned houses, without taking any thought of the danger-
ous consequences of that sort of building, and for the sake of economy,
that sort of large stalls, io which everything is of cypress wood, except
the foundations. I regard these as inviting fire Icomme des foyers d'in-
cendie."] There exist no more solid and less dangerous buildings than
those built some years ago along the river in the first streets in the fore
part of the city. Those edifices are built of brick and tile, of one story
^very rarely of two), with little narrow verandahs across the front of the
first story. In the back part of the city and its suburbs only shanties are
to be seen. The streets are quite straight and very wide, but that is all.
Bordered by a small sidewalk, at most four or five feet wide, bounded
with a cypress plank, generally so badly kept up and so annoying because
of the small outside stairways leading to the doors of the houses that a
pedestrian has nothing better to do than to follow the plank without turn-
ing to right or left These streets are unpaved, and since they are
hemmed in by the sidewalks and have little or no incline, they become a
real sewer and an abomination during a part of the 3rear. Those streets
which start from the riverbank and cut straight across the city, greatly
resemble lagoons, after a heavy shower of rain. They have, however, a
i68 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol.
slight drainage, not toward the river, but toward the opposite direction,
in toward the back part of the city, the depression of the land being in
proportion to its distance from the river, the surface of the latter being
the highest part of the colonial horizon. As to its public buildings, there
are no others than that of the town house or cabildo, which is one story
in height and of brick, and the parish church, also of brick. Both are
located together on a site lying along the river. That was the only site
in this city, burned twice as stated above, which, during those frightful
and fatal catastrophes offered these miserable inhabitants, when pursued
by the flames, other places of refuge than the place and empty space at
the port along the river. The building in which the governor general
lives is a simple one-storied structure located on the riverbank. One side
of it is bounded by a narrow, shabby-looking garden in the manner of a
parterre, while the other side gives on a street and is almost entirely
taken up at one end by a low gallery covered with a skylight, and the
rest by two enclosed yards where the kitchens and stables are located.
The whole presents rather the appearance of a hostelry than the imposing
abode of a government There is no spring in this city and it is impossible
for there to be one, as the country is almost without running water, with
the exception of the water of the river (the only potable water there of
which we have spoken above). But if there are no springs, as a com-
pensation there is no lack of wells, and there are but few houses that do
not possess one or two. Truly, the expenditure for wells is not great, for
one has but to dig a shallow hole in the ground to find water. This well
water, although it comes from the river, since it is made worse by its
filtration through muddy ground, it neither fit to drink nor to wash
clothes, and can, as a rule, only be used for the commonest purposes. To
draw the water one need only dip into it with a dish. These wells are
also covered for fear of accidents. What shall we say of the market-
house where the flesh for the consumption of the city is sold ; and of the
daily market held round about that market-house near the river: except
that one need absolutely not to have seen institutions of this kind that are
as they should be, to take the trouble to speak of it, other than to limit
oneself to saying that it is real beggarly. This city, as well as its en-
virons, is embellished with no pleasant promenade. In place of one, there
is only the public way, otherwise called the levee, which runs along the
river in front of the city and outside of it; and a muddy or dusty road (ac-
cording to the season) called the Bayou Road, which leads by the back
part of the city to the small plantations which form the Canton of Gen-
tilly, and others similar which form the Canton of Metaire; as well as
the Grand Bayou, properly so called, where is found the canal of Caron-
delet, which ends at the environs of the city and by means of which lies
the conununication with Lake Pontchartrain with medium-sized boats.
These are all that serve as promenades, and where it is stylish to go out
riding when the weather is fine, either on horseback or in carriages more
or less elegant, for one or two hours in the evening — not indeed to enjoy
the advantages and pleasures accompanying that exercise, such as fresh-
looking and well kept paths, a picturesque view, pure and healthful air
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 169
(for nothing of all this is found there), but to make a show, as I have
said above, of some appearance of luxury, which for eight or ten years,
despite the war, or perhaps, because of that very war and the circum-
stances related to it (a point we may develop later) has made sensible
progress in this country. Near the center of the city is a small theater,
built of native wood — another imprudent act with reference to fires.
There I saw a comedy performed on my arrival in this city, and certain
dramas passably presented, as well as certain second-class pieces and
comic operas. The troupe which was then on the boards there was sus-
tained by a half dozen actors and actresses who were not without talent,
and who were formerly attached to the theater at Cap-Francaise in the
island of San Domingo, who had become refugees in Louisiana since the
upheaval in that island. Louisiana has profited in this, as well as in
many other matters of the greatest importance, from the ills with which
that wretched colony has been afflicted, and yet without having contrib-
uted to them, in the manner of several other countries which it is useless
and beyond the question to designate here. But, through a misunder-
standing of the civil and military chiefs of these countries and of the
neglect of the citizens and colonists, the theater has fallen, most of the
comedians and musicians art scattered, and the hall has been closely shut
for some time. However, it appears that that misunderstanding now no
longer exists; and that the government after an interval of two years,
being installed and showing its interest in the means suitable for the
reestablishment of that theater, some persons have been trying for some
time to reopen it, for better or for worse, by the reunion of the few actors
and actresses remaining, and by some amateurs. Several pieces have
already been given; and even the latter (the amateurs), enlivened by a
glowing spark, have tried quite recently, to wear the buskin, and to give
the public a trial, if not of their talents of this kind, at least of their
goodwill, by the representation of the Mori de Cisar [i.e.. The Death of
Casar], Hence, they have vigorously stabbed that enemy to Roman
freedom in the person of an aged colonist, an old military man who had
resided in the country for fifty years and was still of good mien and of
great corpulence, and who took the part of Cxsar. But the public, which
had doubtless not at all lent itself to the theatrical illusion, did not cease
to see, throughout the representation of the piece, in the heroes of ancient
Rome, resuscitated at New Orleans and transferred from the banks of the
Tiber to the shores of the Mississippi (Cesar, Anthony, Brutus, Cassius,
etc) only such and such a person, etc. The august Melpomene has not,
consequently, been eagerly welcomed here, and she has rested at the dis-
position of the wanton Thalia and the amorous Erato.
Here follows a description of the dance halls of New Orleans and
Louisiana (sec note 46), and Bcrquin-Duvallon [1// supra^ 40-45]
concludes his description of New Orleans as follows :
What else is there to mention in this city while we are on the subject
of its buildings? I see nothing more here than its barracks and sub-
ordinate buildings ; its royal or military hospital, which is no great mat-
1 70 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
ter; its public or charity hospital, which is much better; its Fort St
Charles which is but a fortlet, with its pretended ramparts which cost
the king and private persons so heavily six or seven years ago, and which
are already falling into ruins and crumbling on all sides; and its mean
lanterns which, placed only at each cross-street and consisting of three
small lights on winter nights, illumine for only ten paces and leave all
the rest of the space in total darkness ; and finally a convent of nuns — a
monument to the French government, as are also the barracks and the
king's warehouses. All this makes no great appearance, and can be con-
sidered only in relation to the places where those buildings are found and
not otherwise. Moreover, do not look for any other public buildings,
such as a bourse or meeting place for affairs of trade, post office for the
colony, college library, anything, in short, that can concern the common
welfare.
In the suburbs are two interesting manufactories: namely, that of two
cotton mills, which are united in one shop, and everything depending on
them, where a thousand pounds at least of mercantile cotton may be
cleaned, baled, weighed, and delivered daily; and that of a refinery,
which serves to derive profit from the inferior sugars of the colony by a
new process, and which, by means of the system followed in the art, suc-
ceeds in producing a white sugar of very fine appearance. It is a useful
establuhment, which the country owes, as well as that of its sugar works,
to the French refugees from San Domingo.
The intrinsic population of this city and the suburbs depending on it
is about ten thousand persons of both sexes and all ages, of whom four
thousand are whites, two or three thousand, freedmen, and the rest, slaves.
In this number are not included seven or eight hundred men composing
the garrison of this city, as well as those attached to the service of the
royal and merchant marine, and non-resident foreigners. All objects of
subsistence which the country produces have about doubled in value at
New Orleans since several years back, and are daily becoming dearer,
because of the constant increase in the local — and especially the for-
eign — population, as well as the preference which many of the inhabitants
with small capital have given to the cultivation of cotton over that of
rice and over the multiplication of other food products, vegetables or
animal, which were formerly the object of their toil. Consequently, at
present, in the market of New Orleans, a barrel of hulled rice is cur-
rently worth eight or nine piastres, a quarter barrel of maize in the ear,
one piastre, a turkey, one and one-half piastre, a capon, from six escalins
to one piastre, a hen, five escalins, a dozen eggs, twenty-five sols, and
other things in proportion. A cask of bourdeaux wine costs at present
forty piastres, because of the circumstances of the peace. It was former-
ly worth sixty or seventy piastres, and has been worth even one hundred.
A barrel of flour is worth seven or eight piastres, and sometimes less.
Rents are very high in every part of the city bordering the roadstead be-
cause of trade, but are much less elsewhere. In a word, I do not believe
that a household, composed of a father, mother, several children, and
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 171
three or four servants, can get along after a year and with all expenses
paid, for less than two thousand piastres only for the maintenance of
necessary decency and without any superfluity.
The moneys current in this city as well as throughout the colony are:
gold, the quadruple, worth sixteen piastres, the half-quadruple, worth
eight piastres, and some other pieces of less value, but all very scarce;
the silver, the large piastre, worth eight escalins or one hundred sous,
the half piastre, worth four escalins or fifty sous, the quarter piastre or
gourdin, worth two escalins or twenty-five sous, the escalin worth twelve
and one-half sous, and the picaillon or half escalin worth six and one-
quarter sous. However, this value of escalin is only fictitious here, inas-
much as there is no representative piece of it; nor is there any copper
money. The cpreat piastre is valued at five livres, six or seven sous
toumois.
Such, then, in its present condition, is New Orleans, which would
merit, if truth be told, the name of village [i.e., a large ill-built town],
rather than that of city if it had greater extent Finally, I can not give
you a more precise idea of it, after what I have already said of it, than
to say that it is one of the gloomiest and most disagreeable places in the
world, both in its whole make-up and in its details, and in the ugly,
savage appearance of its environs. This last stroke of the brush must
suffice. It is, moreover, the only city in this colony, it is the capital, it is
the city, par excellence, as it is called and designated by most of the
colonists. . .
Nevertheless, one can not deny that New Orleans is destined to become,
in course of time, one of the chief cities of North America, and perhaps
the most important commercial place in the new world, if it can preserve
its invaluable advantage of being the only entrepot of trade and the
central point of a country almost level and about four hundred leagues
long north and south with an average width of two hundred leagues, of
which the Mississippi is the only outlet, and whose great extent, fertile
soil, and, in general, salubrious climate, have secure rights to an im-
mense population, just so long as moral causes do not block and check
the natural influence of physical causes in this vast region. This is the
interesting and truly imposing aspect offered to the imagination on the
future lot of New Orleans ; and it is in this sense and under this point of
view that one may think of it in anticipation, the capital of this part of
the world, whose relations with the ocean are concentrated on the
Mississippi.
Not only does there exist no other city, but not even a single burg,
village, or hamlet, in the whole extent of Lower Louisiana, either or the
banks of the river or in the several cantons far from its shores, unless one
desires to compliment by the name of city or market-town the settlement
of Pensacola which had the appearance of a small village when it be-
longed to the English, but which, since it has again fallen under the
Spanish domination has only declined, and is no longer, to speak truly,
more than a military post.
172 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
See also the description in Robin's Voyages^ vol. ii, 62-96. This
author describes the condition of the streets in lively colors. Of the
population (p. 75) he says:
The population of the city may reach ten or twelve thousand souls.
It is composed of French especially, of Spaniards, of Anglo-Americans,
of several Bohemian families, and of negroes and mulattoes, some free
but the greater number slaves. Almost all of them have callings. In the
new world, the cities still have few of those useless families who boast of
the crime of doing nothing. The universal desire for gain makes the
people despise any profession that is not lucrative. The baker, the
tailor, and the cobbler are the personages; they are rich and are the
equals of the most important. But beware of the man of merit who is
poor. There one needs more virtue than elsewhere in order to brave
misfortune. There, also, work and good management have more means
and are surer of success.
Collot's account of New Orleans [Voyagey ii, 124-130] is chiefly
interesting through its description of the military defense and fortifi-
cation :
The city of New Orleans is located on the left bank of the Mississippi,
and not on an island, as many travelers have reported. At times, but
only accidentally and momentarily, the district in which it is located is
found to be surrounded by a channel (begun by nature and jfinished by
art), which surrounds it as a ditch surrounds a fortified place. Thus,
since this place is found, if one may so express it, mortised into the left
bank, and since the part of the shore of the river follows the same direc-
tion without projecting out or interrupting that bank by a salient angle,
and since the bed of the river here is neither wider nor narrower than
above or below; there is nothing to indicate that that part of the land
may be called an island, and still less to question whether it belongs to
the left bank or not
The whole district in which the city is located, as well as that sur-
rounding it for an indefinite distance, is level and without any bluffs or
knolls or the slightest undulation, and the two banks are of the same
nature.
The form of the city is that of a parallelogram, divided into twelve
streets, five of which run across the width, and seven across the length,
all straight and very regular. Ten thousand souls, including the free
men of color and the slaves, comprise the population of New Orleans.
The proportion of whites there is six thousand, one thousand of whom are
militiamen, and two hundred dragoons. The houses are generally of
wood, except some public buildings.
At the upper end of the city (facing it from the river) is to be seen
the drainage canal which has been opened, and which leaves the river
and connects with Lake Maurcpas. It is twenty-four feet wide and eight
deep. This canal supplies water for the ditch surrounding the city by
means of a dam.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 173
The defense of this place consists in five small forts and one large
battery, the whole distributed as follows:
On the side facing the river and at the two ends of the city, are placed
two forts . . . which look on the road and on the river. Their
shape is that of a very regular pentagon, with a parapet eighteen feet
thick, faced with brick, with a ditch and covered way. The ditch is
eight feet deep and twenty wide. In each of these forts is a barracks,
for one hundred and fifty men and one powder magazine. Twelve pieces
of cannon of the caliber of twelve and eighteen, comprise their artillery.
Between these first two forts, and opposite the principal street of the
city is a large battery . . . open at the gorge which plays on the
river and crosses its fire with that of the two forts.
The first of these forts, that is, the one at the right, which is the more
considerable, is called St Charles, and the other St Louis.
Behind, and [designed] to cover the city on the land side, are placed
the other three forts. . . They are less considerable than the two
first One of these forts is located at each of the salient angles formed
with the parallelogram forming the city, and the third is located between
these two, a little forward, so as to form an obtuse angle [with them].
These three forts have no covered way and are not reenforced but only
strengthened with fraises and palisaded. They each include eight pieces
of cannon (whose caliber we do not know) and lodgings for one hundred
men. That at the right is called Fort Bourgoyne, that at the left St
Ferdinand, and that at the center, St Joseph.
The five forts and the battery cross their fires, one with another, and
are united by a ditch forty feet wide and seven deep. From the earth of
the ditch, a three-foot remblai has been constructed on the inner side [of
the ditch], upon which large twelve-foot stakes have been placed very
near together. Behind these stakes is a small banquette along the ditch ;
the earth has been thrown up in order to make the slope extremely slight
and easy. By means of different communications kept open between the
drainage canal and these ditches, there is always four feet of water
there, even in the driest season of the year.
It can not be denied that all these forts in miniature are not well kept
or well cared for; but they also resemble children's playthings, be-
cause of their small capacity, and, especially, by their ridiculous distribu-
tion, rather than fortified places ; for there is not one of them that can not
be assaulted, and which fivt hundred resolute men can not take sword
in hand. Once master of one of the two chief forts . either that of St
Louis or that of St Charles. one need not trouble himself about the
others; by turning part of the cannon against the city, he would force
it to capitulate under penalty of being burned within one hour and of
seeing its inhabitants destroyed, since none of the forts can hold more
than one hundred and fifty men. But we believe that Monsieur de
Carondelet in adopting this poor system of defense, had in view rather
to assure the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, than to cover the city, and
in that, one can say, that he has perfectly attained his object Such is
174 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
the misfortune of this goverament, of often having more to fear from
enemies from within, than from those from without
In his masterly memorial addressed to Talleyrand, about February
i> 1803, Robert R. Livingston, United States agent in France, thus
describes New Orleans :
To the cession of this country but one possible objection can be raised
on the part of France ; it may attach a value to New Orleans which it by
no means merits. The fact is, that to France, who has her choice of
fixing her capital on either side of the river, New Orleans has no cir-
cumstance to recommend it It is placed on the naked banks; it has no
port, basin, or quay, for shipping; has no fortification of any strength;
and is incapable of being rendered a good military position; and the
houses are only of wood, subject to continual accidents. The situation
was first fixed by France on account of its being on the Florida side of
the river where the settlements commenced ; but as it was soon found that
the lands of the west side of the river were much richer, the principal
part of the population is now there. The bank opposite to New Orleans
is higher and better calculated for a town: it already has a strong post
in Fort Leon, the most conmianding position in that country; and the
harbor, or rather the road, is in all things equal to that of New Orleans.
As a Government house and barracks, stores, etc, must be built either at
New Orleans or at Fort Leon, there can be no doubt, even if France re-
tains both, that the latter ought to have the preference, since a regular
and handsome capital could be laid out cbere, and in a heaitmer and
stronger situation than at New Orleans. • Cited by Hosmer, Louisiana
Purchase, Appendix A, 208, 309.
This city [New Orleans] in many particulars, begins to assume the
appearance of an American city. It has been incorporated; as the reg-
ularity of our pavements, our night watch, our city lamps, etc, already
testify, in streets where only mud and darkness and danger formerly
prevailed. Our commerce also has received a new tone. We have had
two banks erected here since the change of government, and ample employ-
ment for the capitals of both. And however unimportant it may appear,
even the late establishment of an exchange, a convenience hitherto un-
known, now gives a lively complexion to our trade; a striking contrast
to the late gloomy midnight traffic in which all was contraband, and ex-
hibiting to the observer a pleasing approximation of our commercial
habits to those of the parent states. - Jeremiah Brown, Short letter to a
member of Congress (Washington City, 1806), 5, 6.
The city is described in Account of Louisiana^ 18, 19. The account
of the public buildings is as follows:
Two very extensive brick stores, from 160 to 180 feet in length, and
about 30 in breadth. They are one story high and covered with shingles.
A government house, stables and garden, occupying a front of about
220 feet on the river, in the middle of the town, and extending 336 feet
back to the next street
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 175
A military hospital.
An ill built custom house of wood, almost in ruins, in the upper part
of the city, near the river.
An extensive barrack in the lower part of the city, fronting on the
river, and calculated to lodge 1200 or 1400 men.
A large lot adjoining the king's stores, with a few sheds in it. It
aervei as a park for artillery.
A prison, town house, market house, assembly room, some ground
rents, and the common about the town.
A public school for the rudiments of the Spanish language.
A Cathedral church unfinished, and some houses belonging to it
A charitable hospital, with some houses belonging to it, and a revenue
of 1500 dollars annually, endowed by an individual lately deceased.
•• Two years after the founding of the city by Bienville an inunda-
tion compelled the building of the first rude dikes along the Mississippi.
The first real levee at New Orleans was completed by Governor Perier,
November 15, 1727. It was one thousand eight hundred yards long
and its simimit was eighteen feet wide. It was continued, although
with smaller dimensions, for eighteen miles on both sides of the city.
See the interesting chapter on the levees in Louisiana in Standard His-
tory of New Orleans.
** The disease of yellow fever was known also as the "disease of
Siam," as it was supposed to have been introduced into the French
colonies by a vessel from Siam (See: Robin's Voyages^ vol. i, 145,
et seq.). It was claimed by some persons that the yellow fever was
first introduced into New Orleans by Americans, and point as proof
to the ravages of that disease in Philadelphia in 1793. Gayarre [His-
tory, vol. ill, 375] repeats a report that it was first introduced in 1796.
The plague, however, came by way of the south (appearing^ for the first
time in 1767), and was apt to break out in New Orleans during the
months of July, August, and September. The physicians of the city
being almost totally ignorant of their profession were quite unable to
contend with it. Berquin-Duvallon thinks it was due to the filth that
accumulated everywhere in the city, the lack of drainage, the greater
humidity caused by the brick houses which also obstructed the free
passage of the air currents because of their size, the open ditches made
for the fortifications, and the cutting of timber in the environs of the
city. The disease was quite unknown in the country, except by contact,
and was most severe on foreigners or country people. The American
in New Orleans was more frequently the victim of the disease than the
Frenchman, while the Spaniard suffered but rarely from it. The
greater liability of Americans the above author thinks may have been
1 76 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
due to the change from a colder to a warmer climate, the character of
dieir fdod, and their indulgence in strong liquors. See: Berquin-
Duvallon. Vue de la Col. Esp,, 83-94; sec also note i. Of the
smallpox, Berquin-Duvallon {ut supra^ 96, 97) says:
Smallpox, which rarely shows itself here [i.e., in Louisiana], does
not commit great ravages, because of the employment of vaccination
which is generally beneficial there in its result Vaccination, neverthe-
less, is opposed as much as possible, both by the government and the
clergy, who are guided, as they imagine by a spirit of religion, but who
are led astray rather by superstitious impulses. For fourteen years that
disease has not appeared here. Vaccination was introduced from the
American countries located above the colony, under the most favorable
auspices. Thereupon, there sprang up ... a conflict of opinion
and difference of treatment between the public on one side and the gov-
ernment and the church on the other, on the subject of vaccination. The
former cry for it as a preservative from frightful ills, and assert that it
leads that disease into its natural channels, while the latter proscribe it
as an operation contrary to the ways of providence, and tending to com-
municate a sure sickness in order to drive out a doubtful one, and still
more to propagate it
So Strong was the opposition of the Church, says the same author,
and tiic Church was seconded by the governor, that vaccination was
forbidden. But, notwithstanding the prohibition, if the disease were
to show itself in force, the people would seek the relief of vaccination.
See also note 6 .
'^ The government of the colony has as chief an officer, who is gov-
ernor general, civil, political, and military, of the provinces of Louisiana
and West Florida. Such is his title. Under him, he has to aid him in
his duties, a civil and political lieutenant governor and an auditor of war.
Everything pertaining exclusively to the internal government of the col-
ony, under the three heads above named, is within his [i.e., the gov-
ernor's] jurisdiction and under his direction, according to the instructions
established by and emanating from the king's privy council. He may
issue ordinances in matters pertaining to his jurisdiction, and have them
executed provisionally while awaiting the sanction of the court. In spite
of the assertions of some old colonists who are not greatly satisfied with
the new regime, and according to all those among them without feeling
and bias, that government, although clothed with great power, does not
exercise an abusive authority in this colony, and even has always been
very moderate, if one excepts the first years of the Spanish regime [under
Ulloa and O'Reilly], which were marked by arbitrary, tyrannical, and
cruel acts, and some stormy occurrences, in which on one side the im-
prudent conduct of various colonists, and on the other, the extreme dis-
trust of the governor general gave rise to troubles, occasioned the abuse
of authority, and compelled that governor to take violent measures.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 177
which, fortunately, were only on paper and not carried out, thanks to the
prudence and firmness of some citizens. From that resulted a solution
favorable to the public tranquillity and to colonial safety, and a sincere or
political relationship between the governor general and the colonists,
which sprang from that same solution^ Berquin-Duvallon. Fue de la
Col. Esp,, 166, 167.
** The original of the following document in regard to the intend-
ant*s office is conserved in the Archivo Nacional, Cuba, Florida and
Louisiana papers [see: Perez. Guide to Cuban Archives (Washington,
1907), 96].
The king having resolved to reestablish the provincial intendancy in
Louisiana ILuysiana], and to separate it from the government, and hav-
ing appointed Don Francisco Rendon to fill that position, he has ex-
pedited the proper patents and given the orders necessary for its fulfil-
ment I advise your Lordship of it by order of his Majesty, for your
information, and for the ends advisable for hit royal service.
May God preserve your Lordship for many years. Garooqul
San Lorenzo, October 30^ X793*
[Addressed: Visitor general and intendant of the island of Cuba.]
[Endorsed: Havana, February 25, 1794. Have it noted by the ad-
ministration general of revenues, and by the tribunal of accounts, and
have it sent to the chief accountancy of the army, so that it may be known.
Send a certified copy to the secretary's office of this intendancy. Valiente.
[Endorsed: Copy of its original, t// ju^ra. Cardenas (rubric).]
The administrator-in-chief of finances is intendant of the royal rev-
enues for the provinces of Louisiana and West Florida, inspector of
lands and estates, and, lastly, judge of admiralty and commercial mat-
ters of these provinces.
That fiscal, land, and conunercial administration, weighs still less,
indeed, on the colonists than does the civil and military government,
whether by the amount of the imposts which are very moderate or by
the manner in which they are imposed at the customs office. It is a
single simple import and export duty on foreign and colonial products,
and amounts to scarcely one hundred thousand piastres annually, a re-
ceipt so insufficient for the expenses of the colony that the king appropri-
ates a sum of four or five hundred thousand piastres annually from
the revenues of Mexico for the service of this colony, in order to balance
and meet the amount of those same expenses.
Moreover, astonishment will be expressed that a colony whose pro-
ducts are yet so modest, requires a sum so considerable as that of five or
six hundred thousand piastres for its yearly maintenance, that is to say,
about one-half that which sufficed for the maintenance of San Domingo
in its palmiest days of splendor, under the fiscal administration of Mon-
sieur de Marbois in the years 1788 and 1789. But the answer to that is
quite ready on the part of the treasury agents and their adherents in this
colony ; namely, that such an expense, so considerable as it seems to be at
1 78 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
first glance, is nevertheless slight, because of the extent of the frontiers,
to the maintenance of which a great part of that expense is consecrated.
And, according to them, what really is the outlay of some hundreds of
thousands of piastres appropriated for the maintenance of and the effi-
cient status of so vast and extensive a frontier as is the cordon of Upper
and Lower Louisiana and West Florida? It is not even, by a large
amount, one piastre per league of the land to conserve. And surely the
Spanish government will not protest against an expense so limited in
comparison with the immensity of the soil of which it assures the pos-
session, and on the contrary can only praise the extreme moderation of
its agents. According to them, then, nothing better. But it must be
viewed from all tides also, and in that, as in everjrthing else, set forth
the pros and cons.
Hence, we shall not conceal the fact that this vast and immense cor-
don of frontiers is defended throughout its whole extent from the Ap-
palachians to the Illinois by only seven military posts, exclusive of the
capital, and by a small number of galleys; that all told they do not oc-
cupy more than two thousand effective men who can be really said to be
employed in military service; that besides, neither these posts nor these
galleys offer even a slightly imposing preparation for defense, but they
do all offer, instead, to their commandants, resources of jobbing and com-
merce rather than occasions of showing forth their military or nautical
talents. Consequently, there is not an officer ~ infected with the spirit
of self interest and eager for the quarry, be it understood (for all are
not of that kidney) — who does not bum and is not delighted to occupy,
especially, one of these posts or kind of fort, the command of which is for
him at once a marshall's baton and a horn of abundance, and procures
him after several years' incumbency therein, a solid fortune and the
gifts of Plutus in default of the laurels of Mars ~ a lucrative compensa-
tion by which he bounds his ambition.
There are also other expenses attached to the maintenance of this
colony, and one notably which seems to be peculiar to it — namely, that
which results from the kind of contribution or tribute which the Spanish
government pays annually to various savage tribes who live in the in-
terior of the colony. That contribution consists of coarse cloths, hunting
muskets, powder and lead, vermilion, and some other small trifles. It
amounts in all, according to the treasury agents, to the value of forty
thousand piastres annually. — Berquin-Duvallon. Fue de la Col, Esp,^
Z68-171.
The following is abstracted from Account of Louisiana^ pp. 41-45:
the intendant was the chief of the financial and commercial depart-
ments and was independent of the governor. The contador, with
four clerks, kept all accounts and documents respecting receipts and
disbursements. The treasurer was a cashier and was allowed one
clerk. The interventor superintended all public purchases and bar-
gains. The administrador managed customs house matters. No
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 179
local taxes were collected, but instead each inhabitant was bound to
make and repair roads, bridges, and levees. Export and import duties
of six per cent were charged. Two per cent was paid on legacies and
inheritances, in excess of $2,ocx> ; and four per cent on legacies to per-
sons not related to the testator. The media annata or tax on salaries
for civil offices, and amounting to one-half die first year's salary, was
also paid. The expenses of government under the Spanish regime
amounted to about $650,ocx>. These expenses included the pay and
support of the military; repair of public buildings and fortifications;
maintenance of royal galleys ; presents for the Indians ; and salaries of
officials and clergy and other public servants. About $400,000 was
annually sent from Vera Cruz as a subsidy to help meet the expenses.
This sum, however, together with the sum collected from duties and
taxes generally left a deficit of $100,000 or $150,000 for which certi-
ficates were issued to those to whom money was owing. The debt,
which bore no interest, amounted in 1802, to about $450,000 and
had depreciated thirty per cent. Much of this debt was due to
Americans. The Due de Choiseul wrote to Ossun, September 20,
1762, that Louisiana cost 8,000 livres annually and yielded nothing
(Shepherd's Cession of Louisiana to Spain^ Boston, 1904, p. 447,
published in Political Science Quarterly^ vol. xix, no. 3) so that the
Spanish subsidy was by no means new.
'*A fruitless attempt was made by the Capuchin Antonio Sedella
to establish the Inquisition in Louisiana. Governor Miro, to whom
he communicated his commission, immediately had him arrested and
sent him to Spain, so that the attempt failed. See Gayarrc's History^
vol. iii, 269-271.
*® Berquin-Duvallon [Vue de la Col, Esp., 255-275] treats at
length of the slave population:
We are now come to the slave class, the negroes, negresses, etc — the
most numerous and the least fortunate of the three [classes of popula-
tion]. Those native to the country, or bom in some other European
colony and transferred here, are the most clever and intelligent, the least
subject to chronic maladies, as well as the laziest, most rascally, and the
most debauched. Those who come from Guinea are less fit for domestic
service, or for the mechanical arts, are more limited, are more often the
victims of serious maladies, or of debility (especially during the first
years of their transplanting), but more robust, more industrious, more
suitable for the work of agriculture, and less rascally and less libertine
than the former. Such are the distinctions between the two classes. As
to the rest they resemble each other greatly, physically and morally. . .
[The negro slave of Louisiana] possesses generally all the defects
i8o LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol
attached to slavery. He is, especially, lazy, libertine, and a liar, but he
is not bad through and through. Nevertheless, judging from the tone
of effrontery which is common enough here among their fellows, their
ordinary words, and even a certain character, in general, less flexible,
but harsher and more decided than that of the negroes of the Antilles
(which must be attributed both to the climate and to the form of gov-
ernment and the policy of the regions), one may legitimately assume
that a political shaking up in this country of the nature of that experi-
enced in the French colonies would bring much more fatal results here,
as the negroes here appear to me to be (as I have just said) much more
ready for a general insurrection than they were in San Domingo at the
time of the revolutionary crisis. And probably mischievous persons, of
every kind and color, would not be lacking to lead them in such a general
chaos, and carry them forward to terrible and incalculable deeds, pro-
vided that circumstances would at such a time be as favorable for that
moral upheaval here as at San Domingo in those disastrous times. But
fortunately for this country this can not at all be admitted.
The negroes, although subject to the work they follow, are not at all
overworked except at the time of the sugar making in the refineries for
the space of two or three months. At that time the amount of work is
not really proportionate to the number of hands, who are then overworked
night and day, proportionately to their number. It will doubtless be
agreed that a gang of forty negroes, attending to the manufacture of one
hundred and twenty thousand pounds of sugar and as many hogsheads
[Le., 120] of syrup, in the short space of the two cold, foggy, rainy
months of November and December, with all the difficulties and various
obstructions that result from the severity of the season, and from the
short days and long nights, has scarcely any time to yawn vacantly or to
sleep, and must hustle \_bien se manier] as they say here, during that
time. It is true that they are better fed, and according to the colonial
expression, by hand. At all other times and in all other kinds of agri-
culture, it is not the same. The labor in other work is not so excessive,
but neither is the food so plentiful.
In a country that does not possess the resources of the Antilles, and
that abundance of different kinds of food, always in season, such as
bananas, casava root, potatoes, yams, Indian kale or malangas, palm
cabbages, rice, maize, millet, peas and beans of all kinds, etc., and where
the negro has no other sure food than rice, maize, and a small brown
bean, the regular monthly ration of each negro is composed solely of the
value of one barrel of maize in the ear. For maize is the only food, the
harvests of which are sufficiently plentiful in this country, so that the
sustenance necessary for the slaves of the colony can be obtained from it.
The rice, beans, and potatoes would be sufficient to feed but a quarter of
them, unless plantations of those products were greatly increased, to the
detriment of the chief agricultural products — a course to which the in-
habitants would not be disposed. Some of the inhabitants add a little
salt to that maize ration, but that is all.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS i8i
The oegro, during the hours reserved for him, must busy himself in
husking, shelling, pounding, sifting, or rather washing that maize, ac-
cording to their various methods of preparation, which it still remains
for him to cook with wood which he must procure for himself. More-
over, he must be in the fields from dawn till noon, winter and summer.
When he goes thither in the morning, he takes his breakfast with him,
which he eats between eight and nine o'clock, at the place of his occupa-
tion. The work for the master is suspended at noon for two hours of
rest, after which it is resumed and maintained steadily until the approach
of night, under the supervision, either of the master or of his manager,
and under the lash of a negro overseer.
The good negro, during the two hours of rest granted him, does not
lose his time. He goes to work at a bit of the land which he has planted
with provisions for his own use, while his companion, if he has one,
busies herself in preparing some food for him, herself, and their chil-
dren. For, I have noticed that in this colony, the children of the slaves
are not specially fed by their masters as they are in the Antilles, but that
their fathers and mothers are charged with it, by means of a half ration
of maize for each child, reckoned only from the day of his weaning — the
mother's milk, although she is confined to her ordinary labors, being
judged sufficient to nourish him until that time. This is an increase of
the troubles and pains of those unfortunate beings.
In the evening, one and all having retired into their cabins, after they
have prepared and eaten a very frugal repast (which nevertheless,
keeps them awake very late) they go to rest, with the exception of some
night prowlers, who, for lack of women among them (since the number
of negresses in this colony is greatly disproportionate to that of the
negroes, there being, as a rule, three men to one woman), go elsewhere
to seek good adventures. Sometimes they find bad adventures in the
chance meeting with a patrol of the neighboring inhabitants, who takes
them in and sends them back next morning to their gangs, after a more
or less severe correction. However, the memory of that punishment is
soon effaced, because of their moral disposition and because the need of
nature is still more powerful in them than the lasting effect of the pun-
ishment
Their usual food is maize or a little rice or beans boiled in water and
almost always without grease or salt To this they add at times a small
bit of wild game which they have had the skill to kill in the open field
or in the woods, and in the choice of which they are not particular. They
gladly eat lynx, a sort of half wolf or large fox, chaouy^ another species
of small wild animal, wild cats and wood rats, squirrels and even croco-
diles [i.e., alligators]. They leave deer and rabbits to the whites, and
sell those animals to them when they kill them.
They also rear fowls and hogs, but they do not eat them ; or rather,
to speak more truly, only taste them. It is too delicate for them. They
prefer to make money from them, as well as from the eggs [of the fowls]
in order to procure either some clothing or something else more to their
i8a LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol
liking — especially a small amount of sugarcane brandy, or taffia, of which
they are usually greedy. To such a degree [is this true] that if one
wishes prompt and vigorous action from them, instead of the whip, he
has but to promise a dash — that is to say, three fingers — of that favor-
ite liquor to any one, and he will make him fly through flames by this
means. Smoking or chewing tobacco is also one of their particular
likings.
As their only garment for the whole year, they are given a modest
wool covering, which is given to each one of them at the beginning of
winter. They make a sort of mantle or cape of this, which covers them
from the head to below the thighs during the rigorous season. And yet,
would one believe that their masters are so niggardly and stingy as to
shorten their two hours of rest by a half hour from All Saints' to
Easter, as a compensation for the short days during that period; and to
retain and deduct besides, even the price of the woolen covering which
they give to each one — much as Monsieur Guillaume gives his cloth ^ a
thing worth three piastres at the most, either from the Sundays, the dis-
position of which the colonial ordinances assures to those unfortunate
beings, or from their daily two hours, or from any other thing that can
replace the value of that important article and serve to reimburse these
generous Louisianians for such an advance, for the profit of whom, not-
withstanding, their poor slaves work from one end of the year to the
other without any emolument or any benefit whatever.
Their smoke-filled cabins are built of cypress posts and planks placed
tide by side, and through which the wind and rain penetrate. In diis
regard there comes to my pen a little anecdote, which in itself is very
slight, but the recital of which can not fail to interest every sensitive
soul, while at the same time it offers a new proof of the profound indif-
ference of the colonists of Louisiana toward ever3rthing that smacks of
humanity. . . Several persons, of whom I was one, taking advantage
of one of those magnificent days that sometimes beautify the winter in
Louisiana were walking at the close of day in the interior of a planta-
tion. As we were crossing what is improperly called ike camp in this
country ~ the place where the negro cabins are located, slightly separated
one from the other — one of the company said "Come, let us visit the
centenarian." He approached the door of a small hut, where a moment
later I saw an old Senegal negress appear so decrepit that she was bent
double and obliged to lean against the boards of her cabin in order to
receive the company about her door. Besides she was almost deaf, but
her eyesight was still fairly good. She was in the most extreme depriva-
tion, as everything about her gave good evidence; for she scarcely had
rags enough to cover her and but a few fagots to keep her warm in a sea-
son whose severity is so sensitive for old age, and especially so for the
black race. We found her busy boiling a little rice in water for her
supper; for she received no regular subsistence from her master, al-
though her advanced age and her former services demanded it She was
moreover, abandoned and quite alone, and in that state of liberty which
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 183
her exhausted nature had obliged her master to leave her, and to which,
consequently, she was more indebted than to them. I must inform the
reader that, independently of her long services, that woman, almost a
centenarian, had formerly nursed two white children with her own milk»
who had attained full growth and died before her. They were the own
brothers of one of her masters who was then with us. The old slave saw
the latter and calling him by his name familiarly (as is the custom of the
Guinea negroes), with an air of good nature and simplicity, truly af-
fecting: " Come now," said she, " when art thou going to mend the roof
of my cabin? It rains inside the same as out." The master lifted his
eyes toward the roof, which was within reach of his hand. *' I will at-
tend to it," said he. "Thou wilt attend to it? Thou always tellest me
that, and nothing is done." " Hast thou not thy children (two negroes
of the gang, her grandsons), who could very easily fix thy cabin? Art
thou not their grandmother?" '*And thou, art thou not their master;
and art thou not my son thyself? Come," added she, taking him by the
arm and leading him into the cabin, " enter, and see the roof for thyself.
O have pity, my son, on the aged Irrouba, and at least have the place
above her bed fixed. That is all I ask of thee, and the good God will
repay thee." These last words were uttered by her in a tone so ex-
pressive and so touching, that I for my part was moved to the bottom of
my heart And what was that bed of which she spoke, and the roof
overhead, which she begged might at least be mended, in order to shelter
her from the rain during her hours of rest? Alas! three planks roughly
laid on two cross boards, on which was spread as a couch, that sort of
plant, a parasite of the country, called " Spanish beard " [i.e., Spanish
dagger]. Such was the resting place of that interesting old woman^
who was still gay in the midst of the most extreme misery and at so ad-
vanced an age. The master laughing mockingly reiterated to her hie
promise to have the cabin fixed — a promise that has, perhaps, had no
other effect than before — and the company withdrew. . .
The punishments generally inflicted on the negroes in this colony are^
as elsewhere, fetters and the lash, according to the nature of the crime.
And in regard to this, it can not be said that in many cases they are treated
cruelly, or even with too much severity. For instance, a theft, which
would bring its author to the galleys in Europe, and sometimes even to
the gibbet, according to the importance of the crime or to the accompany-
ing circumstances, brings to the negro who commits it only the punish-
ment of the lash, and an iron collar about his neck. . .
In last analysis and after due deliberation, the lot of the negro slave
in Louisiana does not seem to me nearly as mild as it was among hie
fellows in San Domingo before the revolution, both because of the cli-
mate—the severity of which for four months of the year injures the
physique of a being destined to live in the torrid zone — and in relation
to the food, clothing, and work, and to all, finally, that concerns him,
especially, to his favorite passion, that for women, which he cannot sat-
isfy as he would like in a country like this where one finds about four
1 84 LOUISIANA, 1 785 -1 807 [Vol.
negroes to one Degress, and where one sees many gangs composed of
twenty-five men and five or six women. Hence, in the negroes of this
country, one does not find that same innate gayety, and that joyous dis-
position, which are shown by joyful songs or words in the very midst of
their labors, and by dances accompanied by loud bursts of laughter, dur-
ing their hours of rest, as has been observed frequently at San Domingo.
Here, the negro is centered in himself, and lays aside his profound
stupor and his melancholy, only by imbibing taffia which he drinks with
relish; and even then his bacchanalian vivacity degenerates rather into
a spirit of quarrelsomeness than into sallies of gayety.
The usual languages of the negro slaves, as well as a great number
of the freedmen of Louisiana is a patois derived from the French. It
bears much resemblance to that used by their fellows in the French
islands of America. A portion of the freedmen and of the slaves oc-
cupied here in domestic service, speak as good French as their masters;
but this is not saying that the French is very pure.
Their most common maladies are light fevers in spring, more violent
ones in summer, d3rsentery in autumn, and inflammation of the lungs in
winter. But, in last analysis, the mortality list among them is not very
considerable, and appears to be balanced by the births, or at least very
nearly so. The proof of this follows. The trade has never supplied
many negroes here, and now for ten years none have come. Neverthe-
less, the gangs, with some very slight diminution, have been sustained
to this time by the births which have supplied in great part, the vacancies
occasioned by death. It is true that the gangs are in general too small
now, in proportion to the existing cultivation, and that the need to intro*
duce new negroes is very much felt here for that reason.
Pcrrin du Lac [Voyagej 410, 411] comments as follows regarding
the slaves:
In Lower Louisiana, the negroes are very poorly fed. Each one re-
ceives per month only a barrel of maize in the ear, which amounts to
only a third of a barrel in grain. Moreover, many of the owners take
off a part of that ration. They must obtain the rest of their food, as well
as their clothing, from the results of their Sunday labors. If they do not
do it, then they are liable to stay naked during the harsh season. Those
who supply them with clothing force them to labor for them on days of
rest, until they have been reimbursed for their advances. During the
entire summer, the negroes are not clothed. The natural parts are con-
cealed only by a bit of cloth which is fastened at the girdle before and
behind, and which has kept in all of North America where the French
live, the name of braguet [i.e., breechcloth]. In winter they generally
wear a shirt and a woolen covering made in the form of a surtout. The
children often stay naked until they reach the age of eight, when they
begin to render some service.
Concerning the morals, etc., of the negroes, he adds [ut supra,
411, 412]:
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 185
I am not ignorant that the negroes are far from resembling other
men; that they can be led neither by mildness nor by their sentiments;
that they mock those who treat them mild ; that they resemble the brute
in their moral nature, as much as man in their physical constitution;
but let us at least take the same care of them that we do of the quadrupeds
that serve us; let us feed them so that they can work well; and let us
not exact anything from them beyond their faculties or their strength.
Negroes are generally knavish, lazy, thievish, and cruel. It is useless to
add that all are at heart hostile to the whites. . . But what one finds
difficult to understand is the brutality and aversion of the free blacks
for those of their kind. If they succeed in owning slaves, they treat them
with a barbarity that nothing can approach. They feed them even worse
than do the whites, and load them with work. Fortunately their fondness
for idleness and drunkenness keeps them in a condition of mediocrity,
from which they seldom emerge.
And regarding the free negroes, he says [ut supra^ 412-414] :
Although the free negroes lose very little of their hatred for the
whites, they are yet far from being so dangerous as are the mulattoes.
The latter, who apparently share in the vices of the two races, as they
share it in their color, are evil, vindictive, treacherous, and the enemies
alike of the blacks whom they despise, and of the whites whom they hold
in horror. Cruel even to barbarity toward the first they are always
ready to seize the opportunity to turn their arms against the second.
Fruit of the libertinage of their fathers, from whom nearly all of them
receive their freedom, and a very careful education, they are far from
being thankful for it. They would like to be treated as legitimate chil-
dren, and the difference that is placed between them [and the latter]
makes them hate even the authors of their being. . . As to the men
of color ... it would probably be very useful to form colonies in
some uninhabited parts of the continent That measure would be doubly
useful: it would free the colonies of those beings by whom they will be
sooner or later annihilated; and would decrease that gross taste of the
whites for their slaves which is the ruin of society and the prime cause
of the sparse population of the country which they inhabit
See also Robin's Voyages^ 162-231, on the subject of slaves and
slavery. He describes in detail the punishments inflicted by the
Creoles, and states that the women were worse than the men. In
an interesting section, he discusses, with examples, the curious French
patois of the slaves. Also [ut supra, vol. ii, 112, 113] he says:
The price of negroes at New Orleans is dearer than it has been in any
colony. This is because the fear bom of the insurrection of San Domingo
has rendered the importation of that merchandue extremely difficult,
and there is so much land to cultivate that no one has enough negroes.
Also they are hired out for a dearer figure here than at Martinique even.
A negress is hired out per month for twelve or fifteen piastres, and at
i86 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
Martinique for only six or eight . . Negroes are hired out still dear-
er. Those who have trades and who are good workmen, gain twenty or
diirty piastres per month for their masters. A new negro ^n^gre brute'],
that is to say one coming from Africa, is sold for four or five hundred
piastres; and a Creole negro with talents is sold for as much as a thou-
sand or fourteen hundred piastres.
Sec Documentary History of American Industrial Society, vol. 11,
127-133 for the qualities of negroes considered in their bearing on
slavery.
" Berquin-Duvallon [Vue de la Col. Esp., 201-247] describes the
Creoles of Louisiana at length. His account is in great part repro-
duced below in translation, as it reflects one point of view that might
readily be taken by an European of conditions which he understood
only in part. Undoubtedly this author is too severe in many of his
strictures - a fact that is apparent by comparing his account with the
accounts of contemporary writers - and at times his love for irony and
sarcasm may have caused him to make statements that might have
been more restrained in moments of greater reflection. Again, several
unfortunate occurrences may have led him to formulate as a general
characteristic what was after all the exception. Yet, in general, there
is a certain degree of truth in his assertions, and it is for the reader
to strike the correct balance. In common with many men he has seen
unlikable qualities in too strong a perspective, so that at times other
qualities are quite obscured. In great part he has failed to grasp
fully the significance of colonial life, and its conditions on the one
hand acted upon by European influences and on the other by the sur-
roundings and necessities of a new life in a virgin land - a blending of
the old and new. The first might in some ways conduce to a cheap
imitation, and yet would make toward refinement. The second might
show boastfulness, selfishness, roughness, and coarseness, but would
develop hardiness and self reliance. There is discernible in the
Louisiana of this period an increasing solidarity of interests that was
not French, but distinctively Louisianian; and it is this that was evi-
dently not understood by contemporary writers. However, if read
with discretion, Berquin-Duvallon's account offers a piquant and
interesting view of life in Louisiana at the time of the transfer. It
will be found useful to compare his account with that by Henry Adams
of life in the United States at this period.
The Creoles of Louisiana, men and women, are in general of medium
figure, and fairly well built, but thickset rather than slender. With little
color, yet they have not a leaden complexion. They are blonde rather
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 187
than brunette (with the exception of a few Creoles of the city bom of
Spanish parents) and their hair is usually blonde in infancy, either re-
mains so or becomes chestnut afterwards.
The women of this country who may be included among the number
of those whom nature has especially favored, have a skin, which without
being of extreme whiteness, is still beautiful enough to constitute one of
their charms; and features, which, although not very regular, form an
agreeable whole; a very pretty throat; a stature that indicates strength
and health; and (a peculiar and distinguishing feature) lively eyes full
of expression, as well as a magnificent head of hair.
Such is, about, the exterior description of the pretty women of this
country, which does not furnish them abundantly, whatever be said,
and where beautiful women, moreover, are very scarce. And, as in
common to the sex, one may omit any special' mention of them: these are
women, and that is all.
In the last analysis, and that I may give you a proper idea in this re-
gard, I shall observe that in a circle of twenty young women or girls,
there will be most frequently, ten that are middling, five ugly, four
pretty, and scarcely one, beautiful. Moreover, in the women of this
country, in general, is found little address, few graces, little of some in-
describable quality made to be felt and not defined. Besides, the sound
of their voices is shrill and piercing, little befitting the fair sex, and any-
thing less than pleasing to the ear which is not accustomed to it. We
have yet to observe that the face — that mirror of the soul — proclaims in
both sexes more simplicity than goodness, more conceit than haughtiness,
more cunning than penetration, and is, as a rule, neither spiritual nor
distinguished. For the rest, few Creoles are to be seen in this colony
(men or women) who are afflicted with bodily imperfections — such as
cripples, hunchbacks, etc. But all of them are apt to lose their teeth
early, as we observed in speaking of the influence of the climate. Some
of them have contracted skin diseases, such as eruptions, gall, and even
leprosy — evils that it is said were unknown before the residence of Span-
iards in this country.
Such is their physical nature. For their moral nature, there is much
more to say. Some preliminary observations, which are relative to it,
lead us to the examination and development of that essential quality.
Louisiana from its beginning until the present has always been a
colony more or less poor, and will always be so, considered as a whole, both
because of the few resources offered by its swampy soil where there are
only small portions of land isolated and scattered here and there, or en-
closed in narrow limits, which can be inhabited and cultivated, and be-
cause of its position. [The latter is] unfavorable to foreign commerce,
[as it is] in the back part of the Gulf of Mexico, across districts, lacking
in security and dangerous of access. Moreover it offers only one entrepdt
of trade thirty-five leagues from the almost obstructed mouth of a river
which is the only highway of navigation whereby one may reach the set-
tlements of diis colony, and which can be ascended, moreover, only
slowly and with difficulty.
i88 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
This couDtry, wretched in itself, has as its first colonists only people
destitute of fortune (French or Germans). These, having arrived poor,
have remained so, or at least have been reduced to a very circumscribed
condition of mediocrity — with the exception of a few government agents
or commercial monopolists. Such was the situation of this colony under
the French government, a situation that has become ameliorated only in
the most recent period and since the colony has become Spanish, by means
of the contraband trade which the English engaged in on the river, where
they owned some settlements; and more recently yet, since the war which
has just ended. This war calling here more freely than elsewhere, be-
cause of the possessions of the United States on the upper river, the
American flag and the commerce of that country, has maintained here
and even increased the agriculture which that condition of war destroyed
and paral3rsed in so many other places. This colony, before those recent
periods just mentioned, was then in a state of languor and distress, and
as if separated from the rest of the world ; so much so, that once in France,
if one wished to express proverbially the end of the world, he designated
the Mississippi. Since the Spanish government has owned it, it has ad-
vanced a trifle, it is true, from that weak and languishing condition, on
account of the aid of the considerable sums that that government has
spent, in favor of its foreign trade, and thanks to circumstances. But in
spite of all those advantageous accessories, and all those united means,
the ease and still less opulence centered among a few government em-
ployees, merchants, and inhabitants have never spread, and to this day
the colonists here are in general poor.
From what I have just said, it results that the Creoles of this country,
almost all of whom sprung from parents of low extraction, who had
come to seek their fortunes in this part of the world and had not found it,
and reared, in consequence, in ignorance, poverty, and grossness, have
necessarily preserved the imprint of that birth, except a few whom their
parents, either being well bom or having been polished by a little leisure,
have been able to have reared in Europe. Consequently, with almost this
/ sole exception, and this is strongly marked in this country, most of the
Creoles in Louisiana possess the vices and defects belonging, in general, to
the manner in which they were reared. They are gross, envious, selfish,
greedy, presumptuous, sco£Fers, hardhearted, insincere, caustic, talkative,
and, above all that, ignorant to the last degree (many can not even read
or write), and are quite satisfied with their ignorance — to such a degree
that they much prefer to handle a hunting gun than a pen, and to paddle
a pirogue than to approach a desk. One of those whom I am describing
said naively before me one day, that the surest way of putting him to
sleep was to open a book. Another had such an antipathy for whatever
emanated from the typographical art, that it was sufficient to present with
a single loose sheet, a simple gazette, in order to embarrass him on the
spot and make him scamper off as fast as he could. A third, on the con-
trary, who greatly loved to read, and who gave himself up to it ardently,
it is true, passed, for I saw him, as a kind of madman and crackbrained.
In a word, a library in this country, is, I think, about as rare as the
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 189
pheoix; and whether in city or country there is found no collection of a
few assorted books except among a few Frenchmen settled in the colony.
I am going, in this connection, to cite a fact of but little importance,
but characteristic of what I have just said. A governor general of
French nation and origin, Monsieur de Carondelet, some years ago,
thought fit to permit the establishment of a press at New Orleans, for the
publication of a gazette . that entitled the Moniteur de la Louisiane — in
which were to be inserted various news concerning commerce, agri-
culture, or other matters of public utility, as well as a paragraph devoted
to public news. Our Creoles are generally very curious and especially
greedy for foreign news. That sheet, moreover, is excellently edited.
It was to be expected that after all that there would be a great number of
subscribers for that colonial sheet Well, what resulted? Listen! I
have it from the editor himself that never from the first publication of
that sheet to this day, has it been able to reach the number of twenty-five
subscribers at one time, and most of them are Europeans or foreigners.
Parsimony on one side, distaste for reading on the other, there you
have what kept our Creoles off. Now by this characteristic you can
imagine the rest Moreover, one must indeed believe that if the Spanish
government did not find the taste for literature established in this country,
it has not at least been introduced here by it . .
The Creoles live isolated on their plantations, and have little connec-
tion or intercourse with one another, not even among those united by
ties of blood. They see one another, as they say, only by fits and starts.
That manner of living in isolation, which is not, besides, beautified and
tempered, either by the charms of literature or by the pleasures that belong
to an agreeable country, to picturesque and attractive sites, to rural
amusements, is very tiresome at all events. In spite of that, the Creoles
of Louisiana (I mean those who have never left the locality) are infatu-
ated to an incredible degree with their sad and monotonous country or, at
least, pretend that they are, and attribute to it special charms. . . In
this regard and in order to give an idea of their infatuation for whatever
proceeds from them and of their exaggeration on this head, I shall con-
tent myself with recounting the conversation of a Creole of this place,
a man of mature age, but as mad over his country as a beggar over his
wallet The question lately came up at a gathering of the near arrival
of the French, and some one remarked apropos of that that perhaps they
would also see some pretty French citizenesses, who because of wearing
the latest styles of the capital and having the refinement of adornment,
would present models of that kind to the native women. " Say, rather,"
eagerly and very seriously interrupted our good and enthusiastic Creole,
"that our women will be seen to serve them as models in the art of
dressing, as in all else." Thus, then, to follow [the reasoning of] our
man, the wild banks of the Mississippi were about to eclipse the smiling
banks of the Seine, and the elegant Parisienne would have naught better
to do than to conform to the tastes and manners of the stiff and stilted
Louisianian women.
Our Creoles, furthermore, proudly talk of the extent of their families,
190 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
and of a mob of relatives whom they never see for years at a time, al-
though they often live only a few leagues apart And if any of them
happen to die, it is the custom among them for all the relatives, even to
the seventh degree, to wear mourning for a more or less time as a ver-
itable testimonial of grief for a person who while in life was almost un-
known to most of his numerous kin, and toward whom not one of them,
in fact, would have been then disposed to act in a manner that could be
of advantage to him.
Indifferent to whatever is not personal, and egoistic to the last degree,
they think only of themselves and not at all of others. Caustic and famil-
iarly coarse with their equals, exacting toward their inferiors, harsh to
their slaves, inhospitable to strangers, their conduct and their bearing
one toward another are based on their feelings and are ruled by them.
That variety of feelings has its source in their self love and in their
personal selfishness, which are the powerful motives of almost all their
actions, even the most indifferent in appearance, but which are so no
longer when analysed.
What still remains to be observed in them is their truly remarkable
and original conduct toward whomever arrives in their country for the
first time. Extremely fond of novelty, as we have observed, they bear
themselves with a certain passion, subordinated to their interests. A
newly-arrived stranger seems to them to be at once an extraordinary be-
ing and a kind of possession which they enjoy in their manner. They
examine him from head to foot ; they compliment him ; they court him ;
and were he a blockhead, pure and simple, or a real Midas, he is not less
considered by those loungers of the Mississippi, during the first days of
his sojourn, and so long as he has for them the charm of novelty. But
soon after, that stranger, now no longer a stranger to them (even though
he be a man of rare and transcendent worth) will appear to those same
people a mere worthless being, an obscure personage, unless, indeed,
he make a great figure and display an opulence which overawes them,
and which although it excites their envy, yet attracts their regard.
Otherwise, if he be without that mighty means of consideration, and after
the charm of novelty has worn away, a stranger falls in their eyes, I do
not say into nothingness, but into a disfavor still worse than nothingness,
because of the annoying consequences that might result therefrom for
him and show how far ugly inhospitality is urged here. Then in some
manner can be applied the fable of the dying lion which became the butt
of the blows of every animal, and which finally received a kick from an
ass. There is no little scamp of a Creole in this savage colony, who has
never been out of sight of the shores of the Mississippi, and who has
never drank other water than that of this river, who does not consider
himself authorized, by the example of the chief men among them, and
like the ass in the fable, to insult an unfortunate stranger ~ I mean even
a Frenchman, a colonist like himself, escaped from the upheaval and
massacres of San Domingo, and a refugee in this country with some little
remnants of his fortune — and that, because the scamp is in his own coun-
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 191
try and the stranger away from his; and because the former knows he
is encompassed and sustained, while the other is here alone, and rather
annoyed than protected by those entrusted with public authority. In this
regard, I shall content myself by recounting an anecdote that happened,
so to say, before my eyes.
A negress, a servant of a foreign family, who had rented a country
house two leagues from the city, presented herself armed with a written
permission from her master to the proprietor of a neighboring planta-
tion, a Creole of the country. Showing him her permission, she asked
leave to be allowed to sell some trifles, as is the custom among negroes,
in the cabins of his slaves — a permission which it is not usual to refuse,
and which, it is true, she received verbally. She went thither twice,
but the third time she was arrested at seven o'clock in the evening, by
the overseer of the plantation, the insolent minister of the petty despot
who owned the plantation — both Germans, one by birth, and the other
by ancestry, and both as brutal as Germans (as badly reared Germans,
be it understood). The poor negress in vain claimed her double per- ^'
mission ~ both that of her master and that of the master of the plantation
where she was. Her complaint was in vain and nothing served her for
defense. The German overseer made her lie flat on the ground with her
skirts thrown back over her loins, and had twenty-five lashes applied to
her bare buttocks. It is true that the negro overseer, to whom that duty
had been entrusted, more humane than her white tormentor, and profiting
by the darkness of the night which was beginning to fall, had the skill
to make nearly all the blows fall on the earth — almost like Sancho pro-
ceeding to the disenchantment of Dulcinea. After that she was sent
away.
The master of that negress having heard from her of that disgraceful
act of violence, sent his son next morning to complain of the overseer of
that habitant The latter with a coarse leer and an air of satisfaction,
answered that his overseer acted according to his orders and had done
well. Thereupon the young man told him heatedly that such a manner of
procedure towards a neighbor and especially a stranger, who had done
nothing to incite it, was unworthy a gentleman and blameworthy on all
sides. The other answered angrily, if not in these words, at least in
their equivalent: "Let your father complain where he pleases. What
good will it do him? I have lived thirty years in the colony; he has
only lived two." Of a surety, he could well say he had lived thirty years
in the colony, for that boor had been born there and had never left it
After the atrocity of his proceeding, he could not better have crowned the
work than by those last words. They depict well the condition of things
in this country, and the respect paid to resident foreigners. . .
I shall not tax the Creoles of Louisiana with cowardice. However,
during that war, now happily ended some little time since, among the
numerous, poor, unoccupied young men living in the colony, with the
exception of seven or eight Creoles, who are the ones who sought distrac-
tion for their profound laziness, either by way of trade or at least by
192 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
driving off in armed vessels the petty corsairs who infested their coasts,
as was done by the Creoles of the Windward Islands and notably those
of Martinique whenever they could navigate and fight under their national
flag? At the very least then, the Creoles of Louisiana can be accused of
negligence in that respect; and one can believe them to be without en-
ergy and real patriotism, although subject to a government which has been
intimately allied to France for six years and has made common cause
with that country; for all that they boast loudly of being good French-
men at heart, and of having even until now shared in heart and spirit
in the successes of France and the triumph of its revolution.
Really, and in consequence (as I have room to surmise) of the kind of
government by which this colony has always been ruled, whether during
the French regime or since the Spaniards have owned it, the native
Creoles have been for the most part without moral energy, and do not
appear susceptible of any other profound sentiment than that which
concerns their own personal interest That alone is capable of rousing
them, and of elating them. And after that, what can be the measure of
their pretended patriotism and of the attachment that they affect to
France their former fatherland?
Have they not been seen at first after an ebullition of spirit which
announced extreme measures and presaged a violent explosion, take
voluntarily upon their necks the yoke brought them by the ferocious
Orelli [i.e., O'Reilly], when (by their own avowal) they could easily
have driven him from their country, together with his satellites; and
allowed their unfortunate countrymen (in part the victims of their blind
confidence in their cowardly fellow citizens) to be sacrificed unworthily
and in the deep silence of terror, under their very eyes and in their own
homes? Have they not been seen some years ago, after having been
mechanically aroused, after having been organized into various bands,
and finally after having given feasts, where before their slaves the
imbeciles sang French hjrmns, in which are celebrated the rights of man,
at the tops of their voices, and with inconceivable imprudence — have they
not been seen, I say, after that vain display and after that clamorous
uproar, quite suddenly draw in their horns and range themselves under
the ferule of the Spanish government like a flock of sheep under their
shepherd's crook, as soon as they felt, after a few dull movements, and
after a few partial stirrings of their slave gangs that the novelty by
which they had been infatuated, could make as much impression on the
spirit of that class of men under their power and warm the head of the
slave as well as that of the master?
And even now, at this the most interesting and memorable period
in the world's history ~ that, in short, of the general peace of the old
world and the new, both of which were tormented and torn for nine
consecutive years by a bloody war — what lively and deep sensation has
been produced in this colony by the news which reached here two
months ago, and which was of a nature suitable to transport all sensitive
hearts, and especially all good and true French hearts, with joy and hap-
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS i93
piness? A vague interest, a fluctuation of ideas, all linked with their
personal interests — in short, a kind of stupor which holds them in check,
and has caused them to receive, so to say, surlily the news which
France and its colonies have welcomed with expressions and outpourings
of the greatest joy — this is all that can quite easily be observed among
the colonists of Louisiana at this moment All here is sadness, coldness,
and silence, both in city and country on the part both of business men and
habitans. No rejoicings, no public or private fetes consecrated to the
celebration of this happy event, in spite of its being the season of balls
and of the theater (the carnival), which is the only time when the people
of this country amuse themselves a little, and when they generally lay
aside the apathetic and wearisome life that they lead at all other times.
Besides this season has been longer and more favorable to their accus-
tomed pleasures this year than in those preceding. It even appears that
the news produced a sensation so little agreeable here that it has caused
the miscarriage of some private fetes which had been projected for a long
time in advance for the present carnival, during which absolutely not one
single fete has been given, especially in the country, where no winter
passes in which many are not given.
The merchants, almost all of whom are English, American, or French,
agents of one another, see in the future a change hurtful to their interests ;
and the habitans, who to the news join the rumor circulating here of the
cession of this colony by Spain to France, and who would not like to be-
come French again, except under advantageous conditions by gaining in
exchange, as one says, a sure thing, and who now are well aware of all
that has taken place in the French colonies, the inevitable and sad result
of the new principles adopted by the mother country, are weary and fear
greatly (in what concerns the internal regime of the colony, and because
of those principles and their results, which do not at all square with the
spirit of egoism and personal interest which forms the essence of their
character) lest this change of government bring in a change in the
colonial system, in case that France, before this epoch, should not depart
entirely from those same principles. Such is, in this regard, and thus
far, the mode of seeing and thinking common to the habitans, of whom
three-fourths at least are Creoles. And I can speak pertinently in this
matter, for I am on the spot, and an eyewitness of what I am reporting
on this head with an exact impartiality. . .
The Americans welcomed the refugees from San Domingo, espe-
cially in Maryland. The law forbidding the admission of slaves into
the Union was simply set aside out of humanitarian considerations. The
people of Louisiana acted entirely otherwise.
Firstly, scarce had the Louisianians heard of the unfortunate occur-
rences of the Antilles, following and as an immediate result of the
French Revolution, than they made haste through the cabildo or muni-
cipal body of their colony, to draw up an act, expressly forbidding the
introduction of negroes from those places, especially from the French
194 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
islands, under penalty even of a fine of four hundred piastres per negro
(which fine the master would be obliged to pay for the profit of the col-
ony), and of the arrest and prompt deportation of said negroes from the
country. They petitioned and obtained from the governor general the
immediate promulgation of that prohibitory act Further, not content
with that measure, they had him ask its confirmation from the court in
Europe, which was effectually granted in the month of January, 1793.
By means of their cabildo, they have since had that act rigorously ex-
ecuted, without any consideration or exception whatever in favor of the
French colonists gathered at the north of America (in a country whose
language they did not understand and whose climate was hostile to
them), and who without that rigorous interdict would have come here in
great numbers to settle and bring here the remnants of their fortunes
and their talents, had they been able to bring here with them some faith-
ful domestics who had never abandoned them.
Some of those colonists, having no knowledge of that internal act,
or rather believing that after several years it had fallen into disuse or
been withdrawn, recently traveled overland from the north of America
to this country. They were provided, moreover, with passports, deliv-
ered by his Catholic Majesty's ambassador to the United States, allowing
them to come here to reside with their families and their domestics.
Already admitted tacitly by the Spanish government, which was more
compassionate toward their miseries than their former countrymen, they
were not long in being denounced and prosecuted by the Louisiana
canaille. They have seen their domestics taken off by force (women and
children) and dragged into prisons, where those wretched creatures
have been detained more or less time at the expense of their masters;
while there have been urgent and oft-repeated requisitions from a lot of
soulless and heartless persons to have them deported, until the Spanish
government, dropping its excitement on this subject, has been able to
have them quietly returned to their owners. . .
From this portrayal of the moral imperfections common to the Louis-
ianians, I pass with pleasure to the details of some good qualities that it
would be unjust to refuse them, and which, it is known, besides can be
allied to the vices and defects seemingly their opposites, in the heart of
man, in that impenetrable abysm of contradictions which at times unites
extremes and confuses them together. Faithful to their engagements,
good husbands, tender fathers, and obedient sons, they are, besides, labor-
ious, and even industrious, very handy in the mechanical arts, mechanics
by instinct, who easily imitate all work that depends on accuracy of
sight and skill of hand. They are not at all given to libertinage; and
even, although very ignorant, they have, in their youth, a certain natural
perspicacity and a peculiar disposition to learn the little that is taught
them. It is true that it is but a fire of straw which soon goes out for
want of food and sustenance. Perhaps for the development of their in-
tellectual faculties, and the imparting of energy to their benumbed souls,
they need only clever masters and good institutions; and these this
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 195
country has always lacked and lacks. Perhaps also (and I believe this
strongly), such institutions can never take root in the place even, and it
will be very necessary, indeed, for the young Creole (if he will get any
profit) to be expatriated and sent across seas to Europe, or at least to one
of the chief states in the north of America, where excellent colleges have
been founded for some years, and the number and worth of which will
increase with time.
Let me pass from the men to the women, that interesting portion of
society. We have already observed their exterior. Let us examine them
as to their moral qualities. In this regard, as well as in their physical
qualities, they have more advantage and gain more by being known than
do the men. They have, in general, more penetration and less uncouth-
ness. As illy instructed as the men, that defect of education is much
less discernible in them; and the bad qualities resulting from that lack,
are not nearly so apparent in the ones as in the others. Many of them
even have a natural wit, and a social instinct, with which very few men
in this country are endowed to an equal degree. Let a stranger of any
appearance enter a house, and ask for a meal, it will usually be the
mistress of the place who will receive and entertain him, and do all the
honors of the house ; while the master, after a few moments of conversa-
tion, in which he will have said very little and will have been very often
on needles and pins, will go, without ceremony, to his rude occupations,
and will not reappear until mealtime, thus seeming rather to be the
subordinate agent than the husband of the lady. Also the Louisiana
women, having more head and intelligence than their Creole husbands,
have over the latter an ascendancy which derives from their superi-
ority of mind and from the quality of their character. No sensible abuse
results from this, and the domestic arrangements are not less smooth.
But the chance is different when these same women are united to
Europeans. That ascendancy exists no longer on their part; or rather,
if they try, willy nilly, to seize and enjoy it, after the example of those yx
among them married to Creoles, the result of that pretension which their
husbands will not recognize, is continual clashing and discordant con-
flict, which lead to scandalous scenes and commonly end in the abandon-
ment of those women. A great number of women are to be seen in this
country, especially in the city, who, indeed, are neither girls nor wives
nor widows, whose husbands, grown weary of struggling against them,
and giving up hope of bending them and not caring, moreover, to yield
the rule to them, and to place themselves on the level of Creole husbands,
have finally determined to beat a retreat and to leave them there, aban-
doning as new Belphegors both their unruly Honestas and the country
which the latter inhabit
For the rest, the Louisiana women, and notably those bom and
resident on the plantations, have various estimable qualities. Respectful ^
as girls, affectionate as wives, tender as mothers, and careful as mis-
tresses, possessing thoroughly the details of household economy, honest,
reserved, proper — in the van almost — they are, in general, most excellent
196 LOUISIANA. 1785-1807 [VoL
women. Is not a husband only too lucky to have peace in his household,
at the price of his sacrifice of a part of his authority, when, moreover,
account is taken of that sacrifice of everything that can make him forget
it? But there are men who do not understand reason on this head, and
desire to be men in the whole sense of the term. Well, what happens
then? Nothing good. From jangling they come to scenes, ruptures,
and even to divorce, even if not by law.
It is, perhaps, in part, to that character of the Louisiana women,
which is lacking in flexibility and is haughty even, too much developed
and too well known now, as well as to the luxury which has been intro-
duced into this colony during the last ten or twelve years, that one must
attribute the few marriages that occur annually in this country which
is full of marriageable and arch-marriageable girls who languish in single
blessedness and in hopes of a union, ever in perspective, and which seems
to be for those unfortunate vestals, the cup of Tantalus. It is to be
observed, moreover, that girls greatly exceed boys in number in this
country, which is another disadvantage which renders the chance of the
former still more unfavorable. Also the birth of a boy is much more
pleasing to the parents than that of a girl, who only serves to swell a
long list and to increase a proportion really too great between the in-
dividuals of the two sexes, by putting one weight more in one of the
plates of the balance which is already too heavy.
In conclusion, I deem it of use to observe that whatever has just been
set forth relative to the physical and moral make-up of the Creoles of
Louisiana— men and women — is only under a general point of view, and
one which admits on all sides, of many exceptions. If there are among
them many men who are ignorant, harsh, selfish, false, slanderers, boast-
ers, and babblers, others are to be seen, on the contrary, who are clever,
humane, generous, sincere, complaisant, modest, and veracious, especially
those who have been reared in Europe. The only pity is that the number
of the latter is very circumscribed, and one is forced to say of them
'* Sunt rari nantes in gurgite vasto" or indeed what Boilc^u said of the
honest women of Paris, *' There are just three of them that I could men-
tion.'' Then if there are many proud and harsh women here, there are
also others of a flexible and affable character. If many girls who are
tired and weary of their lot are to be found, one also sees, as well, those
who pay no attention to it, or at least support it with courage and make
a virtue of patience. There is, as is said, no rule without its exceptions.
Speaking somewhat more broadly, yet often with specific reference
to the Creoles, the same author says [ut supra, 276-298] :
Luxury, which was introduced here some ten or twelve years ago,
and which is making daily progress here, as well as the influence of the
foreigners of every kind who have come into this country during this
period, have had a deep effect on public morals. However, morals are
not considerably changed in the country districts. But in New Orleans
they already show a strong tendency toward depravity and are going
rapidly down hill, the beginnings of corruption having had a greater de-
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 197
velopment in this city than elsewhere. It is here that one sees the notice-
able results of this change in morals. A tone of extravagance and show
in excess of one's means is seen there in the dress of the women, in the ^
elegance of their carriages, and in their fine furniture. And to this is
joined the passion for the gaming table and for play among the men.
A country, poor in itself, and enjoying for some years only a borrowed
prosperity, which it owes to the aid of its government and to the cir-
cumstances of the times which have attracted English and American
trade there (an aid and circumstance that might cease at any moment),
a country of this sort is not made to know and adopt luxury, which,
dangerous in a rich country, is a mortal poison for the regions con-
demned by nature to mediocrity.
Now when I speak of the luxury that has been introduced for some
little time into this colony, one must not imagine, however, that it is an
extreme luxury and similar to that whose radiancy strikes us in so many
other places. Luxury is, as is known, a purely relative thing, and propor-
tioned to the resources of the place where it shows itself. Hence, what
is luxury for one place is not so for another; and what, for instance, is
called luxury here, would assuredly not be luxury at Cap-Fran^ais be-
fore the epoch of its misfortunes. Luxury is, then, properly speaking,
an extension of its expenses beyond its means, or so at least I understand
it In such sense, then, I say that there is already a luxury in this
country, proportionally to its resources; and although the display of the
same degree of luxury in many other places would be a very slight thing,
or more truly, would be considered as a very ordinary expense. Be-
sides, I shall add (and I shall be readily believed) that the inclination
for luxury is much stronger here than the luxury itself, especially among
the women of the city. To them are not wanting all the proper inclina-
tions to give themselves to it, except indeed the means; for their hus-
bands or their parents are not at all inclined to trust them blindly in this
important matter, which is the object of their dearest cares. In this state
of affairs, it is apparent that a relaxing in morals must derive from this
passionate love for luxury. The most remarkable, as well as the most
pathetic result of that gangrenous irregularity in this city is the exposing
of a number of white babies (sad fruits of a clandestine excess) who
are sacrificed from birth by their guilty mothers to a false honor, after
they have sacrificed their true honor to their unbridled inclination for a
luxury that destrojrs them. One of these unfortunate little creatures
who was exposed last winter during the night outside the city was found
and taken at daybreak by a savage woman whom its cries attracted.
She took the child into her hut, gave it her breast, and finally adopted
that unfortunate child. . .
Society (I mean here by this word, the union of social bonds and in-
timacies) is little known in New Orleans. Here people live in great
isolation and only see one another on parade, in order to measure one
another with the eyes, and slander one another afterward. Here the
spirit of selfishness, the show of wealth, and the mania for pretense, all
confused together, offer an insurmountable barrier to what constitutes
J
198 LOUISIANA, 1 78s - 1 807 [Vol
the essence of good society. Here, besides there can be no public spirit,
no similar tastes, no fashion of thinking and speaking common to each
individual, because of the kind of population which is seen in this city.
It is only a confused mixture, a shapeless composition of people of all
countries and of all professions: Creoles of the country, French, Spanish,
English, Americans, Germans, Italians, etc, a veritable tower of Babel.
Here one can scarcely be understood by his neighbor; and the only
language intelligible here to each of these diverse beings is that of self
interest That is the universal language; that is the current money.
A gallant must limit himself in this city to the company of a very small
number of worthy and companionable persons, and keep away from all
the rest He will surely not lose by it
Conunerce has as its foundation here only a narrow and mercantile
retail trade, or a sordid stock jobbing. The richest capitalists of the
city and of the country (Europeans and Creoles) do not blush at all to
place their money at one and one-half or two per cent monthly, and
sometimes for even more, with good securities, and the rules of custom
which adorn and sanction to all. And they are only the more esteemed
because they become the richer by it Now, every country where usury,
far from being held in execration, is favorably received, can only be
inhabited by people devoid of principles and morals. The consequence
is infallible.
Delation is also viewed here in the same manner as usury, namely,
in the light of the benefit joined to it Has not a Creole of the country
had the effrontery to declare openly that he would denounce his own
father for two thousand piastres? And that man is the father of a family
himself. Ah uno, disce omnia.
The inclination for lying and exaggeration appears here to be a vice
peculiar to the soil, so widespread is it People lie about everything,
and sometimes even for nothing, and for the sole pleasure of lying. On
a fly's foot, on an object of no value, on nothing at all, they will forge
you on the instant, the most absurd information, which they will ac-
company with so many positive facts, and which they will recite in a
tone so firm and with protestations so exact (such as ''I have seen,"
"I have heard/' etc.) that if one were to say he did not believe it, he
would have to make up his mind to pass for an incredulous fellow, for
a skeptic, for a veritable St Thomas. And next mom, or that very day,
the edifice of the lie is destroyed to give place to another one, which will
not long delay in being destroyed also.
That general propensity for lying, joined to a very great amount of
self love and vanity, leads to bragging, of which they are not at all
chary in this country, if they are of other things. Here one becomes
once or twice as rich as he is in reality. The ugliest habitation is a
terrestrial paradise. The negro planter annually brings in four or five
hundred piastres to his master, and an arpent of ground, at least two
hundred. Men here are all frank and generous, women are never old,
and girls never of age. But trust to these fine reports, and you will
later see that you must retrench them.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 199
As to the women they would do much better to keep inside their
houses and give themselves up entirely to the care of their housekeeping,
instead of going to see and to visit one another the greater part of their
time, to babble about the absent, and mutually to slander one another
after separating. But they do not attach great importance to that
There is also another thing to observe among the Creoles of the country,
both men and women. This is their propensity for quarreling, for in- y^
suiting one another, for cruelly satirising one another, and of making it
up again with an ease that has no parallel elsewhere than among the
vulgar mob — to such a degree that they thee and thou one another, with-
out the slightest rancor, apparently, at least, and until another outburst
I have been present at scenes, which in any other place, would have
mortally embroiled two women, and would have led two men to cut
each other's throats, but which produced among the actors and actresses
only words and noise, and were ended by sudden reconciliations, and
familiar address, with which both the men and women among them are
prodigal. Such scenes, man to man, when they are very violent, at the
worst, are terminated by a boxing match, between the contestants, aa
in the English fashion, but that is all. Duels, properly so called, are
almost unknown. . .
Moreover, that tone of familiarity, that customary thouing and thee-
ing, of which I have spoken above, proper for a tender friendship or for
a still more lively sentiment, is the common tone among the native men
and women, however slight the relation between them, but they do not
pretend by that anything special or significant It is, so to speak, only
the tone of Lucas speaking to Mathurin, or of Babet amusing himself
with Perrette. It was that of the former colonists of the country, nearly
all people of low extraction, who have traditionally communicated it
to their descendants, as well as many other somewhat parallel cus-
toms.
I will observe that the customs are much more regular in the country
districts than in the city, luxury much less widespread, the tastes that
hold there much less in style, and finally, society much better composed,
though not very attractive.
The Creole women, lacking, in general, the talents that adorn educa-
tion, have no taste for music, drawing, or embroidery, but in revenge
they have an extreme passion for dancing and would pass all their dajrt ^
and nights at it The former talents require application and study, but
they have no inclination for that; while the latter is rather an exercise
and an amusement than an indisputable effort
During the winter that passion is at its height Then, they dance in
the city, they dance in the country, they dance everywhere, if not with
much grace, at least with great ardor ; and the fiddlers are then always
kept busy. For the rest, there is no variety in those amusements. There
is the eternal quadrille, which is given without ceasing, although it is
true some different forms are adapted to it, but at bottom it is always
the same. And that monotony does not fail to tire the spectator, even
if it does not the actors.
200 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
The Creole women are very fertile, and that early and for a long
time. After seven or eight years of marriage, they have half a dozen
children, all welcome, and sometimes more; and they are still fresh and
disposed, moreover, to complete the dozen. It is very common to see
mother and daughter with child at the same time, and it would not be
even impossible to see sometimes, the granddaughter figuring also in the
scene, and completing the trio. Several foreign women, who for a long
time had ceased to bear, after going to Louisiana have here become great
before the end of the year of their arrival, especially Spanish women,
who are known to be very sterile in general. Hence, there is a saying
in these places, by way of pleasantry, that the waters of the Mississippi
have, beyond doubt, a prolific virtue. And when one considers that
happy disposition for propagation which seems to belong to the country,
as well as the great number of Creole girls living here, he can not see
without regret (this is said seriously) that all these means of popula-
tion remain, so to say, a pure loss and almost fruitless, because of the
rarity of marriage. This must necessarily be attributed to the causes
which we have already assigned to that state of celibacy, to that monkish
life, the taste for which is extending here more and more among the
men. In witness of what I advance on this matter, one single observa-
tion will suffice, as follows. For the two and one-half years that I have
been in this colony, not thirty marriages at all notable have occurred in
New Orleans and for ten leagues about it. And in this district, there
are at least six hundred white girls, of virtuous estate, of marriageable
age, between fourteen and twenty-five or thirty years. There is, then,
following this proportion, but one marriage effected per year of the fifty
that could be made. For the rest, it is a speculation and oft frustrated
hope.
The women of the city now dress tastefully, and their change of ap-
pearance in this respect in a very short space of time is really surprising.
Not three years ago, almost all of them wore round short petticoats, and
long jackets with lengthened skirts, the upper part of their clothing
being of one color, and the lower of another, and all the rest of their
dress in proportion ; they were brave with many ribbons and few jewels.
Thus rigged out they went everywhere, on their round of visits, to the
ball, and to the theaters. Today such a costume seems to them, and
rightly so, a masquerade. The richest of embroidered muslins, cut in
the latest styles, and set off as transparencies over soft and brilliant
taffetas, with magnificent lace trimmings, and with embroidery and
gold embroidered spangles are today fitted to and beautify well-dressed
women and girls; and this is accompanied by rich earrings, necklaces,
bracelets, rings, precious jewels, in fine, with all that can relate to dress —
to that important occupation of the fair sex. The only thing still lack-
ing to them, to be quite in the grand fashion, is a less frequent display
of that splendid dress, which is kept for rare occasions, and especially
the stone ornaments which are forbidden to their means, but which are
very dear to their hearts.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 201
The women who live in the country and on their plantations, are
still far from attaining to that pompous show of the women of the city ;
for they are not daily, as are the latter, on show, and on the stage of
fashion and gallantry. But since there is nothing that spreads so rapidly
as luxury, one must not despair that they will soon arrive at the same
point of elegance, especially since goodwill is not wanting to them in this
respect, although they are free from being exposed, like those of the city,
to the imminent danger by which that seductive decoration is surrounded
and to the words of the evil intentioned.
A custom, very general in this country, and which holds to the sway
of style, as well as to the parsimony of the inhabitants^ is that of having
oneself taken to the city, even from twenty leagues' distance, as soon as
one feels sick, instead of procuring in the country the aid that can be ex-
pected in such a case, from people of the profession, by causing some of
that class to settle there among them by means of subscriptions, as is
done in the Antilles. Instead of a competent physician, or at least a
clever surgeon, one is content to have at his house, or at that of his neigh-
bor, the works of Tissot, Buchan, and some other authors of this class,
which are thumbed and consulted, ab hoc et ab hac, and without any ex-
pense, the symptoms of such and such a sickness described in one of
those books being compared and likened willy nilly to those of such and
such another sickness that one wishes to treat Thus they take one sick-
ness for another, heating when they ought to cool, cooling when they
ought to heat, substituting a simple of the country which they think
good for any other indicated and prescribed, which they can not pro-
cure, and by a complication of cares and remedies poorly applied, making
serious, finally, the most simple indispositon which nature itself would
have cured in a short time. And when the sickness becomes serious,
one must be carried to the city, at any risk, and be placed in the charge
of the venerable medical men.
That custom of thus carrying a sick person from a distance of ten or
twelve leagues, either by way of the river, which is the most usual, or
by postchaise, is pernicious in itself, and in every way, both because of
the annoying consequences to the sick person which often result from
that moving, and by the introduction into the city of various germs of
diseases which did not exist there. It is a custom that transforms New
Orleans into a vast hospital, and which ought to be abolished by the
proper method. But doubtless messieurs the surgeons of New Orleans
would oppose that, for they get their living by that method, and daily,
without leaving the city or going to confine themselves in the country,
see the sick people arrive, so to speak, at their very doors, just as the
customer goes to the merchant's shop. Hence, I would dare assert, that
with the exception of the office of the man of justice and the trade of
baker, there is no profession here which leads quicker to fortune than
that of the surgeon who practices medicine, etc There are a dozen
surgeons in this city at the most, who combine in themselves, contrary to
the regular custom, the functions of physicians, surgeons, pharmacists,
202 LOUISIANA, 1785-1 807 [Vol.
and even those of midwives or accoucheuses, and who, thanks to the
custom of which we have just spoken, exploit thus (this is said without
any exaggeration) twenty leagues of country, right at home, and within
the narrow circle of the city and its environs.
There are no women besides, in that same extent of country, or, at
least, there are very few, who would not believe, or make a pretense of
believing that they would make the most disastrous kind of a birth, if
they did not go, one or two months beforehand, to reside in the city, and
prepare themselves to bring forth there, in due time, the fruit of their
fertility, by the help of a surgeon, rather than one of their own sex. . .
There are few places where accouchments and their consequences cause
proportionally so many serious and even mortal accidents as at New
Orleans. I shall attribute this still less, however, to the want of skill
of the surgeons and to the rudeness of their operations than to the
humidity of the climate, as well as to the imprudence of the women after
their accouchement, and to the little care they employ in the critical
state in which they are at such times.
The French language is that generally used in this colony. The
Spanish and English languages are, however, somewhat extensively
used : the former by reason of the ascendancy of the government, all the
acts of which, as well as those of the administration and of the courts,
emanate in that tongue and are translated into French when that is
necessary by an interpreter employed for that purpose; the latter be-
cause of the influence of the commerce and proximity of the United
States; and both of them finally, because of the great number of Span-
iards and Americans who have settled in the colony or travel in it
French is spoken here very well, [although] with certain collo-
quialisms almost vicious, of which I shall cite a few as samples. They
drag out and prolong too much (which is common, especially among
women), certain syllables, notably the final, with sharp changing in-
tonations, so that they appear to sing while speaking. This produces
an obvious effect, and one disagreeable to the ear which is unaccus-
tomed to it
They mutilate and disfigure certain words, such as bien [i.e., well],
iu [i.e., thou], une [i.e., a or one], etc, which are here generally pro-
nounced as follows: II a ben fait [i.e., he has done well] ; t'as vu mons
fils [i.e., hast thou seen my son?]; c'est eune belle femme [i.e., she is a
beautiful woman]; etc.
Now I am not speaking here of the Acadians and the Germans, nor
of their first generation, who all speak a French more or less corrupt,
but of the Creoles of European French origin.
Besides, it appears that there is a physical defect in this country, an
imperfection in the formation of the organs of speech. This makes itself
felt chiefly in the manner in which many Creoles of both sexes, white
as well as colored, pronounce here the consonant "j", and the dipthong
"ch", which many of them corrupt by transforming the "j" into "z" and
the ''ch'' into "ce", as I am about to show by a plain example. Suppose
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 203
that a Creole, a lover of the chase and a braggart (as so many of them
are) in order to boast of his skill in this respect, should express himself
in these terms:
** Je m $ach§ point avoir jamais iti chasser, gut je ne sois rentri
ckez moi avec ma charge de gibier [i.e., I can not recall that I have ever
been hunting, that I have not come back home with my load of game]."
His tongue tied and lacking flexibility, will cause him to pronounce
these worls as follows:
**Ze ne zace point avoir zamais iti sacer, que %e ne sois rentri ci
moi avez ma ^arze de gibier;" and so on.
There is^o other public institution fit for the education of the youth
of this country than a simple school maintained by the government It
is composed of about fifty children, nearly all from poor families. Read-
ing, writing, and arithmetic are taught there in the two languages,
French and Spanish. There is also the house of the French nuns, who
have some young girls as boarders, and who have a class for day stu-
dents. There is also a boarding school for young Creole girls, which
was established about fifteen months ago and directed by a man who is
not without talents in that line. But since there is nothing else in this
country except a good bargain, and since the price of his school, for the
maintenance of which he was about to add special masters, appeared too
dear to messieurs the colonists, those fine people, although unable to
dispute his personal merit with that founder, have tried to depreciate
his accuracy and his care by the few students who had been entrusted
to him by their European parents or those reared in Europe, in order to
make it appear right not to have placed their own children there. That
school being unable to be maintained in a fitting manner with so mod-
erate means has almost gone to wreck and ruin; and our coarse mer-
chants of New Orleans and others have continued to send their children
at the cost of two piastres per month to small schools scattered here and
there in the city. By means of that method they get rid of them for part
of the day for a low price, but do not reflect on the emptiness and abuses
of that sort of an education. Our sugar, cotton, and indigo planters in
the country districts limit themselves to picking up on the highway
some poor devil, to whom they give lodging, board, and some moderate
emolument, and who is charged with teaching all he knows (in truth,
not very much) to his restive pupils. The latter learn that the poor
pedagogue has no real authority over them, and soon discover that
their preceptor is regarded by papa and mamma in about the same light
as a contemptible fellow or as a domestic in their pay. . .
There is found here neither shipyard, trade exchange, colonial post,
college, nor public nor private library. Neither is there a bookstore,
and for good reasons, for a bookseller would die of hunger in the midst
of his books, unless they could teach the interested reader the art of dou-
bling his capital at the end of a year. Finally, there is only one small
printing oflice, which I have already noted as being due to Monsieur de
Carondelet, formerly the governor of this colony. Under charge of the
204 LOUISIANA, 1785- i8o7 [Vol.
goverament, it is employed only in printing the gazette (which appears
only once during the week under the title of Moniteur de la Louisiane),
some government ordinances or rules of administration, alphabets and
catechisms for the children, and forms for passports, bills of lading, etc.
Brilliancy of mind and talent of a certain kind are very rare here.
Few good musicians are to be seen here. There is only one single por-
trait painter, whose talent is suited to the walk of life where he em-
ploys it Finally, in a city inhabited by ten thousand souls, as is New
Orleans, I record it as a fact that not ten truly learned men can be
found. . . The only knowledge a little widespread in this country
is that of the French, Spanish, and English languages, which have be-
come almost necessary here, by the gathering here of persons to whom
those three languages are native, and who on account of their mutual
relations, have a reciprocal need of them.
I have already said that few fetes are given here that are worthy
the name. Everything is limited to a great repast, where a stupid
uproar reigns. There besides, one need not look for refinement of taste
in plates or liquors, nor good judgment in the arrangement of the ban-
quet, nor still less for the charms o^ true wit ... in the assemblage
of the guests who go thither without any order. I can not accustom
myself to those great mobs, or to the old custom of the men (on these
gala occasions or better orgies) of getting more than on edge with wine,
so that they get fuddled even before the ladies, and afterward act like
drunken men in the presence of those beautiful ladies, who far from
being offended at it, appear on the contrary, to be amused by it
The principal consideration that man pursues in this country is that
that attaches to his wealth and not to himself. Hence comes that con-
sideration which is related to the rank which he occupies, to the distinc-
tion with which he is invested. As to that consideration due his virtue
or his talents, it would be a useless trouble to seek them here.
Finally, a mixture of egoism and of falsity of heart, much of ig-
norance and grossness of mind, no energy of character: such is what
forms essentially the base of the morals of this country, as well as the
customs which result from these morals, and the central point whence
one may set out to examine, in mass, or to observe in detail, all that can
have reference to these morals and these customs.
Perrin du Lac in his Voyage [pages 393-396] touches the same
matter as follows :
The Creoles of Louisiana have lost under a foreign government neither
their love for their mother country, nor the taste that characterizes its
inhabitants. More than in Europe do they give themselves to pleasure
with excess. Women, the table, and play share all their time. The last
vice seems, however, to be the one which is in general strongest They
pass entire nights at play, and dissipate the rich products of their planta-
tions. As in all colonies their taste for women extends more particularly
to those of color, whom they prefer to the white women, because such wo-
men demand fewer of those annoying attentions which contradict their
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 205
taste for independence. A great number, accordingly, prefer to live in con-
cubinage rather than to marry. They find in that the double advantage
of being served with the most scrupulous exactness, and in case of dis-
content or unfaithfulness, of changing their housekeeper (this is the
honorable name given to that sort of woman). They are . . . hu-
mane, affable, and hospitable. If the crowd of foreigners whom the
revolution of our colonies has brought there, has diminished their eager-
ness to welcome them, it is because they have been so often deceived
that they have been constrained to substitute distrust for their natural
frankness.
The Creole women as a rule have beautiful complexions. The fresh-
ness of their complexions contrasts peculiarly with the insalubrity of the
country in which they live. Hiey are usually sedentary, living in in-
dolence, without society or great distractions. However, they love ex-
cessively to dance, and give themselves up to it without reserve when
occasion offers. The young men who take little trouble to please them,
wear almost alwajrs an air of ennui when compelled to be in their com-
pany. Without education or instruction, the lives of the young men are
passed in play, dancing, riding, or hunting. Especially do they excel in
this last exercise. Active and lively, they need only an acquaintance
with good masters and goodwill. Brave, hardy, enterprising, nothing
pleases them so much as a military uniform, which they usually don at
the age of thirteen or fourteen. The government, to whom it is im-
portant to maintain this military taste employs almost all of them in
the militia, or in the Louisiana regiment. They are often cadets for
five or six years before they become sub-lieutenants, but that does not
trouble them much. It is the epaulette which pleases them; appoint-
ments commence to occupy their minds only at an age when they can
obtain some command. Thus, in this country, as ever3rwhere, man puts
his ambition in commanding others at an age when he is incapable of
commanding himself.
** Sec note 4.
** Perrin du Lac [Voyage, 391,392] confirms AlHot's statement
concerning Governor Salcedo:
A silly old man, superstitious and all but imbecile, he governs the
colony under the good pleasure of his son, a greedy young man, an un-
educated blockhead, who disgraces his rank in the army by his daily
conduct
The same author says that due to his prohibition of vaccination
because of his superstitious beliefs, over six hundred of the children
of the slaves perished. Since the retrocession of Louisiana to France
has become known, Salcedo has sold appointments and privileges; has
removed men of integrity and replaced them by rascals; and has
allowed smuggling openly.
** See note i.
2o6 LOUISIANA. 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
*' Berquin-Duvallon [Vue de la Col. Esp.j 1 76-1 81] comments as
follows on the Spanish judiciary in Louisiana:
The legal order established in this country and based on Spanish
jurisprudence is truly chaos, for a foreigner especially. It is a series of
conflicting reports, a confusion of cognizance and jurisdiction, a fabric
of injustice and bias, and more, a whirlpool of money for the unfortunate
individuals engaged in that tortuous labyrinth, from which they are only
freed after years of embarrassment and trouble with an empty purse
and with a heap of undecipherable waste paper, to which is very often
coupled a judgment without head or tail. Hence, there is no country
in the world, I believe, where processes are feared more than in Louis-
iana—so much so that in order to avoid them, one consents rather to a
settlement or arbitration. But this resource can not be obtained in mat-
ters of inheritance. Does a father of a family die after having put his
affairs in as good shape as possible? That family order never agrees
with the legal order, which in order that all may be done for the best,
seizes on the inheritance in the very face of the widow, children, and
testimentary executor (if there is one), by means of affixing stamps on
all that depends on it This is generally followed by a multitude of
other acts, each more expensive than the other, and by the multiple
rubrics of the agents of justice; and by the extreme slowness with which
it is all executed, to the great detriment of the inheritance. In a word
that maneuver is so powerful and becomes so onerous, however viewed,
that the most litigious Bas-Norman would end by chanting here the
palinody and the zealous apostle of chicanery would become from it, I
believe, its mortal enemy.
It follows from this that the legal order is a gold mine for those en-
gaged in it in New Orleans. In that city are the only tribunals of
justice in the colony, and there everything is concluded. Judges, assess-
ors, attorneys, notaries, etc., all swim in deep waters, all achieve fortune
sooner or later, and by reason of their places. One single example of
fact will suffice to confirm it Some years ago, a certain Spaniard died
in this city. He landed in this country as poor as Job, but less scrupulous
than he in his amassing — in the profession of attorney, and in the space
of eight or ten years — a fortune truly prodigious. Doubtless he thought
that it ought to be justified during his lifetime, and for the discharge of
his conscience, by making at his expense certain charitable and religious
foundations now existing — among others, a parish church, an addition
to the public hospital, and a convent His death occurring in the mean-
time prevented him from finishing the last, which has remained in statu
quo, because his widow who inherited his fortune has not at all inherited
his pious sentiments in that regard. She has preferred to go to law
rather than to continue the building of the convent; and this is sufficient
to show how considerable would have been the expense of that It is
said that that widow is worth more than one million piastres, which
were acquired by the great cleverness of her deceased husband in the
dark science of chicanery.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 207
But shall we pass in silence the prototype and leader of the legal
order in this country, that amphibious magistrate, admitted turn about
into the councils of Themis and of Mars, and holding in his hands the
balance of the pen of one and the sword of the other, a man of the robe,
a man of the sword, and finally, in one word, Don Maria Nicolas Vidal
Chavez Echavarri de Madrigal y Valdez, civil lieutenant governor,
auditor of war in the provinces of Louisiana and West Florida, etc?
Of a surety, no, we must not forget to make mention here of that illus-
trious member of Spanish jurisprudence. And even through a singular
honor that I do him, that great personage is absolutely the only one
whose name and rare qualities will figure in full in this work. But to
great men, great distinctions I I have promised myself to conceal nothing
in this work relative to the colony of which I speak, and of a nature to be
set forth and depicted with veracity, without rancor and without flattery,
and the country and its inhabitants such as they shall have appeared to me
to be. At the same time, I have imposed on myself the reservation of
naming no one, and of allowing the masks to be guessed, permitting
myself a general censure which should not degenerate into personal
satire. I have not departed from this plan until now ([and would not
now] except for regard to the illustrious personage whom I have just
named in order to give him a quite peculiar distinction) and I shall con-
tinue to pursue that plan for all others.
Would it be possible, I say, to leave in obscurity, a worth so eminent
and so rare as his, and not to make an exception to my rule in favor of
an individual of that class, worthy of being cited as a model to all the
Dandins present and future and of every nation? A judge above the
common, the examination of any matter and its decision are for him a
true arithmetical and financial calculation, in which he adds, subtracts,
multiplies, and divides, with a wonderful sagacity, the reasons pro and
con, and decides infallibly on the side of those reasons which offer to his
mind as a final result, not the most exact quotient, but rather the largest,
and especially, the most real product, for multiplication is always, in last
anal3rsis, his favorite rule. A zealous partisan of monarchical govern-
ment, he has for it a devotion so respectful and so submissive, that the
likeness of his sovereign stamped on a little metallic plate is, in his eyes,
a sacred idol, and so worthy of his homage, that there is nothing that
can not be obtained from him by means of that talisman, multiplied up
to a certain point.
Now then a truce to irony, and let us speak seriously of a man who,
by his crying acts of injustice, by his insatiable passion for gold, by his
monstrous immorality, and by his haughty, brusque, sombre, capricious
character, unendurable on all accounts, is generally held in dishonor and
detested in the high post that he holds and disgraces, and in which be
has maintained himself, moreover, for a number of years, in spite of
public opinion, so generally and so energetically pronounced against
him, that his name is scarcely ever mentioned in a private circle unless
accompanied by some expressive epithet indicative either of the liveliest
indignation or the deepest contempt. For him everything is venal, and
2o8 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
conscience and honor are meaningless words to him. How many acts
of injustice and rapacity are not attributed to him? From how many
unfortunate families has he not weakened the resources and drained the
substance? A man as vicious as the unjust magistrate, in the very face
of his countrymen, who are scandalised by his manner of living, and in
a position where he ought to give others the example of good morals, is
not that old rake with a monkey face (as ugly as it is impudent and
evil), and wallowing in his celibacy, seen openly with a French mulat-
tress, whom he has enriched with a part of his plunder?
Following is a summary of the account of the courts, etc., as given
in Account of Louisiana^ 32-38.
Most of the French laws had given way to Spanish. The govern-
or's court had civil and military jurisdiction throughout the province;
that of the lieutenant governor extended only to civil matters. There
were two alcaldes with civil and criminal jurisdiction in New Orleans
and for five leagues about it. The intendant's court had jurisdiction
in admiralty and fiscal causes. The tribunal of the provincial alcalde
had jurisdiction in criminal causes, when offenses were committed in
the country, or when the criminal took refuge there, and in other
specified causes. The ecclesiastical tribunal had jurisdiction in all
church matters. The governor, lieutenant governor, alcaldes, in-
tendant, provincial alcalde, and the provisor in ecclesiastical causes,
were sole judges. All death sentences were to be ratified by the superior
tribunal or captain general, except those of the provincial alcalde.
The governor could not pardon criminals. An auditor and an as-
sessor were appointed to advise the judge. The district commandants
had some judicial authority, their jurisdiction extending to pecuniary
causes the value of which did not exceed one hundred dollars. For
sums in excess of that amount, they began the suit, collected evidence,
etc., and then sent the whole to the governor for conclusion before the
proper tribunal. Some small causes were decided by hearing both
parties viva voce, but all the larger cases were tried by the s)^tem of
petition, replies, etc., in accordance with the intricate system of Spanish
law, everything being written. Appeal lay to Havana in causes over
a certain value, if applied for within five days after the date of the
sentence. There were few lawyers, and fees were small, the latter
being true to the judges also. Notaries intervened in all acts. The
abogado was a person consulted by the judge on legal points, for
which fees of some consideration were paid. Counsellors were hated
and generally remained but a short time at New Orleans, because of the
large sums exacted by them. Suits were generally long and expen-
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 209
sive when the parties were wealthy. There v/ere few crimes of great
atrocity. Murder by stabbing was confined chiefly to Spanish soldiers
and sailors. Punishments were generally confined to imprisonment,
fines, payment of the costs, and sometimes the stocks. Murder, arson,
and aggravated robbery of the royal treasury were punished with
death. Theft from private persons was punished by restitution, im-
prisonment, and sometimes enormous costs. Contraband trade, etc.,
was punished with hard labor for life, or for a period of years, in the
galleys, mines, or public works.
*• Of the religious life and organization of the colony, Berquin-
Duvallon [Fue de la Col. Esp.j 172-175], says:
According to the public worship established in this colony, the Cath-
olic, apostolic and Roman religion is followed here, or at least professed,
outwardly. The chief of the clergy is the bishop of Louisiana and West
Florida. Truly his diocese is one of the most extensive in the four
quarters of the world, if not one of the most peopled. For, independently
of the vast territory occupied by the settlements of the colony, it em-
braces (at least in idea and in the spiritual sense) all that immense
region, yet almost unknown, that stretches into the interior of the conti-
nent and extends toward the northwest of the Mississippi, from the banks
of that river to the western side of America and to the borders of the
Pacific Sea.
It is quite true that the savage nations who inhabit those distant
countries where no European has yet penetrated, have never heard of
their spiritual father and chief, and no Spanish missionary has yet been
found courageous enough and inflamed enough with a burning zeal for
the propagation of the faith, to go to spread in that immense field, the
seeds of Christianity, as the risk of obtaining the palm of martyrdom.
On this point, it must be observed, besides, that that is not, to all ap-
pearances, a country of gold and silver mines, or one that produces
emeralds and diamonds like the rich countries of Mexico, Peru, and
Brazil, where Spanish and Portuguese missionaries cast themselves with
fervor to plant there fruitfully the standard of the cross, and to make
an honest and disinterested exchange of the precious treasures of heaven
for those vile and perishable riches of the earth. One may well, at that
price, risk something, and go to distribute the bread of life to those
brutish and savage beings, from whom he receives in return, the gold,
silver, and precious stones buried in the bosom of the mountains or scat-
tered in the sands of the torrents, and for whom he prepares, at one and
the *.ame time, paradise in the other world and hell in this, by leading
them piously from baptism to the mines.
However that may be, and while waiting for the natives of the north-
western part of America to enter willingly or by force into the bosom of
the Church, and until convents can be established and priests distributed
throughout this country, the bishop of Louisiana limits himself to exer-
2IO LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
cising hia ministry in the interior of the colony. And since the spiritual,
to the eyes of every good Spaniard, is as high above the temporal, as the
soul is above the body, and as the cavalier is above the horse, it is quite
necessary that the emoluments of the one also surpass greatly those of the
other. Consequently, by a just and moderate appreciation, the bishop of
Louisiana receives annually fifteen thousand piastres as a fixed salary,
while the governor general only receives six. Nothing better imagined !
Moreover, that is but a small sum in comparison with the annual salary
attached to the bishopric of Havana, which amounts to sixty thousand
piastres.
The clergy, of whom the bishop of Louisiana is head, and who are
attached to the service of this colony, are composed of some secular
priests and a body of Capuchins, who poorly fill, as parbh
priests, the parishes established in the country at widely sep-
arated points. One parish priest and his vicar suffice to ad-
minister a curacy of fifteen or twenty leagues in extent It must be
inferred from this that their duties are very, or scarcely, severe, and in
view of the country, the second inference is much more applicable than
the first. To baptise, to marry, to bury, and to say one or two masses
daily, without ever losing sight of the chimneys of their parsonages —
that is the extent of their spiritual labors. The devotion of their parish-
ioners does not demand more, and their private disposition does not carry
them farther. In a word, the form of religion is observed, both good
and bad, and the spirit neglected; and in that regard, it is here as in
many other places and in many other cases, where the form does away
with the spirit In general, the Spanish friar {^moine} is ignorant, vi-
cious, and full of superstition ; and education, propriety, and good morals
are found only in the few French secular priests attached to the clergy
of this colony, and who do not fail at times to be mortified on account
of this.
Perrin du Lac [Voyage y 392] says on the same matter:
There is a bishop at New Orleans who rules the colony in spiritual
matters. He appoints to all the vacant curacies, and in each important
district a chief vicar, to whom he delegates a large share of his powers.
There is only one convent for men, the religious of which are idle, dirty,
and intolerant, and conceal under their habits their depravity and ig-
norance. There is also a conununity of women who engage in teaching,
where the young girls are carefully and modestly reared, and where they
receive all the talents of which the country is susceptible.
According to Robin [Voyages, vol. ii, 122], there were only a dozen
priests at the most, either seculars or regulars. The bishopric estab-
lished by Spain in New Orleans paid a salary of 15,000 piastres, while
the governor received only 6,000. Each cure received thirty piastres
per month, together with a like amount for surplice fees. The settle-
ments rarely saw a priest. Baptism could be performed by any person.
Marriages were performed by the commandant of the district.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 211
Religion in this colony is all in form; there is no longer any of the
spirit in it . . In the city they are well satisfied with the Capuchins
who perform the functions of parish priests. They leave the conscience
free. In no other country in the world is tolerance more extended. In
no other country as well do they exercise it more widely. Women,
negroes, and officers in the governor's suite are almost the only ones who
go to church. Here one has no need of knowing how to read in order to
be a philosopher or in order to despise popular prejudices. Those
Capuchins, now so tolerant, would well have wished to be less so, such
is the virtue of the power of the frock, or rather is man inclined to that
hard despotism, which tries to force the will so quickly and artlessly,
although prudent persuasion is so necessary to penetrate the will gently.
One day the leader of those Capuchins enjoined the governor to establish
the Inquisition. This was a topic of much talk in the colony, nearly all
French. The governor, for answer to the one who demanded the Inquisi-
tion, made him embark and sent him to Spain -. a thing unheard of under
this government The Capuchin has returned and resumed his pastoral
duties, but he has quite forgotten his projects for the Inquisition, unless
he yet holds them in petto [i.e., in his bosom].
See: Robin, ut supra, 122-124.
The Account of Louisiana^ 38, 39, says that the salary of the
bbhop was met from Cuba and Mexico. The two canons received
a salary of $600 apiece; the twenty-five parish priests (five of whom
were in New Orleans) received from $360 to $480 per annum; both
were met by the treasury in New Orleans. The Ursuline convent
owned about 1,000 acres of land in three plantations. In 1803, there
were only ten or twelve French nuns, since the Spanish nuns had gone
to Cuba at the time of the transfer. The convent received an allow-
ance of $600 annually with which they supported twelve orphans.
*^ Berquin-Duvallon [Vue de la Col. Esp., 31-39] describes a
Creole ball as follows:
In winter during the carnival there is a public ball, which is held
twice each week, once for the adults, and the other time for the children.
It is not in a conspicuous place, and is only a sort of a market-place located
in the middle of a large barracks situated in one of the cross streets of
the city. It is the parade ground which can be reached at times only
at the risk of being well bemired, even at the moment of getting there,
in spite of all possible precautions. That dance hall is a long and nar-
row place about eighty feet long by thirty odd wide. Steps or a sort of
tiers of boxes [/o^^/] have been placed at the two sides of that hall,
where the mammas are seated, or those who do not dance, and do needle
work there, and are as is said in irony, I know not why, Bredouilles [i.e.,
all in a flutter with expectancy] until finally being taken out to dance, and
descending the steps, from cold spectators with downcast looks and long
faces, they soon become ardent actresses, with lively color and gleaming
aia LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
eyes, and are from that time and by that fact completely debredouilUes
[i.e., made happy]. Below those steps is a row of benches and chairs
for the female dancers who are resting, and between those boxes and
benches a space two or three feet wide where reserve male dancers and
simple lookers-on are crowded together pell-mell and jostle one against
another. The musicians are composed of five or six Bohemians or people
of color, who scrape their violins with all their might They are ar-
ranged on a kind of raised platform midway along one side of the halL
That hall is feebly illuminated, for a place of that nature where
prodigality of brilliancy and reflection of light should reign, and is
without splendor, chandeliers, or any other decorations whatsoever. And
besides, the arrangement and shabbiness of the locality, where there is
not even a simple floor which is not wretched, would render all em-
bellishment ridiculous.
There then, during the months of January and February -. rarely be-
fore or after » both men and women go to amuse themselves once or
twice weekly, from seven o'clock in the evening until the morning, and
to tire themselves in the movements, grosso tnodo [i.e., in a gross man-
ner], of the quadrille, and what is more, quadrilles to the squeaky sound
of those violins played by fiddlers who give them to the dancers for their
money. The price of entrance into that charming place, into that temple
of Terpsichore, is uniformly fixed at four escalins, or one-half piastre
apiece, without regard to sex. Any person (I mean of die white race)
who has that price can enter the hall, if neatly dressed, but without a
mask (for masks are no longer allowed, since a scandalous scene that
happened here at some masquerade). There he can figure at will,
either as spectator or as actor, that is, if he is able to find room to dance
in in the midst of that crowd, in which very little order reigns, and
where the pleasure to be found in dancing is reserved for a certain num-
ber of people and is centered in a few groups who have the skill to get
places for themselves, and to dance continually in the very faces of those
who can not find room, until through weariness or otherwise, they are
minded to allow others to caper about in their turn. This sort of
monopoly, exercised with design and purposely in the enjoyment of an
amusement, which by its very nature, ought to be common to all so-
ciety . . . and has sometimes given rise to violent quarrels here,
and even to serious encounters. This is so true, that a respectable mother
can attribute only to this same cause the death of her only son, a young
man of eighteen or twenty, who was giving fine hopes. Having recently
arrived from Europe, and being present at one of these balls, he was
openly provoked there by a person in one of those groups, fought a duel
with him next morning, and was killed by a sword thrust
In regard to the quarrels that arise from time to time in that place
consecrated to joy and amusement, as the result of various ridiculous and
ill-founded pretensions, did not one lately arise, the outcome of which
would have been very fatal, under any consideration, had it not been for
the presence of mind of two or three young Frenchmen, recently arrived
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 213
in this country, who promptly interposed between the military and the
bourgeois of the place, who were about to come to blows in the middle of
that hall and a crowd of frightened and distracted women and girls,
some of whom fell fainting when the fight was about to begin, or had
the appearance of it, while others jumped out of the windows? I am
very desirous of telling you about it, for it is characteristic. This is how
it happened. The eldest son of the governor general, since he danced
but ill the French quadrille, or because he did not like it, and yet being
desirous of dancing, had several times succeeded in having the English
quadrille substituted for it, in which he acquitted himself better. The
assemblage had consented to this as a mark of condescendence to the liking
and wish of the son of the governor. This act of complaisance on the
part of the assemblage was doubtless badly interpreted by our young
Spaniard, who thought himself entitled, as is usually the case, to abuse it
And, in fact, seven French quadrille figures being formed, and the
dancers already beginning to move to the sound of the instruments, our
young idiot, without any other preamble, began to cry, " English quad-
rilles;" and our figures, offended at his indiscretion, and being already
in movement, to boot, cried out in their turn more loudly, "French
quadrilles." Some of his adherents collected about the governor's son,
and repeated with him, "English quadrilles," while the dancers and
spectators redoubled their cries of " French quadrilles." It was a scene
of confused squabbling and endless uproar. Then the aggressor, seeing
that he could not attain his end, ordered the fiddlers to cease playing and
they obeyed him instantly. On the other side the Spanish officer whose
business it was to maintain good order in that place, thinking only of
humoring the governor's son, called in his guard composed of twelve
grenadiers. They entered the dance hall sword at side and bayonets
fixed in place on their guns. It is said even, that upon the tumult re-
doubling at sight of that guard, that officer ordered them to open fire
on the assembly if they did not disperse immediately. This, however, is
only hearsay. Imagine, then, the fright of the women, who uttered loud
cries, and the rage of the men whose number was soon increased by the
addition of those who were in the gaming hall and who joined those in
the dance hall. Grenadiers on one side, players and dancers on the
other, they were on the point of coming to blows. Guns, bayonets, and
sabers on one side; swords, benches, chairs, and everything they could
get hold of on the other. During all this hubbub which they were mak-
ing, what was done by several Americans, pacifically inclined men, ac-
customed to the advantageous and prudent role of neutrality, and who
had pronounced neither for nor against French or English quadrilles?
They dragged the women who had fainted from the field of battle, and
laden with those precious burdens, forced a passageway between the
bayonets and swords, and gained an open space. Monsieur , a
French merchant of the city, hurrying in from a gaming room to the aid
of his wife, found her already outside the dance hall, in a faint in the
arms of four Americans who carried her out
214 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
At the height of all that uproar, and at the moment when the affair
had the appearance of becoming bloody and when the farce begun by
the governor's son would have ended by becoming tragic, at that critical
instant, three young Frenchmen who had come to the city recently,
climbed up into the boxes along the sides of the hall. There harangu-
ing eloquently and loudly in favor of peace and concord, and in the
interest of the fair sex whose cause they championed, they succeeded, as
new mentors, in calming the common excitement, in pacifying the anger,
and in restoring order and harmony in that place of discord and tumult
The ball even recommenced and continued the rest of the night in the
presence of the aged governor who went thither to strengthen the for-
tunate work of the pacification that had just been effected, thanks to our
young orators. The field of battle remained to the French quadrilles,
and the officef of the guard was quit of it next nx>ming by being ar^
rested*
I shall observe further . . . only that the children's ball is gayer
and more joyous than that of the adults, where a tone of mutual affec-
tation, constraint, and causticity reigns (which a foreigner perceives
very speedily, and at which he shrugs his shoulders). Instead of that
the naive joy, agreeable nonsense, and amiable liberty of the many
young people who leap and caper with so much more pleasure, because
their amusement is their only end, present a more piquant, original, and
agreeable sight than the first in all ways.
Robin [Voyages J vol. ii, 120, 121] says on the same subject.
Winter is the season for balls and they are very frequent There are
some for the ladies, par excellence (I mean the whites), and for the
women of color. The men go to both of them. The cold stiffness of
\y the great ladies makes the first very boring to those who do not gamble.
The others show gayety, but all people do not enjoy gayety.
The ladies' ball is a sanctuary where no woman dare approach if
she has even a suspicion of mixed blood. The purest conduct, the most
eminent virtues, could not lessen this stain in the eyes of the implacable
ladies. One of the latter, married and known to have been implicated
in various intrigues with men of the locality, one day entered one of
those fine balls. ''There is a woman of mixed blood here," she cried
haughtily. This rumor ran about the ballroom. In fact, two young
, quadroon ladies were seen there, who were esteemed for the excellent
education which they had received, and much more for their honorable
conduct They were warned and obliged to disappear in haste before
a shameless woman, and their society would have been a real pollution
for her. Those girls have two brothers who are officers in the merchant
marine. Aboard their vessels they can give twenty blows with the
rope's end to white sailors, but ashore they do not even dare look them
in the face.
See also Fortier's present-day description of a ball among the
Acadians in Louisiana in his Acadians of Louisiana, a paper read
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 215
before the Modern Language Association of America, and published
as number i in volume vi, of the publications of that association. It is
very similar to the early descriptions given above.
*• A physician in New Orleans. See note i.
*• Police and order regulations and system form the topic of a chap-
ter in Berquin-Duvallon's instructive book, Vue de la Col. Esp., 182-
187, as follows:
As to the police system exercised in this country, in truth, it is a pity,
and the public suffers from it in more than one way. The most illustrious
cabildo (thus does it qualify itself) presided over by the governor gen-
eral, or by his civil lieutenant, is a kind of municipal body composed of
twelve members styled regidors or stewards. They assemble and hold
a meeting once each week which lasts for the space of three hours at the
most
The functions of this body seem to be applied to all that concerns
good order and the internal quiet of the colony. Consequently, every-
thing belonging to the jurisdiction of the general and particular police
should be the object of its care and solicitude. But, properly speaking,
that assembly, whose august members are only simple bourgeois who have
purchased for a few hundred piastres the honor of sitting in the cabildo
beside Monsieur the governor, with no other object, and with no other
pretensions whatever above their capacity, that assembly, I say, so con-
stituted, is only a purchase, a frank image of what it ought to be and it
not, a soulless body, which never receives any other impulse but that
conununicated to it by the governor, and finally, in a word, the fifth
wheel to a cart After receiving that impulse that body appoints, at the
end of each year and for the following year, an attorney syndic and two
alcaldes, taken turn about from the bourgeois of the city or the inhabitants
of the district, Spanish and French. The attorney syndic is entrusted
with reporting to the cabildo his observations and his remonstrances in
regard to public affairs, functions of which he acquits himself as a rule
with as much dignity and clearness as can reasonably be expected from
a person much more capable of handling an aune or of calculating the
product of a private interest of twenty per cent than in discussing the
general interests of a country. The two alcaldes have charge of the
maintenance of the police of the city, and are authorized to judge quar-
rels and other litigious matters which are brought to their courts. But
this is only after the advice, handed in in writing by a man of the law,
who is a]wa3rs a Spaniard, called the assessor, and to which advice.
Monsieur the bourgeois alcalde, a new sort of judge, is bound to con-
form, completely and blindly, under his personal responsibility and with
the danger of being taken to task if he tries to branch off and act as his
own leader. It is, consequently, evident that Messieurs the annual al-
caldes, taken from the midst of their shops or stores, in order to be placed
at the head of their fellow citizens, with every appearance of the power
ai6 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol.
with which they are invested, can be and are only puppets exposed for
show to the tyts of the people; and that the real judges of all the affairs
brought into their courts are the Spanish assessors or councilors of justice,
whose simple advice is law for them, and who hidden behind the curtain,
make those venerable puppets move and act Finally, they also, as well
as the majority of their worthy colleagues and new kind of magistrates,
in their borrowed rank, and with their black habits and swords, recall
to me the famous governor of the island of Barataria, for they are as
ignorant judges, though less sensible and much less modest than he. In
all that, there is, on the part of the Spanish government, a secret policy
which can not be concealed from the eyes of some observers and remains
for all the rest enveloped as a veritable mummery, and nothing more.
The coercive force, which should be the instrument and support of the
police, does not exist here at all, in a special manner at least As yet
DO military corps has been established here, as elsewhere, for the ex-
clusive maintenance of good order and public security. Only a few
patrols of soldiers and bourgeois in the city, and of inhabitants in the
country, have been as yet employed for that essential object. All of them
attend only in a very negligent and desultory way to that duty, and as
though they were not constrained and engaged by the state for it Hence,
in a country like this, whose sparse population ought not to offer the
abuses resulting elsewhere from a numerous population, and where each
proprietor has the right to exercise up to a certain point in his dwelling
and over the beings under him a private surveillance suitable to keep
them in good order, sometimes frightful crimes are committed which
spring from a mass of disorders arising from the want of a general
police force.
At the comers of almost all the cross streets of the city, and its sub-
urbs, are to be seen nothing but taverns, which are open at all hours.
There the canaille, white and black, free and slave, mingled indiscrimin-
ately, go to bear the fruit of their swindlings, and to gorge themselves
with strong drink. And not far from the taverns are obscure bawdy
v/ houses and dirty smoking houses, where the father on one side, and the
son on the other, go, openly and without any embarrassment, as well as
without shame, to give themselves to their passion for play, and to
squander more or less their moderate resources; or else to revel and dance
indiscriminately and for whole nights, with a lot of men and women of
saffron color, or quite black, either free or slave. Will anyone dare to
deny this fact? I will only designate, in support of my assertion (and
to say no more) the famous house of Coquet, located near the center of
the city, where all that scum is to be seen publicly, and that for several
years — to that degree that the tricolor balls which are held there (not to
speak of the play, which is only a trifle more hidden there), are not at all
secret ; I have several times seen the printed announcements posted at the
street corners, with the express permission of Monsieur, the civil gov-
ernor (Don Maria Nicolas Vidal) of whom I have already made honor-
able mention, and to which I refer.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 217
The bakers and other monopolists, in accord, doubtless, with those
chosen to maintain police supervision, have monopolies on flour of all
qualities which come in spring down the river from Kentucky and the
neighboring districts. The flour costs them at wholesale from four to six
piastres per barrel, and they retail it some months later at double the
price. The first, especially, push their effrontery still further and sell
and retail boldly bread made of mixed brands of flour, and which weighs
at most only two-thirds the weight determined by the tariff of the place,
and inserted even in the public paper. Consequently, at present, for ex-
ample, when the tariff fixes the bread costing an escalin or twelve sols
and a half toumois, at a weight of forty-six ounces, this same bread
sold to the public by the baker, actually weighs only about twenty-eight
ounces. It is, then, not surprising that those men make quick fortunes
here at the expense of a third or a fourth ; as is the case with the butch-
ers, tavern-keepers, etc; all sustained openly by the agents of the police
whose hands (it is well understood) those privileged robbers are careful
to grease.
In the country the same abuses do not exist as in the city, or at least,
they are not nearly so frequent; and with the exception of a few public
houses or poor billiard and dance halls, met with at long intervals along
the two banks of the river, and in the districts located away from the
river, and where some inhabitants and workmen assemble on holidays,
some to play and others to tipple, the same occasions for disorder are not
found as in the city. However, from time to time, some thefts are com-
mitted, and some assassinations even, notably in the distant settlements,
where many evil persons who are less watched than elsewhere, take
refuge.
The Account of Louisiana^ 39, 40, sa5rs :
The duty of conmiandants is to superintend the police, preserve the
peace of the district, examine the passports of travellers, and to suffer no
strangers to settle within the limits of their command, without regular
leave obtained from government. They are to prevent smuggling, to
certify that all lands, petitioned for by the inhabitants, are vacant before
they are granted, and when required, put the owner in possession. They
are besides notaries public, and in their oflices it is necessary to register
all sales of lands and slaves and even to make the contracts for those pur-
poses, before them. They act as sheriffs, levy executions on property,
attend and certify the sale, and collect the proceeds. They also take in-
ventories of the property of intestates. By an ordinance of baron Caron-
delet, Syndics are established every three leagues, who are subordinate
to the conunandant, decide small causes, and have the police of roads,
levies, travellers, and negroes.
*® Sec note 49.
*^ For the table of money in use in Louisiana, see note 34. The
piastre was the Spanish dollar or peso.
*^ The buffalo, or American bison.
•y
2i8 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
** Sec note 63.
•* Compare the blowguns used by the Negritos of the Philippine
Islands, and by some of the South American Indians.
'* The Spanish policy of making money and presents the basis of
all negotiations with the Indians, Perrin du Lac asserts would be a
stumbling block in their administration by any power that might
succeed Spain in Louisiana.
Every savage crossing a Spanish country obtains the same rations
as do soldiers for so long as he wishes to stay there. In harsh seasons
and climates they are even clothed and provided with everything that
can be necessary to them.
The amount of the annual presents has some years reached as high
as 1,130,000 livres. The French managed the Indian better. The
latter must be governed strictly but justly.
If the Spanish government is to-day despised by most of the nations
with whom its traders have traffic, it is because too weak to be just, it
left the first murders committed on them unpunished. The Indians count
so upon that weakness that they mock at the remonstrances received
from them in the very presence of the commandants; and those who
have been arrested rarely leave prison without committing new murders
or stealing horses. — See Perrin du Lac*s Voyage^ 415-419.
See the lists of presents distributed to the Indians by the Spaniards
in the Louisiana territory in Houck's Spanish Regime.
^^The class of freedmen is composed of negroes, and principally
mulattoes, of slave origin, who have all bought or obtained their freedom
from their masters, or have received it from their parents who acquired
it in that manner. Part of them who live in the country cultivate food
products, especially rice, and some small fields of cotton. A great num-
ber, men, women, and children, crowded together in the city, are busied
some in the mechanical arts, for which they have great aptitude and little
attachment, or in some little retail trade, and the others in the chase, the
produce of which they bring into the city where they sell it.
The mulattoes, in general, are idle, debauched, drunken, liars, ridic-
ulously vain, insolent, and cowardly. They hate the whites through
and through, who are the authors of their being, and their first benefac-
tors. Since it is the policy of the Spanish government to sustain them up
to a certain point, that natural aversion thus supported, sometimes gives
rise to scandalous scenes between them and some of the whites. But
since there are at least about six whites to one freedman in this country,
this consideration, together with their pusillanimity is a check to their
arrogance.
The mulatto women do not possess all the defects of the mulatto men.
Yet they approach them by their propensity to libertinage, their vanity,
which is the darling sin of them all, and (the result of that same vanity)
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 219
their hatred for the white class in general, and for white wonoen
in particular -. a hatred, however, which is subordinated to their per-
sonal interest, since many of them live in concubinage with those same
whites, through a spirit of greed much more than through the bonds of a
sincere attachment
Both men and women have strong constitutions, and are of medium
figure and well proportioned. But they have hard features and their
faces are not very prepossessing; and their skin even appears to be
coarser and more livid here than elsewhere. - Berquin-Duvallon, Vue de
la Col Esp., 253, *54-
*^A mulatto, the rival of Toussaint TOuvcrturc, who was con-
quered by the latter, in July, 1800. See Adams's History, vol. 1,
384-386.
'• Sec Adams, ut supra, vol. i, 376-398. Among the "French
papers" of the Adams transcripts in the Bureau of Rolls and Library,
Department of State, Washington, are many letters from the French
officer in charge of Toussaint TOuverture during his imprisonment
in France. See, also: Dubroca, J. F. Vie de Toussaint Louverture
(Paris, an X - 1802) ; Bonaparte in the West Indies (London, 1803) ;
Descourtilz, M. E., Voyages d'un naturaliste (Paris, 1809); and
Schoelcher, V. Vie de Toussaint Louverture (Paris, 1889).
*• Charles Victor Emmanuel Leclerc was the brother-in-law of
Napoleon, and was sent by the latter to put down the insurrection in
San Domingo. He died there of the fever. Many manuscript let-
ters from him are found among the Adams transcripts in the French
papers. See, also : Bouvet de Cressc, J. B. Histoire de la catastrophe
de Saint'Domingue (Paris, 1824).
•® General Rochambeau, son of Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur,
comte de Rochambeau, and who had served under his father in Amer-
ica during the revolt of the English colonies, succeeded Leclerc in San
Domingo. He committed great atrocities in his fruitless attempt to
restore order in that island.
<^ After the cruel experience of San Domingo, which will probably
have opened the eyes of all those philanthropists who take no account of
the prosperity of empires when it seems to be contradictory to those
sentiments of humanity, with which they often feign to have been en-
dowed by nature, I am far from obliging any government to loosen the
bonds of slavery. One must allow slaves to exist in their integrity or
lose the colonies. . Perrin's du Lac, Voyage, 409.
•' It appears from Pontalba's Memoire [Gayarrc's History, vol.
iii, 437, 438], that San Domingo was supplied from the United
States with wood materials, instead of from Louisiana, its natural
220 LOUISIANA, 1 785 -1 807 [Vol.
market, because wages in Louisiana were twice as high as in the United
States.
•* In Perrin du Lac's chapter on the commerce of Louisiana in his
Voyage, 397-407, occurs the following:
Since Louisiana produced neither grain, vegetables, nor salt provisions
of any kind, it was supplied with them before the war by France, whither
the inhabitants of that colony went under the Spanish flag to procure
everything that they could need. But for more than ten years, the Amer-
icans have been the ones to sell there the things of prime necessity, and
supply all those who can not produce them. They receive piastres in
exchange which they carry to Philadelphia, partly by horse, and partly
by wagon. . . Clothing, furniture, arms, or other goods of all sorts,
necessary for the consumption of the inhabitants, were also furnished
them throughout the war by the Americans. In exchange the latter re-
ceived their sugar, indigo, and cotton, which they sold in Europe, espe-
cially in England, whence they brought back the products of their manu-
factures. . .
All the imposts laid in Louisiana by the Spanish government were re-
duced to a duty of six per cent on imported goods, as well as on products
exported from the colony. On this head, as on many others, the policy
of the United States is much preferable to that of the Spaniards. Duties
on the goods manufactured by them, as well as on the products of their
lands, are almost nil, while the duties on imported articles are rightly
inversely to the need for those goods. . . However low the duties laid
in Louisiana, it is probable that they would have sufficed for the admin-
istration of the colony if they had been strictly paid and distributed with
order and economy. But the contraband trade which has always been
in this government the chief part of the income of employees of all grades,
has compelled the king of Spain to send annually considerable sums of
money there despite the moderate tax.
Among the Louisiana and Florida papers of the Cuban archives
is a printed document dated New Orleans, August 27, 1796, and
entitled "Tarifa acordado por el comercio de la Provincia de la Lui-
siana, a la al en consecuencia y observancia de lo provenido por S. M.
en Real orden de 24 de Mayo de 1796, se arreglara la Administracion
general de rentas de esta ciudad, y ademas de la Provincia para la
exaccion de los derechos Reales que deben satisfacer las mercaderias,
y efectos de importacion procedentes de Puertos extrangeros baxo las
reglas de la Real orden de nueve de Junio de 1783." A transcript of
this schedule is conserved in the Library of Congress.
Collot [Voyage, vol. ii] touches the matter of commerce in Louisi-
ana in various passages. He says [page 215] :
The laziness, or rather love of quiet, which is generally observed in
men who inhabit warm climates, does not permit the inhabitants of Upper
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 221
Louisiana to obtain from their lands all the wealth which ordinarily re-
sults from industry stimulated by interest The measure of their work
is that of their needs, which, being limited to strict necessity, are very
easy to satisfy. All agriculture which produces over and above their
needs appears just so useless to them that articles of exchange are but
little multiplied, and commerce, which animates ever^hing, causes new
needs to arise, and gives numberless impulses to industry, is almost dead
in Upper Louisiana.
However, the same author gives [page 216] the exports of Upper
Louisiana for 1795 as follows: 5,500 barrels of wheat flour, at four
piastres per hundred weight, and 21,000 minots of maize for the terri-
tory about St. Louis; 2,900 barrels of flour at the same price, and
13,000 minots of maize, for Ste. Genevieve; and 7,000 barrels of
flour, and 55,000 minots of maize, for New Madrid. The Illinois
Territory belonging to the United States furnished that same year,
5,000 barrels of flour, and 30,000 minots of maize; although the flour
from the latter district was better than that from the Spanish districts,
because of superior milling. Immense herds of stock [ut supra^ 235]
were found in Louisiana, especially in the districts of Attakapas,
Opelousas, Lake Barataria, Chitimacha, and Wachita. The price
of homed cattle was four piastres each, and of horses, six or eight.
See also, ut supra, 236-275 for the fur trade. Pages 269-275 is a
"list of the articles of exchange suitable for the trade of the western
states [of the United States] and of Upper and Lower Louisiana, and
of the fur trade with the Indian nations, to serve as a guide to traders.'*
The following summary is made from Account of Louisiana^ 46-50 :
the value of the exports from Louisiana in 1802 amounted to about
$2,158,000. The treasury of the United States showed imports from
Louisiana and the Floridas as follows: 1799} $507,132; 1800,
$904,322; 1801, $956,635; 1802, $1,006,214. Exports from the
United States to Louisiana and the Floridas amounted to: 1799, for-
eign articles, 1799, $3,056,268, domestic, $447,824; 1800, foreign,
$I»795»I27, domestic, $240,662; 1801, foreign, $1,770,794, domestic,
$137,204; 1802, foreign, $1,054,600, domestic, $170,110. In 1802,
268 vessels entered the Mississippi, most of which were American.
That same year, 265 vessels left the river, of which 158 were American,
104 Spanish, and 3 French. During the first six months of 1803, 173
vessels entered, representing a total tonnage of 23,155 tons. During
that time, 156 vessels left, of which 68 were American, 80 Spanish,
and 8 French. There was a considerable coasting trade between
Pensacola, Mobile, and other points, and New Orleans. That be-
222 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
twccn Attakapas and Opelousas, and New Orleans would have been
greatly improved by the removal of fallen timber, etc. At the time of
the transfer there were but few manufactures in Louisiana. The
Acadians (then as to-day) wove their cottonades, and a mixed cotton
and woolen cloth intended for the negroes was woven in certain
districts by the poorer planters. There was one machine for spinning
cotton in the parish of Iberville and another in Opelousas, but they
were generally inactive. Considerable cordage was manufactured in
New Orleans. In and about the latter city were twelve taffia distil-
leries and one sugar refinery, which turned out about 200,000 pounds
of loaf sugar.
•* Stoddard [Louisiana^ 158] rightly says that there were four
gates.
The two next the river were the most considerable, and they were sit-
uated sixteen hundred and twenty yards from each other. The two in
the rear . . . were of much less note; one of them was placed on
the road leading to Lake Pontchartraine. They were defended by a
breast work of no great strength or utility. All the gates were of wood,
formed of palisades ten or twelve feet long. They were shut every
night at nine o'clock, and after that hour no one was permitted to walk
the streets without leave from the governor; those who transgressed this
regulation were seized by the guards, and detained till morning.
•* This suburb, located above the city, was called Ste. Marie or St.
Mary's, and was incorporated with New Orleans soon after the trans-
fer.
'** The settlement of Terre aux Boeufs was also called San Bernardo
or St. Bernard. It was a tongue of land located about twelve miles
below New Orleans on both sides of a bayou at the head of the English
Turn, and extended for about a mile between cypress swamps. It
was divided into two parishes which were inhabited largely by people
from the Canary Islands. The population at the time of the transfer
of Louisiana numbered about eight hundred. They were generally
poor and cultivated their own lands as they had no slave labor. They
raised produce for the New Orleans market. See Account of Louisi-
ana, 13, 14; and Stoddard's Louisiana^ 161.
•^ Now a part of New Orleans.
®® The fear of the Spaniards that the Americans would penetrate
into Mexico by the overland route through New Mexico, and thus
deprive Spain of its source of wealth - the silver mines, and the rich
commerce - amounted to a veritable hysteria. See various documents
following, where this fear is fully expressed.
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 223
•• See note 55.
^® Pontchartrain.
^^ The Rigolets Pass connecting Lakes Pontchartrain and Borgne.
^' The Gulf of Mexico. Alliot's geography is not strictly accurate
here.
^' See Peter Hamilton's Colonial Mobile (Boston, 1897).
^* Hutchins [Hist. Narrative ^ 77] thus describes Pensacola:
The town of Pensacola is of an oblong form, and lies almost parallel
to the beach. It is about a mile in length, and a quarter of a mile in
breadth, but contracts at both ends. At the West end is a fine rivulet,
from which vessels are supplied with water. The present fort was built
by the writer of this narrative in 1775, with cedar pickets, with 4 block
houses at proper distances, which defend or flank the works. It takes up
a large space of ground just in the middle of the town, which it divides
in a manner into two separate towns, and can be of no great service
towards the defence of the place, in case an attack be made on it, either
by the natives or a civilized enemy.
The town of Pensacola is surrounded by two pretty large brooks of
water, which take their rise under Gage hill, a small mount behind the
town, and discharge themselves into the bay, one at each extremity of the
town. . .
The hopes of a Spanish trade induced many p^ple to settle here, at
a great expense, but it did not answer their expectation. The principal
objects ought to be the Indian trade, indigo, cotton, rice, hemp, tobacco,
and lumber, these being the natural produce of the country. Tho' Pen-
sacola stands in a very sandy situation, yet with pains the gardens
produce great plenty of vegetables. Fruit trees, such as orange, fig, and
peach trees are here in perfection. And the bay abounds with a variety
of fine fish.
See also Robin's Voyages^ vol. ii, 1-23. Under the Spaniards the
prosperity obtained by the English soon gave way to ruin and the city
and its district deteriorated rapidly.
The air is so pure at Pensacola that sick persons from Louisiana
frequently go there to stay [page 7]. The roadstead of Pensacola, by
its location, its security, its extent, and the course of present events, will
always be of the greatest importance to the power in possession of it.
It is the only one in the Gulf of Mexico where a great number of vessels
can be secure against all winds [pages 14, 15].
^" The importance of the post of Apalaches (located in West Flor-
ida almost at the thirtieth degree of north latitude) lay in its relations
with the natives of the interior, and a slight fur trade. See : Berquin-
Duvallon. Fue de la Col, Esp.j 64.
^* For Muskogee, Muskoki, or Maskoki, and used here to designate
>
/
224 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
one of the families of that stock, the Creeks. See: Hodge, F. W.
Handbook of American Indians {Bulletin^ no. 30, of the Bureau of
American Ethnology), vol. i, 961-963.
^^ The pape or pope bird is also called pop, red pop, painted finch,
nonpareil (scientific name, Passerina ciris). The cardinal bird is also
called redbird (scientific name, Cardinalis cardinalis). The evcque
( Creole name) or bishop bird, is also called blue pop and indigo bunt-
ing (scientific name, Passerina cyanea). See: Standard History of
New Orleans (Chicago, 19CX)), 350, 351.
^* Clesct's Rouge.
^® The first Germans settled in Louisiana were those sent over by
Law in 1 720 and 1 72 1 . After Law's downfall, these Germans decided
to return to Europe, and were with difficulty persuaded by Bienville
to remain in the lands which he assigned them above New Orleans,
their district later receiving the name Cote des Allemands or German
Shore. Their descendants were among the most industrious inhabi-
tants of the colony. Berquin-Duvallon [Fue de la Col, Esp.y 251,
252], says of them:
The Germans were formerly very numerouB in this colony, whither
they were transferred, as were the Acadians later. Not one of those
who were imported is now alive, because they were transported here
long ago. But since that time some other individuals of that nation
have come hither, who are still living, and who, like most of the Creoles
of German origin, very numerous in the country, are easily recognizable,
either because of their accent or because of their highly-colored and
blonde complexion, or finally, because of their propensity to intoxication,
their inhospitality, their harshness of character, which is, so to say, in-
nate, and that ferocious brutality which seems to belong in common to
that nation. For the rest, they are honest folk, industrious planters, and
skilful artisans, although as strongly attached (and this is not saying
little) to their routine as to their interests, and are little or not at all
susceptible of large viewpoints.
Robin [VoyageSy vol. ii, 239, 240] speaks as follows regarding
them:
These Germans living in the midst of the French have preserved
their taciturn character, their language, and their customs. They do not
possess that open and affectionate exterior of the French. They are self-
ish, but peaceable and honest. They engage in cultivation themselves;
few of them own negroes. Although originally northern, they are so
well acclimated that yellow fever never troubles them in their labors.
That fever is reserved for those who live at New Orleans in inactivity
or in the too lively excitement of passion and intemperance. Those Ger-
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 225
mans, the purveyors of the city . . . are in ease without having
acquired great riches.
Sec, also: Deiler, J. Hanno. Die ersten Deutschen am unteren
Mississippi und die Creolen deutschen Abstammung (New Orleans,
1904) ; and Franz, A. Die Kolonisation des Mississippitales (Leipzig,
1906).
®® Bonnet Carre Point is forty miles from New Orleans, and re-
ceives its name from the fact that the river makes a sharp bend at that
place, which resembles a square cap in shape.
*^ The settlement of Canterelle may have been named from a plan-
tation. Gayarre mentions several Louisianians by the name of Can-
terelle or Cantrelle.
*^ See note 22.
*' Berquin-Duvallon [Vue de la Col. Esp.y 51-53] says of this
district :
We find the district of La Fourche located about twenty leagues
above New Orleans, on the right bank of the Mississippi, on both the
shores of one of its arms, which loses itself in the sea. . . That dis-
trict is inhabited, as well as the shore below and above La Fourche by
the Acadians who were transferred to this country after the peace of
1763, their children, and some Spaniards, Bas-Bretons, and others. It
is the quarter of the colony where the white population is most numerous,
because of the extent of the place.
Those Acadians who form the greater part of that population, they
and their children, are simple and good people, although gross ~~ as must
be people without education and means and cast into this comer of the
world, where for part of the year, they live isolated and shut in, at
least so far as concerns communication by water with the banks of the
river and the chief city which is the only highway of commerce in this
colony, and which is then closed to them. It can not be denied also that
they are generally indolent, and because of their inertia, very wretched.
Most of them generally go barefoot, and live in miserable cabins,
where scarcely a table or bench is to be found. They live on salt pork
and com pone, although they possess fertile lands where all things grow
well, especially cotton. That could procure them some ease, since the
culture of that plant is very easy, and they would have, besides, in their
numerous families, a sufficient number of hands for its care and harvest
However, they cultivate of it only what is absolutely necessary for the
manufacture of some pieces of cottonade, coarse but of excellent weave,
which they make themselves, and which they dye with indigo and some
ether ingredients. They use part of that cottonade for their dress and
the rest is sold by them. They also sell their maize, fowls, and hogs,
which they take to the city when the rise of the waters of the river,
226 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
covering the bar between that river and the arm of La Fourche, allows
them to go out by pirogue from their recesses. . .
For the rest, that district, such as it is, puts nothing into the balance
of the trade of this country; and, as to the use a colony may be to its
mother country or to any other commercial nation, by reason of its pro-
ductions, it would be as well placed in the mountains of Asturias or in
Basse-Bretagrne, as in Louisiana. This is in part due to the heedlessness
and apathetic inaction of its inhabitants who are cooped up in their hole
for seven or eight months of the year where they have allowed the en-
trance of their arm of the river to be more and more obstructed by the
successive deposits of floating wood and mud, so that the river can reach
there now only at the rising of its waters from mid-February to mid-
June.
Also, the same author [ut supra, 250, 251] says:
The Acadians are the remnants or descendants of those French col-
onists who were transported here directly from the end of North America,
their fatherland, or from Europe. Land and agricultural tools were
distributed to them and they were fed and clothed during the first period
of their transplanting and residence in this country. But, for the rest, it
has been impossible for the Spanish government to change their natural
laziness, to awaken them from their deep apathy, and in short, to inspire
them with an energy whose germs are not in themselves. They are
coarse men (honest people, however), slow, not ardent in toil, bigoted,
and of few means. They live wretchedly on their miserable plantations
and their whole care is limited to the cultivation of maize, in raising
porkers {.gorets"], as they say, or hogs, and begetting children. Hence all
about their poor and rustic abodes are to be seen only ragged brats and
hogs, all mixed pell-mell, and the ones as filthy as the others ; and at the
cabin doors, tall stalks of girls as stiff as pokers, and hulking, clownish
boys, who are, as well as the girls, absolutely idle most of the time,
vacantly looking at those passing to and fro; all of them clad from top
to toe in that coarse cottonade, striped with dyes, which they make them-
selves, but slowly as they do everything else.
The Account of Louisiana says that the creek or bayou of La
Fourche was called the Riviere des Chitamachas on the old maps.
The entrance at the Mississippi was navigable only at high water, when
vessels of sixty or seventy tons could enter it. The best and quickest
entrance into the district, which was divided into the two parishes of
Attakapas and Opelousas, was by way of the Plaquemine Bayou, whose
entrance was seven leagues higher than that of La Fourche. Much
of the products of the district was sent to New Orleans.
•* The district of Atacapas is a plain twenty or twenty-five leagues
long by seven or eight wide, bounded at its lower end by the sea, at its
upper end by the district of Op^loussas, on the side next the Mississippi
by lagoons and swampy places, and on the other by arid ridges or hillocks,
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 227
called pineries in those places because they are covered with pines. That
district is generally bare of wood, intersected by small pools of water,
covered with large meadows, favorable for the breeding of cattle, and
watered by the Bayou-T6che which opens into the sea and which is large
enough for one to ascend by it to the middle of the district with large
bateaux nearly all the year, and with vessels of one hundred tons and
even more. This is an advantage from which that district has as yet
derived almost no profit, because of the nonchalant heedlessness of the
inhabitants of the place, as well as of the agents of the Spanish govern-
ment, and perhaps also for political reasons on the part of the govern-
ment itself which apparently would not relish seeing boats of a certain
size penetrate from the sea into the interior of this country which lies
near their possessions of New Mexica — Berquin-Duvallon. Vue de la
Col, Esp,, 54.
^'^The district of Op61oussas follows the preceding [i.e., Attakapas]
at the upper side as one plunges into the interior. This district has an
appearance and peculiarities that are unique in the colony of Lower
Louisiana. It is an intermixture of hills and valleys, and presents an
agreeable diversity of high and level country, to the eye tired by the
monotony of the sites of the rest of the country, where nothing is ever
seen but a level horizon, shut in by a curtain of forest, whose gloomy and
somber perspective is always the same. This is very different from that
which one enjoys in that district, which varies every moment, and at
the least change of position, the picturesque points of view with which
it is embellished. Another advantage or pleasure, at least, peculiar to
that district, is that of the springs and clear running water by which it
is irrigated. Everywhere else one sees only the dull and gloomy waters
of the river and bayous, or the still, brackish water of the lakes. That
district is about the same length as the preceding, but is broader. How-
ever its soil, covered with hillocks, is, in general, less fertile. Bounded
at its lower extremity by Atacapas, it is bounded on the side which
separates it from the Mississippi by low submerged lands, and on its
other sides by eminences or pineries, which extend far into the interior
of the continent, separated by extensive valleys and covered with large
forests.
The principal product of this district and of Attakapas was cotton,
with a little indigo. Grapes and wheat succeeded well, and cattle
abounded. The white population was large and generally healthful.
More blacks were needed to reach the best results. - Abstract from
Berquin-Duvallon's Fue de la Col, Esp., 54-57.
*^ Manchac (Massiac, Manchaque, Ascantia-its former Indian
name) is located on the pass of that name, connecting Lakes Pontchar-
train and Maurepas. The river formerly called the Iberville, is now
known as Bayou Manchac. By the treaty of 1763, it fell into the
hands of the English, who constructed Fort Bute there in 1768, opposite
228 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
and only four hundred paces from a French fort constructed in 1767.
This English fort was captured in 1779 by Galvez. The population
of this settlement, which was only seventy-seven in 1785, was two
hundred and eighty-four in 1788. See F. H. Hodder's edition of
Pittman's Mississippi Settlements (Cleveland, 1906), 64, 65 (this
account is translated almost verbatim by Collot, in his Voyagey vol. ii,
108-110). See, also Gayarre's History ^ vol. ii.
*^ Some miles below the mouth of the Red [Rouge"] River, on the
opposite bank, is the small fort of Baton-Rouge, occupied by a few Span-
ish soldiers under command of a sub-lieutenant. All the vessels that
ascend or descend are obliged to stop there, in order to repeat the
declaration that they have made or that which they will have to make
at the American fort. That fort is of so little importance and the num-
ber of its inhabitants so inconsiderable that I shall not stop to speak of
thenL A few huts rather than houses are scattered here and there in its
environs, and are inhabited by poor, dirty, and lazy Spaniards. ~ Perrin
du Lac J^oyage^ 376.
** Pointe Coup6e [is] the first post with the title of parish in Lower
Louisiana along the Mississippi. Almost all its inhabitants are enriched
by the cultivation of cotton, for which its lands are extremely well
suited. Well-built houses line the two shores of the river. . . In all
Lower Louisiana, only the shores of the river are suitable for agriculture,
and yet they have to be protected from inundation by means of a dike.
The lands distant from the river, being low and muddy, are generally
submerged for a great part of the year by the rains which usually fall
throughout the spring and much of the summer.
The Acadians who migrated thither in 17 14 at the cession of their
country by France to England, inhabit the upper part of the district
along the Mississippi. Generally unambitious, they are in a wretched
state of poverty.
The Acadians are generally good and hospitable, and never let a
stranger enter without offering him refreshment, but one must be very
hungry to resolve to eat the dishes they prepare. As to the rich pro-
prietors who are very numerous there, they are for the most part recent
arrivals from France. These welcome travelers with urbanity, and
their thorough good breeding recalls the good old times. — Perrin du Lac,
Voyage, 376-378.
Berquin-Duvallon says of this district :
The district of Pointe Couple is one of the most considerable in the
colony, in its population as well as in its rich products of indigo and
especially of cotton which succeeds there excellently. — ^2/^ de la Col,
Esp., so.
The district of Pointe Coup6e begins at the entrance of the Tonicas,
and ends at the Fausse Riviere. Nevertheless, its first settlements are
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 229
found only thirty miles below the entrance of the Tonicas. It is also
at that point that the waters of the river begin to be restrained by artificial
dikes. Thirty-six miles before reaching the church of Pointe Coup6e,
one passes on the right bank another channel opened by the waters of
the river. That channel has an opening at its mouth of not more than
eight or ten toises wide. It is dry throughout the summer, and is never
navigable except for pirogues during the highest waters and then only
when ascending, as it has, because of obstructions and the rapidity of its
current, the same inconveniences in descending as has the passage of
the Tonicas. By that passage, the route is shortened twenty-one miles, in
reaching the chief place of Point Coupee, that is to say, the church. Ten
or twelve thousand souls of both sexes and all ages, compose the pop-
ulation of Pointe Coupee, according to the last census, among whom, there
are reckoned to be, however, only three hundred persons capable of bear-
ing arms. Three leagues before reaching the church were the ruins of an
old fort, with a commandant and one soldier. Fifteen leagues from the
church, on the left bank, were some bluffs by the name of Ecors de la
Pointe-Coup6e. — Collot, Voyage, vol. ii, 96-98.
Robin [Voyages, vol. 11, 244-248] says that the population of
Pointe Coupee showed a great proportion in favor of the blacks -a
condition that gave rise to fears of insurrection. The insurrection of t^
1796, he thinks existed more in the imagination of the inhabitants than
in reality.
•® The account of the attempted rising as given by Gayarre [^His-
tory, vol. ill, 354-356] contradicts this statement. According to
Gayarre, the conspiracy was formed on Poydras's plantation.
®® See Gayarre's History, vol. iii, 397, 398, on the naming of Con-
cordia. The beautiful residence of the Spanish governor at this place
was quite recently burned.
•^ See William Dunbar's Exploration of the Red, the Black, and
the Washita Rivers (Boston, 1 904), which was published with Jeffer-
son's Documents relating to the purchase and exploration of Louisiana^
from the original manuscript, conserved in the library of the American
Philosophical Society. See, also: Stoddard. Louisiana, 378-381 ; Free-
man, Thomas. Account of the Red River in Louisiana (Washington,
1806) ; and Marcy, R. B. Exploration of the Red River of Louisiana
(Washington, 1853).
®* The district of Avoyelles, according to Berquin-Duvallon \_Vue
de la Col, Esp., 58], was of slight importance. Small amounts of
cotton and tobacco were raised there. Stoddard [Louisiana, 185] says
of it:
The first settlement in ascending Red River, is at the Avoyelles, about
230 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
sixty miles from the Mississippi. This settlement is fooned about an
extensive prairie, and the inhabitants have a ready communication with
Red River by means of some navigable bayous, which penetrate its right
bank. The settlers are partly French, and partly emigrants from the
United States. They seldom cultivate wheat, because they have no mills
to grind it Com and cotton are almost the only articles cultivated by
them, except garden vegetables. They raise large stocks of cattle and
swine. . . They prepare considerable quantities of beef and pork for
market, which are deemed of a good quality. The population of this
place may be estimated at about four hundred and fifty whites, and one
hundred and fifty slaves.
**The settlement of Alexandria was located at the rapids of the
Red River. The whole population of the district of the Rapids was
about 640 whites and 200 slaves.
The rapids in Red River are formed by two ledges of hard indurated
clay, a soft rock which extends across the channel at about three-fourths
of a mile from each other. In low water each of them has a fall, and
during this season it is dangerous for loaded boats to attempt the passage
of them. When the waters are high they are not perceptible, and the
Mississippi frequently flows back to theoL A good boat channel may be
cut over each at a small expense. — Stoddard, Louisiana^ z86.
*^ About four hundred miles from the mouth of the Red River, is
found, as one goes upstream, the settlement of Natchitoches. It counts
twelve or thirteen hundred inhabitants. They raise profitably cotton,
maize, rice, and tobacco. The products of that place pass as the best of
North America. Also the king of Spain bought of all the proprietors
at a suitable price, but he has been cheated so often, that he has ceased
to buy there for several years. Consequently agriculture there has almost
entirely ceased. Besides those products, a large part of the inhabitants
trade with the Indian nations surrounding them. The peltries resulting
from the trade are very inferior in quality to those of the northern prov-
inces. Through that small settlement pass the merchants or adventurers
who engage in contraband trade in Mexico. Spain keeps a garrison of
sixty men there under command of a captain. ~ Perrin Du Lac, Voyage,
37Sf 37^.
^^ For a list of the Indian mounds in Louisiana, see Bulletin, no. 12,
of the Bureau of Ethnology, Catalogue of prehistoric works east of the
Rocky Mountains by Cyrus Thomas (Washington, 1891), 102-104.
Alliot's narrative is very vague at this point.
^ Not found on the old maps examined.
•^ The Caddos were the leading tribe in the confederacy of that
name. Their own name is Hasinai, "our own folk," which the
Spanish have preserved under the form Asinai. Their early home was
on the Red River, but the invading white settlers gradually forced
one] NOTES TO PRECEDING DOCUMENTS 231
them into other regions. The remnants of the tribe now live in
Oklahoma, where by the provisions of the Severalty Act of 1887, they
became citizens of the United States in 1902. See: Hodge. Hand-
book of Amer. Ind., 179-183.
W. H. Holmes, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, conjectures
that the term "Cocinthis" is intended for Wichita, which was usually
spelled Ouichita by the French.
The Panis, or Pawnees, formed the middle group or confederacy
of the Caddo stock. See: Hodge, ut supra, 182.
••The Arkansas River. See Berquin-Duvallon's Fue de la Col.
Esp,, 60, where he speaks of this Spanish post located there.
••The site of New Madrid. For the origin of this name, sec
Houck's History of Missouri, vol. i, 105.
^^ This was the village of Ste. Genevieve, which, says Collot [Voy-
age, vol. i, 345], was commonly called Misere by the people -prob-
ably because they had been compelled to move two miles inland from
the river on account of the frequent floods. See Houck's History of
Missouri, for various historical data regarding this place.
*«i Kaskaskia.
*®* For an early description of Illinois, see CoUot's Voyage, vol. 1,
316-369. See also Houck's History of Missouri] and various volumes
of Thwaites's Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland,
1 896-1 901).
*®* St. Louis was founded, February 15, 1764, by Father Laclede,
who named it in honor of St. Louis IX. For early descriptions of
the settlement, see: Hutchins. Topogtaphical Description (London,
1 778 ), 38, 39 ; and Perrin du Lac. Voyage, 1 86-190. Sec, also : Houck.
History of Missouri, An early name of the settlement was Paincourt.
^®* One of the leaders in the revolution in San Domingo. In regard
to his collusion with the Spaniards, see H. Castonnet des Fosscs's La
Revolution de Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1893), 136 and 163. He and
his lieutenant Biassou sold their men to the planters of San Domingo.
He went to Spain in 1795, where he was favorably received.
^®* Many of the early writers speak of the freedom from serious
diseases in the country districts of Louisiana. People were still vigor-
ous and healthy at sixty. So few were the physicians that it was
necessary to summon them from long distances when any severe sick-
ness broke out. See Berquin-Duvallon's Vue de la Col. Esp., S3.
232 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807
Leprosy, however, was formerly not a rare disease in Louisiana. The
hospital for lepers was erected by Miro on a ridge of land between the
Mississippi and the Bayou St. John. The site was known as La terre
des lipreuxy or Leper's Land. See: Gayarre. History , vol. iii, 167, 168.
106 xhe meadows of Louisiana are not only covered with grasses suit-
able for pasturage, but also have quantities of strawberries in the month
of April. During the succeeding month the sight is charming. They
are then covered with flowers, which being then in all their beauty, o£Fer
to the sight the most delightful spectacle. They are infinitely diversified.
The meadows furnish not only delight to the eye, but produce, as well as
the forests, excellent simples for medicine and dye. — Jacquemin, Me-
moirft XX.
^®^ See note 17.
^®* The present St. Charles. It was long known as Petit Cote, and
was later called San Carlos del Misuri. It is near the junction of the
Mississippi and Missouri.
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS ON
the present condition of the province of
Louisiana. By Intendant Martin de
Navarro. [New Orleans, ca. 1785.]
Bibliography: Translated from the original
in Archivo de Indias, Seville, Papeles procedentes de
la Isla de Cuba, Estados del Misisipi, no. 7.
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS ON THE PRES-
ENT CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE
OF LOUISIANA
The province of Louisiana, ceded by his most Chris-
tian Majesty to Spain, November three, 1762^®* is di-
vided from the continent of Mexico by the Mississippi
IMisisipi} River. Notwithstanding this separation, the
French owned along both sides the land which they had
been able to appropriate without having laid out bound-
aries in any part in order to distinguish them. Its land
has received from nature more extraordinary influences,
than any country known. Its temperature is very
healthy, although its climate is variable and its location
swampy. Its inhabitants enjoy robust health, are gen-
erally well built, agile, strong, and of a rare penetration.
The fertility in the women corresponds to its need for
settlers. Industry and agriculture have reached a point
little known in America.
Products. Its products consist of furs, indigo, to-
bacco, timber,"® cotton, pitch, tar, rice,"^ maize, and all
109 xhe secret treaty between France and Spain. See this treaty in: Onis.
Memoria, Apendice, x-5; Lafuente y Zamdlioa. Historia, vol. xxii, 286-288;
Cantillo. Tratados, 692-694; Muriel. Carlos IV ^ vol. ii, 499-501; White.
New Recopilacion, vol. ii, 537-541; and Goodspeed. The Province and the
States^ vol. ii, xix-xxj.
11® Robin [Voyages^ vol. ii, 233, 234] sa)rs that there were many very pro-
ductive sawmills near New Orleans, some of which yielded thirty or forty
thousand francs per year. During high water the mills worked night and day,
but scarcely at all during low water. The qrpress was the only wood sawed
into planks and joists.
^11 The rice plantations were owned principally by the Germans. Many
more plantations might be started. '*The rice of Louisiana is very white; an
238 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
kinds of vegetables. It will even produce extensively,
wheat, barley, hemp, and flax, if they be cultivated with
intelligence.
Commerce. Its commerce is poor. It is carried on
in the most harmful and burdensome manner to the col-
ony as well as to the king. In the possession of a sov-
ereign whose laws were not opposed to the system of free
trade, it could be promised that in a short time it would
be one of the most useful and best established provinces
in America. The indispensable need for forming a
barrier to the great and envied continent of Mexico im-
poses on us the obligation to think most seriously of
establishing it. The method of doing it is not difficult.
It needs no more than to examine: its first condition;
reason for its decadence; its present condition; advan-
tages that would result from a numerous population
and large commerce; whether it would be profitable or
harmful to this province to carry on the commerce ac-
cording to the custom in vogue in our America; what
commerce it would be advisable to establish for its pro-
motion, without hurt to the continent.
That the base and fulcrum on which is supported the
happiness of a kingdom or a province is agriculture and
commerce, is an incontrovertible axiom. The immedi-
ate relation between these two departments is too well
known, as also is the fact that without them neither
wealth nor inhabitants can exist; and consequently,
neither progress nor population. In vain will all the
ministers in the world watch; in vain will the mines of
its precious metals be expended and exhausted: when-
ever they depart from this principle.
In accordance with this principle, the province of
half-hour is sufficient to cook it, which would apparently prove that it is not
80 substantial as many other kinds of rice, especially that of the east." See:
Robin. FoyageSf vol. ii, 234-239.
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 239
Louisiana was established from the year 171 8. For that
purpose, France pardoned neither interest nor care, and
sent several colonies of inhabitants of all kinds there.
Their profession and choice was more fitting to the
thought of town settlers than of the cultivation of the
country, notwithstanding that there were united with
them various German families of great industry and ac-
customed to rural life. A settlement was made and the
foundation of a town promoted, which the mother coun-
try regarded as the instrument by which to attain its
fortune.
Since the results did not correspond to the flattering
hopes that the projects of a company had offered, which
were advanced no farther than to cause the ruin of the
private fortunes of various persons: the court at Paris
wearied after some time of offering that protection
which the ardor and the inconstant spirit of the nation
offered at the beginning; and its natives maintained
themselves by dint of a ruinous commerce to the mother
country, for they enjoyed a benefit from which they
could not derive the slightest profit, as most of them far
from augmenting their fortunes, contracted more debts
than they could pay."*
Its first condition
The annual trade which they carried on with France
from the ports of Europe and even from its islands,
would reach five hundred thousand pesos annually. The
effects exported in furs, indigo, timber, some tobacco,
and in letters of exchange, did not exceed three hundred
and fifty thousand pesos -the rest remaining in the
warehouses and the major part in debts contracted by
^^^ On Law's scheme and the great Mississippi bubble see: Gayarr^. His^
tory, vol. iy 191-233; Martin. History of Louisiana^ 127; Fortier. Htstoty of
Louisiana; and Franz. Kolonisation des MississipitaUs.
240 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
insolvent persons given to laziness and luxury, and put-
ting industry to sleep in the arms of forgetfulness.
The number of inhabitants who composed the vast
country of Louisiana in the year 1766 when Govemor
Don Antonio de UUoa arrived, did not exceed five thou-
sand. Among that number were included four hundred
soldiers distributed among the various ports and six
thousand negro slaves. With the aid of the latter they
manufactured a small amount of indigo of an inferior
quality and some timber"' for the Windward Islands.
^^* Hutchins in his Top, Deser,^ 38, 39, speaks as follows of the lumber
trade along the Mississippi, his account being especially interesting in show-
ing method of moving timber:
''In the autumn, the planters employ their slaves in cutting down and squar-
ing timber, for sawing into boards and scantling. The carriage of this timber
is very easy, for those who cut it at the back of their plantations make a ditch,
which is supplied with water from the back swamps, and by that means conduct
their timber to the timber with very little labour: odiers send their slaves up to
the cypress swamps, of which there are a great many between New Orleans
and Point Couple. There they make rafts of the timber they cut, and float
down to New Orleans. Many of the planters have saw-mills, which are
worked by the waters of the Mississippi, in the time of the floods, and then they
are kept going night and day till the waters fall. The quantity of lumber
sent from the Mississippi to the West India Islands is prodigious, and it gen-
erally goes to a good market"
In view of the present discussions concerning conservation of natural re-
sources, the following from CoUot [Voyage^ vol. ii, 199, 200] is interesting:
''It is generally believed in Europe that the continent of America (and by
that is understood the territory of the United States) by reason of its immense
forests, can supply the navies of Europe with what they can no longer obtain
in the northern forests. The vast difference between the population of the
United States and the extent of their territory, doubtless give rise to this opinion.
"But the consumption of wood in the United States is enormous: the new
clearings, where the wood is almost always burned ; the construction of Amer-
ican vessels which use much more wood because their vessels last for a shorter
time than the vessels of Europe; the construction of houses; the various manu-
factures supported by Are; the fences with which all the fields are surrounded
from one end of the continent to the other; finally, the waste of all kind made
by the improvident people — [all this] has destroyed such a quantity of woods
that none is found for more than one hundred miles from the sea or near the
navigable rivers. Wood for fuel is dearer in American cities than in those
of Europe. With the exception of the forests of South Carolina and of Georgia,
the timber, besides being mediocre for the construction of vessels, is not at all
suitable for large boats. In Georgia, even the shipbuilders of the United
States were scarcely able to find holm oak of sufHcient strength for the con-
struction of the six frigates which congress resolved on three years ago. In
fact, the little that had escaped the general destruction has just been bought by
the federal government. These facts, known to all who have seen the United
States, must convince one that the hope with which Europe may flatter itself
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 241
The slowness of that progress, the poor administra-
tion of the royal treasury, or, what is more certain, seeing
the chimerical thoughts that it had had at the beginning
vanish, or far from being able to realize them, the court
of France was minded to abandon them, and deter-
mined to decrease its expenses by making its own sub-
jects to whom it had given being, the victims of the
poor administration of its ministers.
Reasons for its decadence
In order to meet the very great business of the pro-
vince, that court had circulated a considerable sum of
money in notes. That was the money with which the
king met the expenses of the troops and of the employees,
which annually reached immense sums. This was the
money that circulated in public, in imitation of our
pesos, and it was taken as currency for everything that
was sold. But in order to send it to Europe, it was
necessary to convert said notes into letters of exchange
against the general treasury in Paris, and these were
paid on sight as soon as they were presented. Said notes
circulated with the greatest credit with this assurance,
and those who owned them imagined that they possessed
the intrinsic value that they represented, until the pay-
ment of the above said letters of exchange having been
suspended on October 15, 1759, the paper continued to
fall in value in proportion to its loss of credit. This
came to such a point that a peso fuerte of our money was
of finding there great resources for its naval construction, is altogether er-
roneous.
"But the resources which can no longer be found in the territory of the
United States are found in abundance in the forests of Louisiana and the
Floridas. The great fertility of its soil makes grow there wood of the finest
kinds and of the largest dimensions. And since these vast countries are not
nearly all inhabited and since Spain has hitherto obtained but a little of this
timber, the forests may be regarded as intact, or at least as offering resources
which several centuries will not exhaust*'
242 LOUISIANA, 178s- 1807 [Vol.
worth eight pesos of that circulating in notes. This un-
expected alteration occasioned a general and consider-
able loss in the private fortunes of those unfortunate
inhabitants. From this originates the first reason for
the decadence of Louisiana. It was occasioned by the
court of Paris itself, and caused the citizen whom it it-
self had encouraged, after he had received as payment
for what he had sold an imaginary money from his
prince in whom the public faith had placed its credit,
to be left with a shapeless mass of paper which had no
other than the remembrance of its former value.
The second reason for its decadence was the arrival
of the Spaniards. From the instant of their arrival, the
ships from Campechy"* and Havana laden with dye-
wood and money which were exchanged for their ef-
fects ceased to come. Although this does not deserve
the name of commerce, yet it did not fail to be of some
consideration, together with that commerce which al-
ready existed in the province.
The poor administration of justice contributed not a
little to its ruin, for it was a crime to demand justice for
a debt contracted by a member of the council or by any
person immediately related to such member.
The arrival of Conde de O'Reilly,^^' and the taking of
^^^The Compechy trade in dyewood was famous for many years, and was
much exploited by the French and English buccaneers and smugglers. See
the narratives of travelers, etc., where this trade is mentioned frequently.
^^B For Alexander O'Reilly's administration of the government of Louisiana
for Spain, see Gayarr^'s History^ vol. ii, 284-359, vol. iii, z-41. O'Reilly was
an Irishman and was born about 1735. He had entered Spanish service at an
early age, where he attained considerable distinction. He served as well in the
armies of Austria (1757) and France (1759), and later of Spain. He reestab-
lished the fortifications of Cuba after the treaty of Fontainebleau in 1762. He
was sent to Louisiana as governor in 1769, where he established order and by
his promptness, energy, and decision (although his measures are generally
spoken of as cruel) destroyed the pretensions of the Louisianians of French
blood. See the various regulations published by him in Gayarr^'s History,
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 243
possession by Spain, completed the extreme of the sad
lot which remained to those natives at seeing themselves
in the necessity of engaging in a mercenary trade with
Havana, whence the thousandth part of the products of
this province were never exported; while they could
not secure the articles and things of prime necessity for
their consumption and support except at the price for
which they bought them. From that time the colony
experienced the desertion and emigration of various
families who went to the French colonies. Property
lost three- fourths of its value. Houses were not repaired,
for their reconstruction amounted to more than the cap-
ital. The farmer planted no more than he could con-
sume, now in despair of settling for the debts that he had
contracted during the year, and the government de-
spaired of forcing them to check that emigration. For
the colonist having lost all hope of his fortune, preferred
what he might do in another country, to the selling in
this for a cheap price of what he had produced in this.
Accordingly he embraced a doubtful good for an un-
failing evil.
Its present state
In the same way that necessity has awakened industry,
both always had recourse to commerce, the deity to
whom the most illustrious nations with just reason prc-
vol. ii, 305; American State Papers^ "Miscellaneous/' vol. i, 369-376; French's
Hist, Collections, vol. y, 269-388.
He later commanded the Spanish troops in the fatal expedition sent against
Algiers in 1774, aftfer which he became head of a military school, and then
commandant in chief of the province of Andalusia and governor of Cadiz. In
1788, on the death of Charles III, he fell into disfavor, but his military fame
was so great that he was appointed to the command of the army of the East
Pyrenees in 1794. He died while on his way to take over this command. His
descendants still live in Cuba. With the exception of Bernardo de Galvez, he
was the best governor of Louisiana during the Spanish regime.
244 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
sent their adorations. The English were not backward
in the Mississippi."*
When taking advantage of the free navigation of the
river they established a trade which was annually worth
many millions of reals to them. We saw them do that
with the pain of not being able to remedy it, although,
on the other hand, we had the consolation of seeing that
the inhabitant and the hunter thus succeeded in profit-
ing from the fruit of their labors.
Thus was the province maintained, and daily augment-
ed its fortune. It owes its present state solely to the wise
forbearance of a good servant of the king, and to the
illicit trade of the English ; for without them, who was
there to fumish these subjects with negroes and tools
for the cultivation of their lands, by receiving their
products in payment? Who would have supplied the
things of prime necessity to them? How many ships
have come from Spain that would have done it? And
had they come what would they do? Is not the method
by which our trade is carried on well known? Are not
its laws well known? This aid, then, and the distribu-
tive justice with which the mariscal de campo, Don Luis
de Unzaga,"^ acted during the term of his government,
^^^The Americans inherited the question of the navigation of the Missis-
sippi from the English. That question first appeared after 1763 when Gt
Britain became the owner of the Illinois country and the territory remained
West Florida. Pensacola became the center of English influence and trade,
but that place was captured by Governor Galvcz during the War of Inde-
pendence, in 178 1. See: Monette. History of the Valley of the Mississippi^ vol.
i, 4x>2-440, ''British occupancy of Florida and the Illinois country.'' By the
treaty of Paris, 1783, it was stipulated [Article viii] that "The navigation of
the river Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, shall forever remain free
and open to the subjects of Great Britain, and the citizens of the United States."
This stipulation, however, had little force so far as Gt Britain was concerned.
See: Ogg. Opening of the Mississippi,
^^^ Luis de Unzaga, the third Spanish governor of Louisiana was confirmed
in that office August 17, 1772, although appointed by O'Reilly as his successor
in 1770. His administration of the government which lasted until February i,
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 245
by having suits instituted for debts contracted, placed a
check to the conduct of many inhabitants, and inspired
others with a respectful circumspection, and all dedi-
cated themselves to work and to a competition never be-
fore seen.
In this condition was the province of Louisiana upon
the arrival of the present governor, Don Bernardo de
Galvez/" It was enjoying a profit from a hidden
source that it knew not; and was increasing in a rare and
extraordinary manner, so that without any one contrib-
uting to it, it was obtaining by that chance which is ex-
cited by self interest, the prerogatives of a very extensive
commerce. This the English did by means of the free-
dom and liberty which their free navigation of the river
permitted them. The French themselves had also found
the secret of doing it from their islands. They made use
of a passport and of an English captain, and under the
English flag, they profited from their cargoes, without
the most haughty orders of the government being able to
prevent it. They continued to take their cargoes in the
1777, when he lurrendered his office to Galvez, was efficient, and he construed
broadly or quite disregarded the restrictive commercial laws that Spain sought
to enforce. See: Gayarr^. History^ vol. iii, 42-Z04.
^^'Conde Bernardo de Galvez, son of the viceroy of Mexico, Matias de
Galvez, and nephew of the great minister of the Indies, Jos^ de Galvez, was
the most brilliant Spanish governor of Louisiana. He was appointed provi-
sional governor and intendant of Louisiana, July 10, 1776, and took office Feb-
ruary I, Z777. He sympathized from the first with the Americans in their
war for independence, and aided them even before the declaration of war
by Spain against England. After that declaration, his brilliant campaigns
against the English forts on the Mississippi wrested the lower Mississippi
from Gt. Britain. In 1785, he was appointed captain-general of Cuba, the
province of Louisiana and the two Floridas. In the summer of that same year
he was appointed viceroy of Mexico on the death of his father, retaining the
captaincy general of Louisiana and the Floridas. He died in August, 1794, at
the age of thirty-eight, regretted by all. Among the papers of the Continental
Congress (see papers of Oliver Pollock) in the Library of Congress are many
letters which show the attitude of Galvez during the Revolutionary War. See:
Gayarr^. History, vol. iii, 104-166.
246 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
same manner a$ they were doing, leaving to us the dis-
consolation of seeing a trade carried on by foreigners
without the payment of the least duty. What pain for a
watchful governor like Don Bernardo de Galvez, who
although an eyewitness of this forbidden trade, could
not decide on any course of action, without exposing the
sovereign authority or the happiness of the province.
He vacillated between extremes, without daring to take
other measures than that of conformity- a sad recourse.
In order to restrain a trade that was already acquiring
too much authority, and which the English despotism
might demand as belonging exclusively to it, this gov-
ernor is taking advantage of the carelessness to which
the imaginary right, which they inferred that they had
over the waters, had already exposed them, for that
which was tolerated at first as a necessity they doubtless
thought was an obligation afterwards. Already they
were not taking those precautions demanded by honesty
in a trade which they were exercising without the proper
order from the sovereign or from the government. Al-
ready had their audacity come to such an extreme, that
forgetting, or despising, perhaps, the sacred immunity
of the territory, they built a dock on the land in order
to facilitate the passage of the floating warehouses of
their vessels. The present governor seized thirteen
boats which were then subject to confiscation and cut in
part the greatest part of the trade of that nation in the
Mississippi. But what happened? From that very
moment the introduction of negroes ceased. These na-
tives ceased to experience that abundance which is pro-
duced by the coming of traders, and which alone makes
for the happiness and the progress of empires. They
arc beginning to lose their activity and industry, and are
maintaining themselves by dint of the persuasion and
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 247
watchfulness of the present governor, and with that
flattering hope that a speedy peace offers them, which
they will see vanish without its effects corresponding to
their necessity.
Benefits that will result from a numerous population
and a free trade
There is none of the provinces of those owned by the
king in America which should occupy the attention of
the minister so much as that of Louisiana. The location
of the Americans at the entrance of the Belle Riviere
[Bella Ribera']^ or to speak better, on the shores of the
Mississippi gives us a motive to reflect very seriously
on this particular. Although the English posts no long-
er exist, we must count upon new enemies who are re-
garding our situation and happiness with too great
jealousy. The intensity with which they are working to
form a city and establish posts, and their immediate
neighborhood to our posts of the Illinois [Ilinuesesl may
be harmful to us some day, unless we shelter ourselves in
time by promoting a numerous population in this prov-
ince in order to observe and even to restrain their in-
tentions. For this purpose, it must not be forgotten that
a well-established trade is the chief lever for the increase
of a population, and just so long as there is delay in
founding it, just so rapidly will the decadence of the
few people now there be hastened. The same will at-
tract a considerable number of families, whom the
healthfulness of the climate is inviting, and whom the
rigor and sterility of other colonies obliges them to leave
the latter. Self interest and a bettering of one's fortune
overrides all inconveniences, and attracts to one place
men from the most remote regions. The mildness of the
laws, and the graciousness and humanity of him who is
248 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
governing contributes in great part to their happi-
ness.
Since the time that insects troubled the cultivation of
the sugar cane in Martinique [M^r/inic^], its inhabit-
ants were in consternation, and had it not been for the
present state of war, would have sought refuge in other
islands. That refuge would never have been found in
the island of Santo Domingo because of the fear of the in-
temperance of its climate and its lack of comfort. Rich
inhabitants of both islands would come in order to set-
tle with a number of slaves, who would people the
province without any cost to the king, and the good wel-
come of these would invite others.
For the poor inhabitants who should present them-
selves - French, Germans, and Irish -there will be a
fund of twenty thousand pesos, annually, in order to
pay the cost of settling them, proportioned to the size of
their families, without the king expecting other retum
for that aid than that produced to the state by their set-
tlement- as happened with the first colonists of this
province and with the Acadians who came in the time of
Don Antonio de Ulloa, and who are now the model of
settlers in usefulness, industry, and progress.^^'
A poor family may be settled for one hundred and
twenty pesos, inclusive of the cost of provisions for two
years; and the king will not spend the immense sums
that the present settlers who have come from the islands
and from Malaga are costing him.
A contract for one thousand German families, mar-
^^® Some Acadians had gone to Louisiana immediately after bein^ ex-
pelled from Acadia in 1755 and 1756; part, at least, those who went thither
during the government of Unzaga, went from Maryland, where they had taken
refuge among the English Catholics. See the documents on the projected settle-
ment by Maryland Catholics in Louisiana, in the American Hutorical Revirvo
for 1 910.
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 249
ried and of good constitution would be cheap at any
price. Contractors would not be lacking who would
deliver them by way of Holland from those princes
nearby, especially from German Lorraine [Lorena Ale-
mand]^ where persons of all kinds of trades should be
found. There could be allowed, for example, a number
of vessels, which would carry so many men per ton
burden, in accordance with the most suitable agree-
ments; and there would be no necessity of depopulating
the Canary Islands which are useful for other purposes.
The passage of a number of foreign married soldiers
could also be paid , as well as of creditors, pensioned
soldiers, or of those who still lack much time to serve,
under condition that they would settle; for the young
fellow can find employment in the camp, while he who
is not so young -the first or even both classes -will have
the station of habitant.
For a long time we have regarded it as of the highest
importance not to send foreigners to America, as we
wished to gird ourselves with the laws that prohibit it.
Today the nation, having become more enlightened, has
recognized that at present that prohibition is useless,
doubtless because the reasons which existed at the time
when that determination was made no longer exist. I
would be of the opinion that all newcomers who come
to America to act as garrison be foreigners. In this way,
our ploughmen would suffer less harm, by taking care
to replace the dead and the deserters by others, and
America would be peopled without harm to our Span-
iards.
The above error having been dispelled, and the use-
fulness of peopling this colony having been recognized,
as soon as the population will have reached a respectable
250 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol.
number, a barrier to the kingdom of Nueva Espana will
be fortified and assured. This will be able to oppose any
attempt of the Americans already settled on the upper
part of the river, and finally, may, in a short time, yield
a profit in men, rcenforcements, and royal duties more
than one would believe.
According to the statistics of this population, there
are ten thousand whites and eleven thousand negroes,
whose numbers will form a total of twenty-one thousand
souls- a very small number for so extensive a territory.
The reasons for this backwardness are but too clearly the
lack of a solid commerce, upon the base of which the
subject founds his fortune. This is the physical reason
for its decadence. His Majesty has had edicts and reg-
ulations published at various times. He has expended
very great sums of money. His ministers have given
expression to their zeal and their watchfulness. What
has been the result? Let the province itself tell, which
in the midst of so much protection is uttering the most
pitiful cries, and asserting that it is deprived of the
things of prime necessity; that all the things indispen-
sable to life are forbidden to it; that they are exposed to
a shameful nakedness - the farmer without tools, the
merchant without goods; and what is more they are
hopeless of the near establishment of an active, free, and
easy trade that will bring vessels to this river which shall
compete for the purchase of their indigo, their furs, and
their products, and which with equal freedom may car-
ry them out. For, on the contrary, there is not the slight-
est necessity of settlers expatriating themselves from
other provinces in order to come to be co-witnesses of
their misery, and who will do nothing else than increase
those miseries. But if the majesty of our sovereign tak-
ing pity on the misfortune of the province, or moved by
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 251
the advantage that would accrue to the state, should de-
cide to offer two things - a trade that will furnish what-
ever is necessary, and the annual exportation of their
products- the royal charity will see that less can neither
be conceded nor asked.
The commerce generally adopted in our America
might have the same effect in this province, if we did
not have to fear the harm that its sluggishness causes to
progress, if we did not have a commercial nation as our
neighbor, if this country were established according to
our system, if our merchants possessed the spirit of trade,
if the inferior quality of the indigo here had an outlet
in Spain, if we had old established manufactures, and
fur factories where the furs could be consumed. Add
to these drawbacks the fifteen per cent export duty for
foreign ports, with which these articles are overloaded,
the inevitable loss to which furs are exposed on account
of the immoderate and indispensable delay of a month
or two in our ports - powerful reasons which lead the
merchant not to export them unless without delay to the
ports in which they profit -without counting on the ex-
penses of new vessels, warehouses, and commissions.
These things will cause the colony to maintain itself for
some time tottering toward its decadence and ruin, if
the court does not change its system in this particular;
and finally will yield without the slightest difficulty to
the power of a providence opposed to its progress. But
if his Majesty grant a useful, lucrative, and free trade,
he ought to be quite fully persuaded that this province
will shortly be in the most splendid condition, and he
will be recompensed with profit for the greater part of
what it costs him. The subject with the increase of his
fortune, would be quick to sacrifice it for his sovereign,
and the latter would have the satisfaction of seeing his
252 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
subjects in opulence, contented, and the recipients of a
thousand blessings under his dominion.
All the labors of the field are carried on by the arms
of negro slaves, whom the private interest and the tyran-
ny of men deprived of their liberty, and whom political
reasons adopted. If the province of Louisiana had con-
tinued to enjoy the benefit which it obtained by means
of the illegal trade of the English, it would now have
had twenty thousand negroes or more ; and consequently,
a greater production and greater wealth. But among
the other useful things of which it is deprived, it un-
fortunately reckons this one - which does it great harm.
These inhabitants would have continued to endure this
lack, if the self-interest of the English had not supplied
it the year 1766 when we came to the province. Even
yet, not the slightest measure has been taken relative to
the sending of slaves, which is quite opposed to the
method of making the province flourish and prosper."**
All these and other numberless advantages are offered
by a well systematized commerce. But if, unfortunate-
ly, one be established founded on reasons of arith-
metic and proportion on a supposed risk that has no
effect, this colony would shortly be seen to change its
aspect. The real estate which at the time of the arrival
of the governor, the Mariscal de campo Bernardo de
Galvez had increased to its former value, would return
to its former and even to a greater decadence, and he who
thought that he possessed a mediocre fortune, would find
it a shapeless mass which only had an imaginary value.
Lands would be abandoned and houses closed, the city
130 See the Spanish laws concerning negroes and mulattoes in his account
of slavery, in Robin's Voyages^ vol. ii, 280-283. On the value of negro slaves
in Louisiana, see Bcrquin-Duvallon's Vue de la Col. Esp., 124. The Code Noir
of French Louisiana is published in translation and synopsis by French in his
Historical Collections of Louisiana (New York, 1851), 89-95, note.
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 253
deserted, and finally, those settlements which, with very
great reason, ought to be expected to become the most
considerable in this America, would scarcely merit the
name of presidio. The only resource left to these un-
fortunate inhabitants if the hope of a well established
trade be lost, would be either to go to settle in the Amer-
ican part, or to establish their trade with them as hap-
pened with the English.
If the remedy be speedily applied, everything may be
composed, provided that it is not delayed longer than
the end of the war. So long as this reason remains,
everything is attributed to it. Today for a more power-
ful reason, once surrendered, Pensacola [Panzacold] *"
should furnish a new channel to the trade opened by
dint of vast sums spent by the court of London for our
use and advantage. While this place and all the terri-
tory of Florida was ours, we made no attempt to en-
courage it. All the time that we were the owners of that
country, we did nothing but to consume the subsidy and
to become tribute payers to the Indians. Scarcely had
the English entered and settled there, when they started
industry to moving, established a powerful trade with
the savages, and finally make from only this last-named
port a commerce of five hundred thousand pesos an-
nually. Let us compare the Spanish and English peri-
ods, and we shall find that in our time, the sentinels of
the place were scarcely safe and that the Indians re-
duced our garrison to the point that they could not leave
its enclosure, while the English opened land communi-
cations with and settled among the barbarians with
their warehouses, wheref rom they derived great profits
and gave themselves up to commerce here.
To attempt to assert or prove that our nation is com-
^^^ See page 244, note xx6.
254 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
mercial would be to adopt a system open to reply. We
must humbly confess that compared to the trade of all
[other] nations, it is to be inferred that we scarcely
know more commerce than the passive one of the extra-
ordinary expenses occasioned by an armament with two
or three officers, first and second pilots, a supercargo,
superintendent, steward, and an official cook, and an ex-
cessively large crew, who absorb the profit that should
accrue to the outfitter. This is an evil that will not be
remedied so long as it is not applied with that freedom
demanded by this matter and which the present min-
istry has already so greatly advanced.
Enumeration of the trade which would be advisable for
the progress of this province, without harm
to the continent
All the above reasons, and others that are not here in-
cluded, beg most justly a general, free, and common
trade with any nation whatsoever; to engage in it at
least for some time by permitting the entrance into this
river of any flag, without any distinction - the sole and
only mode of causing this province to flourish, populate,
and advance. Hence, the inhabitant will obtain: ist,
a recompense from the disasters which he has experi-
enced by flood, war, and the two hurricanes of August
1779 and the 2d of the same month of 1780.
2d. That they will regard it as a charitable consid-
eration of his Majesty as a remuneration for the valor
and fidelity with which they served in the present war.
3d. That the fear which the English have always
had of seeing this province favored by means of free
trade, will be realized. For on the contrary, it will
groan without increase in the midst of protection. The
royal treasury will suffer the annual deficiency of the
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 255
subsidy"* without the good effect that should be prom-
ised to the king. The Americans already established on
the Mississippi will absorb the advantages of this colony.
By their conduct they will take the profits of it as former-
ly happened with the English ; and what is more to be
feared, they will allure many of our inhabitants to their
settlements.
If this trade be permitted, the king may indemnify
himself in part for the expenses of the provinces, by im-
posing a five per cent import duty on all drygoods, and
eight for liquors, on their selling price; and another
five per cent export duty on all products leaving the
province.
I do not fail to recognize the outcry that this proposi-
tion will cause. Without losing sight for a moment of the
prohibition of the laws of the Indies, we see that con-
stitutions are altered and amended in all states, accord-
ing to present affairs. From time to time, abuses are re-
formed, which would be allowed under different cir-
cumstances. But the constitution of our trade alone is
not altered.
I have been serving his Majesty for fifteen years in
this province. I have been an eye witness and all the
subsidies that have been sent here have passed through
my hands or through my agency. I have seen with pain
the sum that should be realized by the export of its
products, and the little that they have produced because
of the activity of the English, and the ease offered by
their neighborhood. All this it is a part of my obliga-
tion to report.
Besides in case that free trade be permitted to any
nation what harm could result? None, although many
should engage in the trade. Will not the king be prompt
1*2 See page 177, note 38.
256 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
to raise his hand whenever he sees an evident harm?
And if this be not done who will supply this province
with the goods that it needs annually for its natives and
the Indians? From whom or whence shall come eight
hundred negroes who may be worked the two first years
and after that about double that number?
Who will buy two hundred and twenty thousand
pounds of indigo which are generally manufactured?
By whom or where shall be consumed nine hundred
thousand pounds of tobacco which are harvested in the
newly-conquered district of Natchez?
Who will export the articles of wood, which are not
of little moment, if that is not permitted to the vessels
from Santo Domingo which would come in other man-
ner without the ballast?
The ministry has no need for the present to consider
other points than the above. Once remedied, let it not
be for any company to determine in regard to particular
things, always mindful that there is no mean between
prompt determination and inevitable decadence. If
this trade be confided to the qualified ports of Spain,
that will happen which happened formerly with regard
to two registered vessels from Cadiz and another from
Santander and San Sebastian from the house of Laralde.
Those vessels, since they did not come laden with goods
used here, their agent had to send to Havana the greater
part of their linens and the wine that they brought- a
claret, wretched in quality, or shaken up in the voyage,
and which they would not have taken as a gift. Hard-
ware and nails were the only articles used in the trade
of the Indies, but they did not bring the least supply, al-
though this is one of the things to which the preference
ought to be given.
The trade in these things demands the most careful
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 257
attention, for besides being of great extension, and of
considerable profit, it is very useful. Without it, it is
difficult to restrain so many and so different nations of
this continent, to whom it is necessary to send traders
with the greatest promptness. This is the chief way of
keeping them quiet.
There is not a single one of the numerous articles in
Spain demanded by this trade. We Spaniards even do
not know this trade. No rule can be formed as to what
they are, for at each step they increase and change. It
is absolutely necessary for foreigners to carry on this
trade until having learned more about it, the Spaniards,
who should never be other than the Catalonians, may
with time engage in it for themselves, without the neces-
sity of a foreign intervention.
Who those foreigners should be, who should direct
the trade, there is not the slightest doubt in my mind but
that it be general and not particular to such and such a
nation ; for various harms can result.
Many without examining the reasons attentively on
which they rely, are of the opinion that only Spaniards
should carry on this trade. The thought is praiseworthy,
but it is impossible so long as ignorant of the manner of
carrying it on, of the articles and goods consumed, the
profits and other attendant circumstances, they may
practice it, which will always be with foreign goods.
They add that it will be advisable to separate these
natives from the mercantile trade of the French, in
order to make them forget in time, their customs, their
necessities, and their love toward their old time sover-
eign. However this is an error that is bare of all prob-
ability; for the man who voluntarily subjects himself to
a law which is not violent or who settles under a prince
whose love and kindness he knows, is led, beyond all
258 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
doubt more by these things than by the point of religion
and convenience.
Others are of the opinion that a general trade would
produce consequences prejudicial to the royal treasury.
For they would load their cargoes here and profit from
them at Havana. But such persons forget that there are
agents of great integrity and zeal both here and at Ha-
vana. If these men wished to forget those qualities, and
the trust reposed in them, nothing would be easier for
them than a clandestine introduction of their goods.
Others carry their error to the point of believing that
general trade in this province would prejudice that of
die kingdom of Mexico. How absurd is the private
trade of our nation in the same case. Neither this nor
that can be engaged in without the permission of the
superiors. Besides, if one reckon the dangers to which
those are exposed who attempt to smuggle their goods
into the kingdom both of the Indies and of other king-
doms which offer a wilderness of seven hundred leagues,
with the annoyances of rivers, the transportation of food,
and other things that follow, one will see that each piece
of the goods that is smuggled in would cost a hundred
per cent more than those received by way of Vera
Cruz.
In the time of the French governors, and especially
during the term of Governor Kerlerec,"' it was attempt-
ed by superior orders to establish in the Orcoquiza,"*
near the Bay of Espiritu Santo a blockhouse or store
house supplied with the goods of the king which he had
i^'Kerlerec, a captain of the French royal navy, succeeded Vaudreuil as
governor of Louisiana, February 9, 1753. He was the last French governor.
See an account of his administration in Gayarr6's History, vol. ii, 67-1x3. See,
also: Ogg. Opening of the Mississippi, 237.
^^*Sic in transcript The Arkansas are probably meant, with whom
Kerlerec had dealings.
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 259
among the goods of this place, in order to trade with those
Indians; and afterward with Nuevo Santander, at the
orders of a trader named Blaupain. That building is yet
standing in a half ruined condition. At the same time
another expedition of the same nature was attempted
toward Santa Fe in the vicinity of Gofrion. The end
of both expeditions was their arrest at the orders of the
viceroy who must have inflicted on them the penalty due
them. Consequently, if this happened at the time when
the French were in possession of both sides of the Missis-
sippi, with much more difliculty could it be done now,
since the Spaniards own the whole province. Whoever
has a geographical knowledge of the district will recog-
nize the impossibility.
One of the difliculties offered to free trade, according
to some, is that ammunition will be introduced, which
could be harmful ~ a system adopted rather by fear than
by reason. Since the English settled in this America,
and especially from Hudson Bay to the Mississippi
River, they have introduced very many thousands of
arms, and as much powder as they have been able to
profit from in their fur trade. An immense consumption
of them has taken place without us having experienced
any evil consequence from the Indian nations near us ;
and even if this were to be feared, who could prevent the
savages from going to buy them from the Americans
themselves, who will sell them more than they need?
This article alone is indispensable for the greater and
lesser hunting of the Indians, hunters, and habitants.
It would happen that the fur trade would pass to the
vendor of ammunition, and for that reason all or most of
the trade that is carried on in this province.
Precautions are always to be dictated by necessity.
The agents in whom is reposed the royal trust, since they
26o LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
are in the place where abuses may be committed, are the
ones who ought to show the remedy. What can be bet-
tered is that many things are done in our factories that
come from outside the kingdom, which the patriotic
zeal of the agents of this province could promote.
Cotton cloths of the taste and beauty with which they
are stamped by foreigners are the ones worn here, not-
withstanding the royal ordinance. Those which are
made in Barcelona are destined [for this trade] but are
not worth accepting. The thread which might be used
proceeds from the English. Yet if this province were
not contiguous with foreign possessions, it could be re-
duced to our system. Finally, I conclude by setting
forth openly my opinion and subject it to the public
opinion and approval. A free trade will cause the
province of Louisiana to flourish with that rapidity de-
manded by the present necessity in which the wise ad-
ministration of his Excellency, Don Joseph de Galvez,"*
the most worthy minister of the Indies, finds itself. He
knows at bottom the vicious defects of our commerce ;
the various tastes and articles used in the very vast coun-
tries which the sovereign has confided to him with so
great acumen ; the virtues of our Spaniards; the needs of
the nation; the backwardness of our manufactures; and
the decline of our industries, to which is now opening a
road which will conduce to the welfare of the state. He
will recognize also that if my thought should not be
adopted or if it should be refuted as rash, that only the
126 jos^ de Galvez, one of the best ministers of the Indies. During the ear-
lier period of his life he was considerably influenced by the French, but he
broke almost completely with that influence as he grew older. As visitador of
the Ifidies, with unlimited power, he gained a thorough knowledge of Spanish
dominions in America. He was a literary man of some note as well as a states-
man. The Department of Archives and History of Mississippi (in Jackson)
contains transcripts of many letters from Galvez, touching American matters.
one] REFLECTIONS BY MARTIN DE NAVARRO 261
zeal of a recognized honorable patriot could have in-
duced me to express it. Martin Navarro (rubric) ^^
^2^ Martin Navarro, the contador, and later intendant of Louisiana, seems
to have been a man of considerable ability. During Galvez's campaign against
the English he was left in charge of civil matters. He intrigued with the
western settlements of the United States, in an endeavor to induce migration
into Spanish territory. He was hostile toward Americans. He went to
Spain in 1788. See: Winsor. Wesivmrd Movement, 35a; and Gayarr^. Hit"
tory, vol. iii, 125, i6a, 175-177.
CONSIDERATIONS ON LOUISI-
ana. By Thomas Jefferson. [Phila-
delphia?] July 12, 1790.
Bibliography: This document is from Har-
vard, Spark's CoIlection,Washington Cabinet Papers,
voL i, 48-50.
CONSIDERATIONS ON LOUISIANA, 1790
Heads of consideration on the conduct we are to ob-
serve in the war between Spain and Gt. Britain, and
particularly should the latter attempt the conquest of
Louisiana and the Floridas.
The dangers to us should Gt. Britain possess herself
of these countries :
She will possess a territory equal to half ours beyond
the Mississippi.
She will seduce that half of ours which is on this side
the Mississippi, by the language, laws, religion, man-
ners, government, commerce, capital ; by the possession
of New Orleans, which draws to it the dependence of
all the waters of the Mississippi ; by the markets she can
offer them in the Gulph of Mexico and elsewhere.
She will take from the remaining part of our states
the markets they now have for their produce, by furnish-
ing those markets cheaper with the same articles, tobac-
co, rice, indigo, bread, lumber, naval stores, furs.
She will encircle us completely, by these possessions
on our land-board, and her fleets on the sea-board.
Instead of two neighbors balancing each other, we
shall have one, with more than the strength of both.
Would the prevention of this be worth a War?
Consider our abilities to take part in a war, our opera-
tions would be by land only: how many men should we
need employ? their cost? our resources of taxation and
credit equal to this.
266 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
Weigh the evil of this new accumulation of debt
against the loss of markets, and eternal expense and dan-
ger from so overgrown a neighbor.
But this is on a supposition that France as well as
Spain shall be engaged in the war: for with Spain alone,
the war would be unsuccessful, and our situation ren-
dered worse.
No need to take a part in the war yet, we may choose
our own time. Delay gives us many chances to avoid it
altogether. In such a choice of objects Gt. Britain may
not single out Louisiana and the Floridas. She may fail
in her attempt on them. France and Spain may recover
them.
If all these chances fail we should have to retake them.
The benefit between retaking and preventing overbal-
anced by the benefits of delay. Delay enables us to be
better prepared ; to obtain from the allies a price for our
assistance.
Suppose these are ultimate views, what is to be done
at this time ?
I St. As to Spain? If she be as sensible as we are that
she can not save Louisiana and the Floridas, might she
not prefer their independence to their subjection to Gt.
Britain?
Does not the proposition of the Ct. de Estaing furnish
us an opening to communicate our ideas on this subject
to the Court of France, and through them to that of
Madrid? and our readiness to join them in guaranteeing
the independence of those countries?
This might save us from a war, if Gt. Britain respects
our weight in a war. And if she does not, the object
would place the war on popular ground with us.
2nd. As to England. Say to Beckwith :
That as to a treaty of commerce we would prefer am-
one] CONSIDERATIONS BY THOMAS JEFFERSON 267
icable to adverse arrangements, though the latter would
be infallible, and in our own power.
That our ideas are, that such a treaty should be
founded in perfect reciprocity, and would therefore be
its own price.
That as to an alliance we can say nothing till its object
be shown, and that it will not be inconsistent with exist-
ing engagements.
That in the event of a war between Gt Britain and
Spain, we are disposed to be strictly neutral.
That however we should view with extreme uneasi-
ness any attempts of either power to seize the possessions
of the other on our frontier as we consider our own safety
interested in a due balance between our neighbors. It
might be advantageous to express this latter sentiment;
because, if there be any difference of opinion in their
Councils, whether to bend their force against North or
South America, or the Islands (and certainly there is
room for difference) : and if these opinions be nearly
balanced, that balance might be determined by the pros-
pect of having an enemy more or less according to the
object they would select. Th. JEFFERSON.
July 1 2th, 1790.
POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE
OF LOUISIANA, DESCRIBED BY COLONEL
DON MANUEL GAYOSO [DE LEMOS]/"
GOVERNOR OF THE PLACE AND
DISTRICTS OF NATCHEZ
This province is situated on the shores of the Missis-
sippi River, and stretches as far as Illinois [Ylinoa']^
over an extent of five hundred and thirty- five leagues,
in which settlements are found at great intervals. On
the west side of said river, its territory extends to the
confines of the kingdom of Mexico, where several con-
siderable rivers rise which flow into the Mississippi/"
An easy communication is had by those rivers with that
part of his Majesty's dominions. On that side, besides
the settlements along that same bank of the Mississippi
as far as Pointe Coupee [Punta Cortada]^ through an
extent of eighty leagues, there are also regular settle-
ments in the interior in the following districts:
^^^ Manuel Gayoso de Lcmos, who had been educated partially in England,
was the Spanish representative at Natchez before becoming governor of Louis-
iana. In the former capacity, he had been entrusted with the mission of in-
ducing the western settlements of the United States to separate from the Union.
Later (1797) he delivered Natchez to the Americans, in accordance with the
treaty of 1795. He became governor of Louisiana, August i, 1797. In January
1798, he published his Bando de buen gobierno^ and shortly after addressed
instructions to the commandants of the several posts in relation to the land grants.
He died of a malignant fever July 18, 1799, at the age of 48, leaving many
debts. He was an intimate friend of James Wilkinson. In his private and
public relations, he appears to have been honest. See: Martin. History^ 265-
267, 273-284; Gayarr^. History^ vol. iii, 35S, 366-371, 386-405; and Wintor.
fFesttoard Movement, 518, 553, 567, 573.
^^" See vol. ii, the section on the boundaries of Louisiana.
272 LOUISIANA, 1 785 -1 807
Avoyelles [Avoyelesl^ Opelousas [Opelusd]^ Attaka-
pas \^Atacapa]^ Natchitoches [Natchitoche^^ Arkansas
lArcanzas]j New Madrid INuevo Madrid^^ Stc. Gene-
vieve [Santa Genoveva']^ and St. Louis des Illinois [^San
Luis de Ylinoa'] ; and in the lands of the Washita
[Wachita']^ which arc located from thirty-one to thirty-
three degrees, or so, there is an incipient settlement,
which is as yet of little moment.
All these settlements are populated for the greater
part by people of French origin, and from the United
States of America: the first, the old time inhabitants
from the time of the French domination ; and the second
those who emigrated to this province during the last
war and since that time until the present in order to re-
side there as good subjects of his Majesty.
On the east bank, settlements are found on the same
bank of the Mississippi from a few leagues above its
mouth to opposite Pointe Coupee, and from Baton
Rouge, where the high lands begin and extending to the
Yazoo \Yasu]^ the farthest boundary of the government
of Natchez. It is inhabited by the old French settlers,
and others who have come since -Germans, Acadians,
English, and Anglo-Americans in great number. They
have penetrated as far as the frontiers of the Choctaw
nation west of New Orleans. To the northwest also
there are some settlements, which although of little mo-
ment, will progress and will very speedily be consider-
able, especially those on the Amit and Comit Rivers.
The provinces of East and West Florida are included
under the command of Louisiana, and are bounded on
the north by the state of Georgia and by the Creek,
Talapuche,"® and Alibamon nations.
From the mouth of the Yazoo to the Ecors a Mar-
^2* A branch of the Creeks. For these tribes, see Hodge's Handbook,
r^i %
• • •
r •.
• •
• • •
•••
• •• •
• •, •••
.• •-
•
POLITICAL CONDITION 275
got"*" [Las Barrancas del Mar go^^ and somewhat above
on the east side of the Mississippi, belongs to the Chick-
asaw nation, although the Anglo-Americans consider it
as belonging to them. From the Ohio toward the north
on the same side of the Mississippi, the land is under the
domination of the United States of America, although
they do not enjoy a peaceful possession of that territory,
which is disputed by several Indian nations, who are in
reality the rightful owners of it.
It follows, then, that the provinces of Louisiana and
both Floridas are bounded on all sides in the following
manner:
On the south by the Gulf of Mexico, which continues
eastward as far as the cape of Florida, thence bending
to the north as far as St. Mary's [Santa Maria] River
it is bounded by the ocean ; running westward from said
river it is bounded by the State of Georgia, and the
Creek, Talapuche, and Alibamon nations; then it again
turns to the northwest to the Yazoo, being bounded by
the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations, the last of whom
continue along the shore of the Mississippi until near
the Ohio, where the lands of the United States begin,
opposite Illinois [Ylinoaly and farther up according to
their pretensions; throughout its extent, Louisiana is
bounded on the west by Mexico and a part of its interior
provinces."*
It is seen by this demonstration that the political sys-
tem which ought to be observed in this province must be
to preserve it entire under his Majesty's dominion, so
that it might serve as a barrier for the kingdom of Mex-
ico against the ambitious intentions of the United States.
In order to succeed in their purpose, those states are
130 The present Chickasaw BIuflFs. See: Houck. Spanish Regime,
^•1 See note ao.
• * •
• • •
• •
• • •
• • •,
«•«
^•••,
• •
• •• •
• ••
POLITICAL CONDITION 275
got"*" [Las Barrancas del Margo]^ and somewhat above
on the east side of the Mississippi, belongs to the Chick-
asaw nation, although the Anglo-Americans consider it
as belonging to them. From the Ohio toward the north
on the same side of the Mississippi, the land is under the
domination of the United States of America, although
they do not enjoy a peaceful possession of that territory,
which is disputed by several Indian nations, who are in
reality the rightful owners of it.
It follows, then, that the provinces of Louisiana and
both Floridas are bounded on all sides in the following
manner:
On the south by the Gulf of Mexico, which continues
eastward as far as the cape of Florida, thence bending
to the north as far as St. Mary's [Santa Maria] River
it is bounded by the ocean ; running westward from said
river it is bounded by the State of Georgia, and the
Creek, Talapuche, and Alibamon nations; then it again
turns to the northwest to the Yazoo, being bounded by
the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations, the last of whom
continue along the shore of the Mississippi until near
the Ohio, where the lands of the United States begin,
opposite Illinois [Ylinoa^^ and farther up according to
their pretensions; throughout its extent, Louisiana is
bounded on the west by Mexico and a part of its interior
provinces."*
It is seen by this demonstration that the political sys-
tem which ought to be observed in this province must be
to preserve it entire under his Majesty's dominion, so
that it might serve as a barrier for the kingdom of Mex-
ico against the ambitious intentions of the United States.
In order to succeed in their purpose, those states are
^30 The present Chickasaw BluflFs. See: Houck. Spanish Regime.
^*^ Sec note ao.
276 LOUISIANA, 1 785 - 1 807 [Vol.
setting in movement all the means that they can find,
indirectly making use of the Indian nations that sur-
round us, and secretly tolerating illicit undertakings of
various persons under the domination of the Companies
of North and South Carolina and Virginia: the first
two on the Yazoo, and the last on the Tennessee [Tene-
seel. They pretend to have a claim to said territories
which they base on imaginary concessions and treaties
with the Chickasaw and Choctaw nations/"
Up to the present time, when the inconveniences that
are well known today ought to have been guarded
against, no suitable measures have been taken to avoid
the progress of the efforts that the Anglo-Americans are
making; for it is not alone sufficient to maintain a pact
with the Indians, but it is also advisable to have com-
missioners among them, persons of talent and authority,
in order to keep them attached to our interests and to
destroy the negotiations of our rivals.
In Kentucky, Cumberland, Franklin [Francklinl -
and in general, in all the territory of the Anglo-Ameri-
cans [which] they call the western country that territory
located on this side of the Appalachian [Apalaches]
and Alleghany [Allegany] Mountains- are settlements
of so great consideration, and whose interests are directly
opposed to those of the rest of the United States. This
ought to make us very careful, for their well-being is
impossible so long as the navigation of the Mississippi
is not free, and they are already extending their intention
^32 The text is confused at this point There is considerable material con-
cerning the companies operating in the Yazoo district (the Virginia and South
Carolina Companies) among the transcripts in the Department of Archives and
History of Mississippi. The third company was the Tennessee (which operated
to the north of the other two on the Tennessee River), not the North Carolina
Company. The operations of these various land companies has never been
thoroughly established. See: Gayarri. History^ vol. iii, 272-300; Winsor.
tVesiward Movement^ 376-379.
one] POLITICAL CONDITION 277
of frequenting that river freely without any restriction.
Since the first of this month, Kentucky (Quentuqui)
has made one of the United States. For a long time
now it would have been advisable to have had an agent
of the king there, with the title of consul or any other
that would have been permitted in that country, or even
a man without any public character, but under his
Majesty's pay, so that he might promote the king's in-
terest there in the manner that appeared best to him.
At the end of the last war when both Floridas return-
ed to his Majesty's dominion, treaties of friendship were
also celebrated with all the Indian nations who had
before that time been attached to the English, and they
remained perfectly inclined toward our government
But, since we do not maintain persons among them, who
are suitable for keeping them in this frame of mind, the
English of the island of Providence [Providencia'\j and
even of Canada, took advantage to intrigue among them
and to separate them from our side, by causing them to
conceive flattering hopes, which were able to persuade
people of that sort, who think no farther than of what
is imparted to them by those who treat with them last.
At that time we had among them only a few traders
who enjoyed some little pension [from the government],
but who attended to their political affairs with the great-
est of neglect. It is true that Alexander McGillivray
[Alexandra McGivilray'\j^** the principal chief of the
^ss The Scotch half-breed chief of the TaUpuche Creeks, one of the mott
celebrated Indian chiefs of all history. Manuscript letters written by him exist
among the East Florida papers of the Library of Congress, in the Georgia Ar-
chives, and among the transcripts in the Department of Archives and History of
Mississippi. See the American Historical Revino for October, 1909 and January,
1910. See also: Gayarr^. History^ vol. iii, especially pages 320-325 ; and Win-
sor. Westward Settlement, 329, 346, 352, 359, 371, 379, 380, 383, 385, 519, saa
Like so many other matters of this period, the history of McGillivray is yet
to be written.
278 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol.
Creek nation, was regarded as our commissioner among
his nation, and maintained a regular correspondence
with the [Spanish] chiefs of Louisiana and Florida.
But it has followed from that imprudent confidence
that the nation has been separated in very essential points
from our interests, and that he has gone much farther
than was advised him by making a treaty of commerce
and friendship with the United States. He has even
received from them a very considerable annual salary,
having gone personally to New lNueva'\ York for that
purpose, although on his return he tried to dissipate the
just anger that that action caused us.
It is also true that in Kentucky we have had Brigadier
General Don James [Jaimel Wilkinson "* well affected
to our side. He is a person of great talent and influ-
ence, who has twice come down to this province and
presented several memorials. In his own country, he
has performed several important services to this prov-
ince. Yet although he was recommended by Don
Estevan Miro"' for a pension and other help, the reso-
^'^ There is much about this notorious schemer in the Spanish documents of
this period. With a trifle less caution, Wilkinson would have been a very
dangerous man to the United States. See his letters published in the American
Historical Revie^tv, 1904, by Professor W. R. Shepherd. See also the Claiborne
papers in the Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State, Washington.
Professor Shepherd has established the fact that Wilkinson really did take the
oath of allegiance to the Spanish government See Gayarr^*s History ^ vol.
iii, for a good general account of Wilkinson's operations.
^^^ Est^ban Mir6, a native of Catalonia, was appointed provisional governor
of Louisiana in 1785, upon Galvez's promotion, and his place as colonel of the
Louisiana regiment was filled by Pedro Piernas. He had long been an inti-
mate friend of Wilkinson; and strove earnestly during his public life to separate
the western settlements of the United States from the Union. On the termina-
tion of his government in 1791 he returned to Spain, where he became mariscal
de campo or lieutenant general. He is described by Gayarr6 ^History, vol.
iii, 3x0] as a man of sound judgment, high sense of honor, suavity of temper,
and energy. He married into the Macarty family of Louisiana. See his pub-
lished letters in Houck's Spanish Regime, and in American Historical Review,
October, 1909, and January, 19x0. Many transcripts of letters by him exist in
one] POLITICAL CONDITION 279
lution was delayed so long because of the long distance
that separates us from that court [i.e., in Spain], that
in the meanwhile he lost his credit in Kentucky for lack
of means to maintain it. Lately, in order to recuperate
his fortunes, and to dispel the suspicions of congress
toward him, he had to take up arms and received the
second command of the army operating against the In-
dians, perhaps with another end in view. From that
time, he suspended his correspondence with the gov-
ernor of New Orleans and with me. However, his
Majesty's approval of the pension that had been pro-
posed for him having arrived at the beginning of this
year, it was communicated to Wilkinson by messenger.
His answer just arrived a few days ago, but I am igno-
rant of its contents as I sent it under seal to Baron de
Carondelet, the governor of this province.
An order also came from the king last year to increase
the pension of McGillivray, and to send an agent as
commissioner to the Creek nation. This although re-
ceived tardily, may greatly change the appearance of
matters. But this action will be insufficient unless com-
missioners of the same nature be sent to the Choctaw
and Chickasaw nations -a matter of so great importance
that if it is not immediately attended to, my efforts to
keep them well affected to our interests will be useless,
in spite of the fact that at present I count upon theic
good disposition. A proof of this is the treaty which I
have celebrated with them in his Majesty's name, by
which they yield to his Majesty their right to the lands
in dispute -namely those of the Nogales [i.e.. Walnut
Hills] near the Yazoo. I have just heard that Ameri-
can commissioners have arrived among the Choctaw
the Department of Archives and History of Mississippi. See an account of his
administration in Gayarr6, ut supra^ 167-311; see, also: Winsor. fVestem
Movement,
a8o LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
and Chickasaw nations in order to ask their friendship
and aid in order to prosecute the war against the In-
dians of the northeast. This is one of the most impor-
tant occasions, when it behooves us to have commission-
ers there ; for at this distance that I am from them, it is
impossible to answer exactly for the conduct of the
Indians without them. For under the belief, perhaps,
that they are doing an innocent action, they will act
contrary to our interests, which would not happen if we
had commissioners there.
The United States of America oflfer us two matters
against which we must equally be prepared. The first
is the body of that nation which is submissive to the
government. They will regulate their conduct in ac-
cordance with and with the knowledge of our court, and
will produce their complaints or pretensions minister-
ially before taking sides. But in the midst of that na-
tion there is a second illegal and unauthorized power,
although it is perhaps tolerated by congress. We must
be distrustful of this and be continually on our guard
against its proceedings. It is the private association
of persons who are nourishing new projects. They are
proposing to found new and independent settlements at
their own cost. Such are the companies of North and
South Carolina on the Yazoo and of Virginia on the
Tennessee. For two years or so the first has been mak-
ing the most active eflforts to realize its project of estab-
lishing a formidable settlement in the vicinity of the
Yazoo, and have even been casting their glances on a
part of the king's territory in this district under my
charge, and especially upon Nogales. Although this
latter district was part of the English domain and was
ceded to Spain in general terms with both Floridas
(since it belonged to West Florida), it was declared by
one] POLITICAL CONDITION 281
the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations to belong rightfully
to them. They alleged that although they had sold it
to the English, the latter had not fulfilled their promises
in regard to it. They only declared that claim to me
when they saw me building a fort in the above named
district of Nogales, at the time when Doctor O' Fallon,
general agent of the Company of South Carolina was
collecting forces in Kentucky for the purpose of seizing
the territory from Nogales to the north shore of Coles
Creek in the middle of this government. By my prompt
settlement in Nogales, the operations of O'Fallon"*
were restrained, and were completely destroyed by a
decree of the president of congress - perhaps so that the
latter might not be compromised if the members of the
company made any demonstration against a military
establishment of ours. Notwithstanding that on one side
I had assured that part of the king's domains against
the attempts of the Anglo-Americans, I beheld myself
to be compromised with the Choctaw and Chickasaw
nations whose friendship it was necessary to preserve at
any cost. But it was not advisable either to show weak-
ness by yielding easily to their demands; for if we sub-
mitted in this district, they would not rest until they had
altogether driven us from the lands now forming this
government, and which they would afterward perhaps
cede to the Anglo-Americans. The latter would form
another independent state from this territory, which
would be more harmful to us than the United States
themselves, because of its proximity to the kingdom of
Mexico. And they would assuredly open a navigation
by the mouth of this river to the Gulf of Mexico. There-
^'^^ Dr. James OTallon was agent of the South Carolina Company. See
Winsor's IVestward Movement^ 378-380. There is considerable matter in the
Spanish archives concerning GTallon's operations. His career, like that of
Wilkinson was one of ofifsetting the American and Spanish authorities.
282 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
fore I continued to prosecute a delicate negotiation with
the above-mentioned Indian nations that lasted a year.
In that interval I was disagreeably compromised by re-
ceiving a positive order from the captain general of these
provinces to abandon the fort of Nogales. But since
at the same time I had received a royal order, by which
I understood the obligation of his Majesty to retain the
lands for which he was treating, and besides being on
the ground and having reasons (which it was impos-
sible for the captain general to conceive at the distance
at which he was) I resolved to continue the fortifica-
tions and to complete my negotiations to the point of
concluding the treaty of which I enclose a copy. By
this treaty will be terminated all the great fears which
the dispute in question caused us, for at the same time it
makes more remote the possibility of any settlement by
the United States in this vicinity.
Besides the above-mentioned companies, there is rea-
son to suspect that at the present time an intrigue is afoot
among persons of consideration in the island of Provi-
dence [Provtdencia']j Canada, the United States on the
Atlantic, and the western country of the same states, with
the rash end of seizing Louisiana and making an inde-
pendent state by setting against us the Indian nations
under our protection. One of the principal agents was
a fellow named Bowles "^ who already had a great fol-
lowing among the Creek nation and who was appre-
hended in Apalache by order of Baron de Carondelet,
governor of this province, and sent to Havana, whence
he was sent to that court. That event has truly greatly
^*^ William Augustus Bowles had one of the most erratic careers in the
history of the south. Though much has been written concerning him, yet the
greatest part of the material, which still exists in the Spanish archives, has
never been touched. Some transcripts have lately been made for the Depart-
ment of Archives and History of Mississippi. See: Gayarre. History^ vol. iii,
315-320.
one] POLITICAL CONDITION 283
changed the progress of that plan. However^ it is all
important to keep close watch on their operations^ for
they may be continued by means of the companies.
The United States are at present raising a considera-
able army in Kentucky, which to all appearances is
designed to prosecute the war against the Indians who
are greatly harassing them. But it may also be that
under this pretext they desire to have ready a consid-
erable force to give more authority to their demands for
the navigation of this river and the boundaries between
the two nations. It may also happen that it could be
employed to seize the posts of which the English still
retain possession, and which, according to the treaty of
peace, ought already to have been surrendered to the
United States.
In our very midst in this province, there is one disad-
vantage which must be watched with as great care as
those offered by our enemies. This is the quality of the
inhabitants who occupy almost all the whole extent of
this great country. In Lower Louisiana [Baja Luis-
f'ana], which may be considered as stretching from the
sea to Pointe Coupee along the shores of the Mississippi
and to the interior posts of Avoyelles, Attakapas, Opel-
ousas, and Natchitoches, is inhabited by people of
French extraction. Although many of them are pacifi-
cally inclined, the majority are fond of novelty, have
communication with France and with their possessions
in America, and hear with the greatest pleasure of the
revolution in that kingdom. Especially do the inhabi-
tants of New [Nueva] Orleans and its vicinity conceal
but little their mode of thinking. I fear that if war
were declared on France, we would find but few in-
habitants of Lower [Vaja] Louisiana who would sin-
cerely defend the country from any undertaking of that
nation.
284 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
In the upper part of the province, that is, from Baton
Rouge to Illinois, most of the inhabitants are Anglo-
Americans, with the exception of Illinois itself, where
the majority are of French origin. The first would
take the part of the United States or of any part of their
nation, and the second would follow the example of
those of Lower Louisiana.
Having been charged with one of the most important
and delicate commands in this province, and having a
perfect knowledge of its internal and external situation,
I consider myself absolutely obliged to explain the most
prudent, safe, and least expensive means for preserving
his Majesty's pacific possession of this part of his do-
mains.
When Baron de Carondelet, governor of this province,
arrived here in December of last year, he found it in a
very poor state of defense. I presented him a plan for the
defense of the jurisdiction of the government in my
charge, on which depends essentially that of the entire
province."* My principal tenets were the completion
of the fortifications of Nogales, the establishment of a
new redoubt on the great gulf, the completion of the
repair of the fort of this place, by adding to it two out-
side batteries, and above all, a small squadron of galleys
for this river; that as many means as necessary be set
afoot for preserving friendship with the Indian nations
of our dependency ; to organize the militia of this district
in a manner suitable to its condition, locality, and quality
of its inhabitants -a matter that in order to make the
militia useful and compatible with the present affairs,
must be changed from the method observed in other
parts of the king's dominions; and finally I proposed as
indispensable, to assure the inhabitants in their inclina-
138 Sec Carondclct's report, following this document. Gayoso dc Lemos*s
report is probably embodied in it, either in whole or part.
one] POLITICAL CONDITION 285
tion which they already in general profess toward our
government, by means of promoting the prosperity of
their lot, by offering them an easy outlet to the products
of their industry, and by favoring them in their method
of settling their obligations, in which consequences in-
separable from all new settlement shall be made, as well
as the other means necessary for the equitable adminis-
tration of justice and the prosecution of evil-doers, which
I have also represented separately.
Said governor has put in practice as much as has de-
pended on him. There is now already a respectable
squadron of galleys; and only some smaller vessels are
lacking. He has sent me as many of the supplies which
I asked as he had at his disposition. With them I am
continuing the fortification of this place and of Nogales.
He approved my conduct in the matter with the Indians,
but he yet fails to establish die commissioners. Fearing
the fidelity of these inhabitants, he has not considered it
fitting to form them into a militia. However, although
I recognize this same drawback, I am sure that I will
obtain and accomplish whatever is advisable for the bet-
ter service of the king. It is not advisable to manifest
any distrust nor to conceal any lack of it in them. I have
the affection of these people and offer to do the same
with them as with the oldest subjects of his Majesty.
Consequently, the formation of the militia which I have
proposed is advisable, as well as a company of regular
troops made up from the perfectly trustworthy men,
who are experienced with the woods, part mounted and
part foot.
Although at the present time and whenever it may be
possible that our enemies are contriving to attack us, I
trust to be able to defend myself, the redoubt of the great
gulf is essential, both to establish regularity in the float-
286 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol.
ing forces so that all the vessels might have regularly
appointed commandants, and so that they may not lack
anything that will make them warships, of which I have
more than the usual knowledge.
Nothing assures more die confidence and faithfulness
of our subjects than to offer them advantages which they
have never enjoyed before, and may not expect under
any other domination. Such, in general, are those en-
joyed by his Majesty's subjects. His Majesty has
deigned to dispense very particular favors to those of
this province, because of the different make-up of it.
He desires to increase its population by attracting to it
emigrants from all parts, in order to make them entirely
happy. Hitherto, he has bought at the account of his
royal treasury all the tobacco crops that have been culti-
vated in this province. But since that policy is burden-
some, he has determined to suspend those purchases and
to offer in place of that advantage that of a more exten-
sive commerce than that enjoyed now, in order to offer
them an outlet to all their products. The tobacco har-
vest of last year is the last one that is to be taken. Since
the new regulation of commerce is not yet published, the
inhabitants are in consternation, for they are ignorant as
to what cultivation they should bend their efforts. It
would be advisable for his Majesty in his mercy to deter-
mine this point so important to his subjects in Louisiana,
by extending their commerce to all the ports of Europe,
in the same manner as exists at present with the ports of
France alone. This extension, without harming the
interests of his Majesty, since the trade with France is
already a foreign commerce, would infinitely content
not only all the inhabitants of Louisiana, but would also
cause all the nations of Europe to be interested in pre-
serving this country under the dominion of his Majesty,
one] POLITICAL CONDITION 287
since they would also enjoy their trade with it -which
perhaps would not be the case if it were in the possession
of any other power.
The United States of America have announced their
political intentions^ so far as regards the navigation of
this river, as is seen by their manifesto and by the nego-
tiations which they are at present discussing at that court
It appears almost indispensable to allow them some mer-
cantile advantages, but it would not be advisable that it
be the free navigation of this river. I can almost assert
that the Atlantic States will cease their demands, if they
be granted some trade advantage by sea, such as permit-
ting them to deposit their products in Cadiz, in order to
be able to reship them to other kingdoms by paying
only a light duty in recognition of the territorial domin-
ion, and if they be permitted to carry provisions to
Havana and New Orleans.
But Kentucky [Kentucki'] and the rest of the western
country whose interests are entirely opposed to the other
states, would think differently: "Nothing can satisfy
us but the navigation of this river;" and in order to keep
them quiet it will be necessary for us to grant it them in
part, but not as a part of the United States. Our policy
would be to negotiate secretly with the western people,
their entire separation from the other states, and after
that is done, although [they should be left] independent,
that they should be placed under his Majesty's protec-
tion ; and then to grant them mercantile advantages by
means of the navigation of this river as far as New Or-
leans, where they would be permitted to have a factory
with a consul at its head. However, they would pay a
small duty, which would amount to a considerable sum
through the many who would go there. Even if the
independence of Kentucky is not attained, this appears
288 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
to be the form in which the navigation of this river is to
be granted to the United States if it can not be avoided.
This essential commercial point having been estab-
lishedy we have absolutely nothing to fear from the Unit-
ed States, nor of those people who have originated from
there and who are now actual inhabitants of this prov-
ince ; and consequently, nothing to fear from the Indians,
since it would be no longer to the interest of the Anglo-
Americans to excite them against us.
Since it is impossible to cease to continue the settle-
ment of this province, it would be too dangerous to open
the doors entirely to the French, but only to a very small
number who would come after having been reconr-
mended by our embassadors, ministers, or consuls under
a special regulation which should be given them for that
purpose. I say the same of the Anglo-Americans, pre-
ferring in general for new colonists, those of our nation,
and the Germans, Hollanders, and Flemish.
In respect to the distrust of our inhabitants of Lower
Louisiana, that can be remedied by making it difficult
for them to communicate with the French islands of this
part of the world. That joined to the advantages which
they enjoy of the more extensive trade offered this prov-
ince by his Majesty, will entirely dissipate any idea of
discontent which they may now have, for surely in all
the world there is no situation more happy than that of
the inhabitant of Louisiana.
The defects noticeable in the present generation will
not be entirely corrected, but will be in the next genera-
tion, by means of a public education, which may root in
the heart of youth a sincere gratitude in favor of the one
who has given it to him. This country does not possess
this aid. There is no other Spanish public school than
one in New Orleans. If his Majesty were to deign to
one] POLITICAL CONDITION 289
have some more established throughout this very great
province, and especially three in the jurisdiction of the
government under my charge, it would have advanta-
geous results, for not only would they form the hearts of
the children but would fill with gratitude those of their
parents."*
Although I speak in general terms at times in this
report, in what concerns all Louisiana, it is only in re-
gard to that which the situation of the government under
my charge is intimately connected with the rest of the
country. Consequently, I do not directly discuss what
only actually concerns the governor of New Orleans,
who can do that with more efficiency.
Brigadier Don Estevan Miro who will have just
reached that court, has governed this province many
years. His talent and long experience have allowed
him to acquire very important information regarding
this country, and he can give more detailed report by
mouth.
My love and zeal for the service of the king move me
to express these ideas, although in truth they may be
unnecessary, for the ministry most wisely instructed will
not be without this poor information ; yet I do this as a
justification of my good desires, and by them, to fulfil
my obligation this report was expected.
Natchez, July 5, 1792.
^^^Baudry des Lozi^res {Voyage a la Louuiane (Paris, an xi — iSoa), 186]
thinks that very few schools were needed in Louisiana, and that the education
of the young could be left safely to the parish priests. The Account of Louisiana
[pages 38, 39] mentions the public school which was supported by the crown,
and says that teaching was wholly in Spanish. There were a few private
schools, but in general the per cent of illiteracy was very high. Stoddard
[Louisiana, 156] says that there were two teachers in the public school, which
was for bo3rs only. See also note 41.
MILITARY REPORT ON LOUIS-
iana and West Florida. By Baron dc
Carondelet, Governor of Louisiana.
New Orleans. November 24, 1794.
Bibliography: Translated from the original
in Archico de Indias, Seville, Papeles procedentcs de
la Isla de Cuba, Estados del Misisipi, no. 34.
MILITARY REPORT ON LOUISIANA AND
WEST FLORIDA
Most excellent Sir: Complying with the order
of June 1 6 last, by which your Excellency ordered mc
to give you in the greatest detail all the information that
may be gathered concerning the condition and consist-
ency of Louisiana [Luisiana'\ ; and that the respective
location of its places, forts, and suitable ports, and other
points, the knowledge of which is necessary for the plan
of defense adaptable to the circumstances of this prov-
ince be examined by a board of generals: in accordance
with his Majesty's wishes, I have ordered the accom-
panying map prepared,^** which has been drawn from
the most trustworthy plans that could be obtained since
I have taken possession of their government. For all
the maps printed both in England and in the United
States and in France, are absolutely false, especially in
regard to the course of the Mississippi [Misisipi'] and
Missouri [MiJiiri] Rivers; besides which the settle-
ments, both Spanish and American, which have grown
up since the printing of those maps, could not be noted
therein.
Louisiana, which extends from twenty-nine degrees
north to more than fifty degrees comprehends some thou-
sand leagues between the mouths of the Mississippi, or
the ocean to the source of that river. This is the bound-
ary unquestionably recognized by England in Article
^^^ Thii map doei not accompaoy the document in the archives.
294 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
6 of the treaty of peace of 1763."^ In virtue of that
treaty Spain may contest with the English and Ameri-
cans their commerce with the savage nations who live
above forty- four degrees. But I consider that the atten-
tion and efforts of Spain should be limited to the conser-
vation of the dominion of the Mississippi to the St. Pierre
[San Pedro] River, located in the same latitude so long as
the increase of the population of the settlements of Illi-
nois [Ylinoia]y which are yet to be considered as in their
infancy, does not permit of competition with the English
of Canada, and especially with the Americans. The
latter advancing with an incredible rapidity toward the
north and the Mississippi, will unquestionably force
Spain to recognize the Missouri as their boundary with-
in a short time, and perhaps they will pass that river, if
the plan which I proposed to his Majesty in my secret
despatch, number thirty-six, of June third last, and di-
rected to the ministry of state, is not adopted.
141 This should be article vn, which reads as follows:
"In order to reestablish peace on solid and durable foundations, and to
remove forever all subject of dispute with regard to the limits of the British
and French territories on the continent of America; it is agreed, that for the
future, the confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majesty, and those
of his most Christian Majesty, in that part of the world, shall be fixed irre-
vocably by a line drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi, from its
source to the river Iberville, and from thence, by a line drawn along the
middle pf this river, and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the sea;
and for this purpose, the most Christian king cedes in full right, and guarantees
to his Britannic Majesty, the river and port of Mobile, and everything which
he possesses, or ought to possess, on the left side of the river Mississippi, except
the town of New Orleans, and the island in which it is situated, which shall
remain to France; provided that the navigation of the river Mississippi shall
be equally free, as well to the subjects of Great Britain as to those of France,
in its whole breadth and length, from its source to the sea, and expressly that
part which is between the said island of New Orleans and the right bank of
that river, as well as the passage both in and out of its mouth. It is further
stipulated that the subjects of either nation shall not be stopped, visited, or
subjected to the pajoncnt of any duty whatsoever. . ."
The text of the treaty of 1763 will be found in: State Papers (Doc 121, 20th
congress, second session), 258, 259 (extract) ; Cantillo. Tratados, 486-497; An-
nual Register, vol. v, 233-243; Martens. Recueil, vol. i, 104-125; White. Nev)
Recopilacidn, vol. ii, 533 (extract) ; Goodspeed. The Province and the States ^
vol. ii, 25, 26 (extract).
one] MILITARY REPORT 29S
Supposing that Louisiana extended no farther than
the Missouri, it would be sufficient to glance at the map
in order to recognize its importance with respect to the
preservation of the internal provinces of Nueva Espafia
and the kingdom of Mexico [Megico'jy which the Mis-
sissippi and Missouri Rivers encircle from the gulf al-
most to the South Sea. At least from the relations of
various traders and travelers, who have lately entered
by way of the Missouri among savage nations of whom
we have scarcely any information, it must be inferred
that that mighty river, which is navigable in all parts,
takes its rise a short distance from a very lofty chain of
mountains not more than forty leagues from the South
Sea. It is even inferred that another large navigable
river is found at the foot of the same mountains, which
empties into the above-mentioned sea.^" I trust that
information in regard to this particular will soon be
extended by means of the efforts of the company of dis-
covery which has just been formed at St. Louis des
Illinois [San Luis de Ylinoia]^^^^ and the reward which
I have promised to him who penetrates to the above
mentioned sea by way of the Missouri, and brings back
definite information of its location, and the strength
of the Russian settlements in case that they are near that
part of the coast"*
When France ceded Louisiana to Spain, that is, in the
year 62, Louisiana did not comprehend more than sixty
leagues to the east bank of the Mississippi from its
mouths to the Iberville [Yberville^^ and toward the west
"2 The Columbia River.
^^>The articles of this company for the exploration of the Missouri and
other documents concerning the company are published in Houck's Spanish
Rigime.
^^^The Russian settlements on the northwest coast See W. R. Manning's
"The Nootka Sound Controversy," in Report of American Historical Association
for 1904.
296 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
one thousand [leagues] from the same mouths to the
little known source of the same river.
The whole population of Louisiana scarcely reached
17,000 souls, its commerce to some six vessels, its pro-
ducts to indigo and furs. Louisiana, in the possession
of the French, was consequently, almost nothing, and
although its inhabitants had some contraband trade in
the Gulf (the only branch of trade that could give them
any profits sufficient to excite their cupidity), yet since
France was so straitly allied with Spain, they did not
dare penetrate into the interior provinces, nor yet to
make attempts at contraband trade by sea sufficient to
excite the complaints of Spain.
By the cession of this province, the French were rid
of a territory which the nearness of the English and the
rivalry of their commerce made them despair of being
able to profit by and to preserve, and whose possession
the greed of its governors and employees made very bur-
densome to them.
At the time of the cession, and while the English
preserved their dominion over what now constitutes the
United States of America, Louisiana did not especially
attract the attention of the Spanish government, for the
English, satisfied with the numerous countries that they
possessed on this continent, as well as with the lucrative
contraband trade which the navigation of the Missis-
sippi and of the lakes as far as their settlements of Man-
chak, Baton Rouge, and Natchez, permitted them, never
thought of penetrating into the interior provinces, and
by their industry and contraband trade the province was
kept in the same state of languor and poverty as before,
so that its subsidy did not exceed one hundred and fif-
teen thousand pesos.
The revolution of North America and the conquest of
one] MILITARY REPORT 297
the forts of Manchak, Baton Rouge, Natchez, Mobile
[Movila]^ and Pensacola [Panzacola] entirely changed
the order of things on this continent/" At the peace,
Spain acquired an immense country, so that from St.
Louis des Illinois to the end of Florida, they reckoned
more than six hundred and ninety-two leagues ; a terri-
tory in Louisiana, rich, fertile, and watered by number-
less navigable rivers which empty into the sea, and con-
sequently susceptible of a very great cultivation and
commerce. Indigo of a quality inferior to that of Gua-
temala but superior to that of Caracas, cotton, excellent
although somewhat short, sugarcane for making mo-
lasses, rice of a superior quality, maize, masts, and tim-
ber are the products of Lower Louisiana [Luisiana
Baja]. Wheat, enough with time to support our is-
lands, tobacco, equal to that of Virginia, maize, barley,
salt meat, the richest of furs in plenty, and lead mines at
the very surface of the earth are the products of Upper
Louisiana [Luisiana altd]. The population of both is
now about forty thousand industrious, warlike people,
for whose trade and nourishment, already one hundred
vessels per year are not sufficient.
So many advantages are counterbalanced by the un-
measured ambition of a new and vigorous people, hostile
to all subjection, advancing and multiplying in the si-
lence of peace and almost unknown, with a prodigious
rapidity, ever since the independence of the United
States was recognized until now. Their beginnings
were those warriors to whom the United States distrib-
uted the uncultivated lands of Kentucky and the south-
ern shore of the Ohio, as a reward for their services
during the war of independence. The fertility of their
lands, the beauty of the climate, the easy navigation of
i^BQy Bernardo de Galvez. See page 245, note zi8.
298 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol-
the Ohio and Mississippi, the spirit of insubordination
and the revolutions of Europe attracted so many people
to Kentucky and west of the Alleghany and Appalachian
Mountains, that the vast territory which was a wilder-
ness in the year of 1780 already comprehends three states
and various settlements whose total population exceeds
fifty thousand souls capable of bearing arms, and is be-
ing increased annually by more than ten thousand emi-
grants from Europe.
This prestigious and restless population, continually
forcing the Indian nations backward and upon us, is
attempting to get possession of all the vast continent
which those nations are occupying between the Ohio
and Mississippi Rivers and the Gulf of Mexico and the
Appalachian Mountains, thus becoming our neighbor;
at the same time that they are demanding with threats
the free navigation of the Mississippi. If they obtain
their purpose, their ambition will not be limited to this
part of the Mississippi. Their writings, public papers,
and speeches, all have as their object the navigation to
the Gulf by the Mississippi, Mobile, Pearl [Perla]j
and Appalachicola Rivers which empty into the gulf ;
and the rich fur trade of the Missouri. And in time
they will demand the possession of the rich mines of the
interior provinces of the very kingdom of Mexico
[Megico]. Their method of spreading themselves and
their policy are so much to be feared by Spain as are
their arms. Every new settlement, when it reaches
thirty thousand souls, forms a state, which is united to
the United States, so far as regards mutual protection,
but which governs itself and imposes its own laws. The
wandering spirit and the ease, with which those people
procure their sustenance and shelter, quickly form new
settlements. A carbine and a little maize in a sack are
one] MILITARY REPORT 299
enough for an American to wander about in the forests
alone for a whole month. With his carbine, he kills
the wild cattle and deer for food and defends himself
from the savages. The maize dampened serves him in
lieu of bread. With some tree trunks crossed one above
another, in the shape of a square, he raises a house, and
even a fort that is impregnable to the savages by crossing
a story above the ground floor. The cold does not af-
fright him. When a family tires of one location, it
moves to another, and there it settles with the same ease.
Thus in about eight years the settlement of Cumberland
has been formed, which is now about to be created into
a state.
If such men succeed in occupying the shores of the
Mississippi or of the Missouri, or to obtain their naviga-
tion, there is, beyond doubt, nothing that can prevent
them from crossing those rivers and penetrating into our
provinces on the other side. Since those provinces arc
in great measure wildernesses, no obstacle can be op-
posed to them. But, although they should not prove
an obstacle, who can be certain that their few inhabitants
will not gladly and eagerly join certain men who by
offering them help, and the protection to make them-
selves independent, to govern themselves, and to impose
their own laws will flatter them with the spirit of liberty
and with a free, extensive, lucrative commerce, etc.?
A general revolution, in my opinion, threatens Spain in
America, unless it apply a powerful and speedy remedy.
I know that once involved in a war so grievous, that
object, withal so important, can be ill attended to ; but
since the evil is still in its beginning, I consider that a
provisional remedy can be applied which will remove
the effects of the damage until less troublous times per-
mit it to be radically cured.
300 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
I have shown incontestably in several secret despatches
addressed to his Excellency, the duke of Alcudia, that
the whole power of the Atlantic States is insufficient to
subject those of the west, who are determined to procure
by force the navigation of the Mississippi and to separate
from the former, in case they try to oppose their pur-
pose, and to declare themselves independent or to unite
with Canada. I have shown the moral impossibility of
Spain's being able to attack the Kentuckians and other
western settlements in their own country. But at the
same time I have proposed the means of sheltering
Louisiana from their purposes and of devastating all
their possessions by means of our allies, the Choctaw
[CAflctej], Chickasaw [^Chicachas']^ Creek [Cnifej], and
Cherokee [^Cheroquies] nations, who fearful of the
usurpations of the Americans, will be disposed to make
the most destructive war on them whenever incited by
presents and arms.
By means to two complete Spanish regiments, be-
sides the regular regiment of the province, one hundred
and fifty artillerymen, the six galleys and two galliots
which we have well fitted out, and one hundred thou-
sand pesos increase annually for the Indian department,
for the purchase of arms, ammunition, and presents,
which are necessary to employ the nations with efficacy,
I answer for Louisiana and for the exclusive possession
of the Mississippi River for Spain against every power
and all the forces of the American states, whether united
to, or separated from, the Atlantic States. But for this
purpose it is necessary to increase the defenses of New
[Nuevo'] Madrid and Nogales quickly by means of
earthworks until his Majesty determines upon the con-
struction of those defenses which I shall state below in
detail.
one] MILITARY REPORT 301
These provisional preparations once made, if war is
proposed as one alternative to the inhabitants of Ken-
tucky and the other western settlements, and peace as the
other alternative, under the conditions set forth in the
secret despatch (no. 36) which I addressed to his Ex-
cellency, the duke of Alcudia, I am persuaded that the
storm which threatens Louisiana and the other Spanish
possessions in America, will be dissipated for some
years, and forever, if the plan for free trade which I
propose in the same despatch with all the friendly na-
tions, is approved. For, it is evident that within a few
years, Louisiana will equal or, perhaps, surpass in fer-
tility, cultivation, commerce, and wealth, the western
American states. Spain will find in its inhabitants an
active force composed of warlike, energetic people,
alike suitable for sea and for land service, who can be
employed in case of war against any power, so long as it
is not the French, for expeditions in America, and espe-
cially for the defense of the island of Cuba and the king-
dom of Mexico. The royal incomes, which have
scarcely reached ninety thousand pesos hitherto, and
which will, perhaps, not exceed sixty thousand this year,
as I have prophesied in view of the new regulations
which have been published, will supply the expense in-
curred by the royal estate in this province within some
ten years in all, even if reckoned at seven hundred thou-
sand pesos.
Returning to the plan of defense which I think it is
indispensably necessary to adopt at the present when the
western American states, which are soon to assemble in
convention, are discussing the taking possession of the
opportunity which the present war against France of-
fers them to open the Mississippi, I am of the opinion
that our settlements from the Missouri River to the set-
302 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
tlcment of New Madrid, should be protected by a regi-
ment, by stationing the first batallion in St. Louis des
Illinois, and the second in New Madrid, and by assign-
ing the forty leagues separating them on the west bank
of the Mississippi to some small detachments to prevent
the incursions of single parties which might cross the
river ; and by maintaining in the settlement of Ste. Gene-
vieve [Santa Genoveva']^ a center of some extent, a strong
detachment of both battalions to restrain the settlement
of Kaskaskias which lies opposite it. That cordon or
line supported at its right, by the fort of New Madrid,
at its left by that of St. Louis des Illinois, and at its cen-
ter by that of Ste. Genevieve, would give sufficient time
for the militia, who are all men accustomed to arms, to
hasten overland to the points of attack. In this connec-
tion, the journey from New Madrid to St. Louis, is
made in four days on horseback. The savage nations
both of the Shawnccs [Chaoanones'lj Abenaquis [Ab-
enaquiz]^ Cherokees, and Osages would form a second
line of fifteen hundred men at least, which would not al-
low any hostile band to penetrate. Lastly four galleys
and some very light gunboats [lanchas canoneras']
would guard the front of the line and the passage of the
river with all the more superiority since the enemy has
no port on the Mississippi where they can construct
boats of equal strength.
The same four galleys could guard the mouth of the
Ohio in the Mississippi; for during the high waters the
enemy may descend in force with an expedition, dis-
posed on the same river, which is only ten leagues dis-
tant from the fort of New Madrid. If the fire from that
fort were insufficient to check their passage, they might
go straight against the fort of Nogales, the possession of
which would open all Lower Louisiana to its capital to
one] MILITARY REPORT 303
them, and would give them the means of undertaking
the siege of the latter.
The stationing of the galleys at New Madrid, not
only renders this project impossible, but exposes it to
total loss on entering the Mississippi, because of the
superiority of the artillery which they carry, and from
the advantage that must be expected from a contest un-
dertaken under the protection of the fire from the troops,
militia, and savages from the west bank without any
danger on their part.
Supposing, nevertheless, that the combat were to be
decided in favor of the enemy, the same galleys would
have a safe retreat under the cannon of New Madrid,
which the enemy would find it necessary to besiege. In
case that they decided to descend to Nogales and leave
New Madrid behind, the galleys would follow them,
and protected at Ecores a Margot by the fire from both
shores [of the river], that is, by that of the Chickasaws
who could occupy their bluffs with a thousand or more
warriors, while our Indians directed their fire from the
opposite bank, it is clear that they would be exposed to
the most complete rout.
Fort of New Madrid
The above exposition comprehends the most essential
thing, namely, to fortify the fort of New Madrid in the
most careful manner, as it will be the first object of the
attacks of the enemy. Garrisoned with a battalion, a
suitable artillery of twelve pounders, thirty artillery-
men, two hundred militiamen, and protected by some
fifteen hundred Indians, who could harass the enemy
during the siege, by occupying the immediate neighbor-
hood, harassing their laborers when they go for fagots,
wood, etc., it could resist all the efforts of the enemy
for a long time, and consequently, allow sufficient time
304 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
for the forces of Upper Louisiana to assemble and at-
tempt to raise the siege with them.
Ecores a Margot
Supposing that the enemy attained their attempts
against New Madrid, if the galleys succeeded in re-
treating under favor of the current of the river, they
could await the enemy at the above-mentioned Ecores
a Margot. This place, located forty leagues lower
down [the river], the passage of which dominated by
some bluffs which run along the east side of the river
for twenty leagues will be (whenever the Chickasaw^
wish to defend it) very difficult to force, since the cur-
rent carries the boats right to the foot of those bluffs.
He who can obtain from the Chickasaw nation a piece
of land sufficient to erect a fort on the bluff located be-
tween the Casas and Carondelet Rivers "* will unques-
tionably be the master of the navigation of the Mississip-
pi River from New Madrid to Nogales. If hope is
taken from the Americans of obtaining that settlement
projected long ago by them (since they proceeded to
mark it out formerly and spared no expense to gain the
goodwill of the nation) , it is clear that they will not find
a site suitable for a port along all the east bank from the
Ohio to Nogales, as all of that bank is under water at
the time of high water on the Mississippi. The Chicka-
saw nation, more jealous than any other of the possession
of its lands, recognizes the importance of Ecores a Mar-
got, but a goodly present, tactfully made and in time
might surprise their consent. Consequently, I am of
^^^The Spaniards finally obtained a treaty with the Indians ceding the
fourth of the Chickasaw Bluffs. This treaty was negotiated by Gayoso de
Lemos. The Casas and Carondelet Rivers are the Chickasaw and Wolf Rivers.
A map of the region covered by the treaty is among the transcripts in the De-
partment of Archives and History of Mississippi. See, also: Monctte. History ^
vol. i, 484, and note.
one] MILITARY REPORT 305
the opinion that the sacrifice of thirty thousand pesos
would not be excessive to obtain that end and take away
forever from the Americans all hope of preserving a
port on the Mississippi.
A regular fort at Ecores a Margot, capable of holding
a garrison of one hundred men, which could be supplied
from the Battalion of New Madrid, would cost, consid-
ering the distance, with all its buildings, another thirty
thousand pesos.
Fort of Nogales
If the enemy forced the passage at Ecores a Margot,
they would descend to Nogales, which is located five
leagues below the Yazoo [Yasu']. Its fire, together with
that of the other two galleys, which will be stationed be-
low the fort, would unquestionably check the enemy.
For the current, as at the Ecores, carries the boats to the
east side so that it is necessary for them to pass right at
the foot of the battery -facts that would oblige the en-
emy to undertake the siege of the place in order to pass
forward.
This may be so much longer that all the forces of the
province will have had time to assemble on the Yazoo
in order to defend its bank and the passage against the
hostile army. The latter will have in front the above-
mentioned forces, and at the rear and left flank a swarm
of Choctaw and Chickasaw Indians. The Yazoo River,
which covers, as I have remarked, the territory of the
Nogales, overflows its banks during the high waters to
a considerable distance. On the subsiding of the in-
undation, it presents a swampy region covered with
trees, which is, consequently, easy for an army to de-
fend. This post, then, requires the whole attention of
the government, and the construction there of a fortress
strengthened with brick masonry. The advantages of
3o6 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
its location will make it one of the strongest forts in
America.
A battalion furnished by detachments from Natchez,
Akansas,"^ Ouachita, and other nearby points, could
garrison that of Nogales with thirty artillerymen in
time of peace, while in war its garrison could be in-
creased according to circumstances.
The fortified town of Natchez
If Nogales were captured, nothing could prevent the
descent of the enemy to the capital, for in that distance
of ninety leagues -the most densely populated of the
whole province- are met only the forts of Natchezj,
Baton Rouge, and Manchak on the east bank. The
first, dominated on all sides, will never be susceptible
of a regular defense. Consequently, I have several
times proposed that its works, which are as useless as
the sand from which they are made, be given up ; and
that the governor, artillery, and employees be trans-
ferred to Nogales, so that only a commanding officer
with thirty men and a detachment of some fifteen dra-
goons be left in Natchez, as in the time of the French.
Those men would be sufficient to protect that district
from the outrages of the Indians, and keep the inhabit-
ants in due subordination to the government. Their
leader, it is true, would be forty leagues away, but that
distance could be made quickly, either by river or by
land.
Forts of Baton Rouge and Manchak
The forts of Baton Rouge and Manchak are in ruins.
Only the buildings have been repaired since they were
conquered from the English. Baton Rouge offers the
most beautiful and advantageous location to dominate
the river, and to hold the enemy a sufficient time. Lo-
^^^ I.e., Arkansas, the modern Arkansas Post.
one] MILITARY REPORT 307
cated exactly midway between Nogales and the capital,
that is, forty leagues from each place, it can favor, in
case of misfortune at Nogales, the retreat of the troops
and the galleys toward the capital, and prevent the en-
emy holding the west bank from extending their raids
in all the most cultivated part of the province, and op-
pose itself to the reenforcements of people and provi-
sions which the capital might draw from it.
The fort of Manchak can be abandoned as useless.
It is evident that the enemy in possession of Nogales
and Natchez, may avoid Baton Rouge, by directing
their march along the road leading to the post of Gal-
veztown "* and by embarking on the lakes, reach with-
out any obstruction to within a half league of New
[Nueva^ Orleans ; but the militia and the savages, who
would be lurking among the thickets, would very great-
ly harass them. Besides New Orleans can not be taken
without a train of heavy artillery, and artillery can not
be transported through those districts, without the most
severe labor.
Fort of Galveztown
Notwithstanding that the post of Galveztown is the
much frequented road both for Americans who are on
their way from Georgia and Natchez, and for the Sav-
ages who descend from the capital and other points, and
in consideration of the fact that since the lakes commun-
icate by means of the Iberville lYbervile] and Amit
Rivers with the Mississippi, an enemy, if master of the
sea, can avoid the defenses raised at the mouth of the
Mississippi and reach the middle part of Lower Louis-
iana by passing through the above-mentioned lakes in
small boats, such as sloops [balandras] and galliots,
^^*The modern Galvctton, Tezat, which was named about ^^%^ for Conde
Bernardo de Galvez.
3o8 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
through the rivers, and thence to Manchak. Thence,
if the inhabitants proved favorable, they could descend
by the Mississippi River to the capital without the least
trouble, and become master of the coasts. If not, they
could cut the communications between Nogales and
New Orleans by fortifying themselves at Baton Rouge.
Hence, I consider it highly essential to rebuild the to-
tally ruined fort at Galveztown, which should be locat-
ed on the point formed by the junction of the Amit and
Iberville Rivers. Some twenty thousand pesos would
be sufficient for its construction and that of its build-
ings, and would make it capable of holding one hundred
men in time of war, who could be supplied from the
garrison of New Orleans. One hundred and fifty mili-
tiamen of the district, supported by a body of Choctaw
Indians, would suffice to prevent the enemy from pene-
trating into the province by way of the lakes, or by way
of the nations, in case that they obtained their purpose
of separating them from Spain.
Fort of Akansds [i.e., Arkansas Post]
There still remains one passage to close to the enemy,
by which, if they should force the passage of Ecores a
Margot, they might be able to penetrate into the region
of Lower Louisiana. It is on the west bank of the
Mississippi before passing by the fort of Nogales, and
is the Arkansas [Akansas] River which is navigable for
keel boats. By it the enemy might enter as far as the
town located at a distance of twelve leagues from its
junction with the Mississippi, and thence pass by means
of a very well known and passable road to the settle-
ments of Ouachita, Attakapas [Atakapas]^ Opelousas
[Opelusas], Natchitoches, etc. These settlements have
no other defense than their militia and some Indian na-
one] MILITARY REPORT 309
tions. But by constructing a fort and redoubt of earth
and sod in the same place where the present fort is lo-
cated (which since it is nothing but a girdle of stakes,
occupied by a garrison of thirty men, can be of no use
except against the Indians), it is evident that a garrison
of one hundred men, who could be furnished in time of
war from Nogales, joined to a like number of militia-
men, all excellent hunters who live in the town, and
lastly to some two hundred very valiant warriors of the
Akansa nation, could advantageously dispute with the
enemy the ascent of the river, and offer them some diffi-
culties sufficient to dissuade them from undertaking a
dangerous expedition through a level country without
artillery, exposed to the failure of provisions and to the
attacks of the cavalry of the militia of Natchitoches,
Attakapas, Akansas, etc. The latter would not fail to
Harass the enemy greatly, whenever the defense of the
fort of Akansas gave them time to unite, in order to op-
pose their advance into the interior of the country.
New Orleans
If all the obstacles above mentioned were conquered,
the enemy would advance against New Orleans. Since
the defenses of that place consist only of five earthworks
with their ditches and a covered way strengthened by a
strong stockade, those redoubts, being united together
through the above-mentioned covered stockade by a
good glacis at the foot of which is a ditch and an ante-
glacis, with a redan in the middle of each curtain, do not
present the idea of a place capable of much resistance.
But experience will prove the contrary, whenever it is
supplied with the artillery that belongs to it (which con-
sists of 24 pieces of the caliber of 12 and 14) and 3,000
regulars, among whom is a squadron of dragoons.
3IO LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
Plan of the defense of New Orleans on the upper part
of the Mississippi
This place being situated in the middle of a plain on
the east bank of the Mississippi in a district which
slopes from the river to the creek running almost par-
allel to the Mississippi and a half league from it, and
carrying its waters to the lakes which empty into the
sea, its environs can be flooded from the month of Jan-
uary to that of August with the greatest of ease without
any harm to the city, because the inundation only reach-
es to the entrance of the streets.
A chain of swampy thickets which the people of the
country call cypress groves runs parallel to the Mississip-
pi at a distance of three hundred or four hundred toises
from its margins, and forms another insuperable ob-
stacle to those who have had no experience with them.
Hence it results that the enemy could direct their attacks
only by the royal highway which follows the bank of the
river. The enemy being enfiladed by the artillery of the
redoubt, and assailed on their fiank by the fire of the sec-
ond redoubt, and of the redan, that road would be almost
impassable during the high waters, by means of a few
cuts made at intervals in the levees. To these obstacles
for conducting the attacks and planting batteries, is
added the difficulty of excavating trenches in places
where water is found two feet below the surface of the
earth. The enemy having been surrounded on a very
narrow place or kind of causeway, in order to approach
this place, the superiority of the fire can be preserved,
by increasing with the greatest ease and rapidity [the
number of] batteries, in proportion as the enemy raise
their own; for by only opening embrasures in the glacis
or curtains and establishing an esplanade -which can
be done in a single night- the new battery will be in
one] MILITARY REPORT 3 1 1
condition to oppose at dawn the hostile battery which
will have been scarcely begun. Since it is possible that
the enemy will attempt to plant batteries on the other
side of the Mississippi, in order to bombard the re-
doubts which defend it and to silence their fires by bom-
barding them from behind, it would be necessary to
erect on the same side and opposite the center of the
city a good redoubt. That redoubt crossing its fire on
the river with the redoubts of St. Charles ISan Carlos'\y
St. Louis [San LutV], the battery del Parque [i.e., of the
park], and that of Naranjos [i.e., of the oranges] would
prevent the passage of the river, which is some 320
toises wide before the city, as well as the construction
of the batteries which might harass the city very con-
siderably.
Said redoubt protected by those of St. Charles and
St. Louis, which would cross their fires in front of it^
and by a frigate mounted with artillery of large caliber,
which would be anchored lower down and which could
be reenforced at any time by means of galleys, its attack
and surrender would greatly prolong the siege, and in
a case of misfortune, by blowing up its gorge with an
explosion it would be left open on the side of the city.
It might also happen that the enemy might attempt
to surprise the city on a dark night by way of the river.
Consequently, it would be advisable, in case of a siege,
to enclose its front with a strong stockade set at least six
feet from the levee. This flanked by the batteries of St.
Louis, St. Charles, del Parque, and de los Naranjos,
would prevent the success of such an undertaking.
To ensure the city against a desperate blow which the
enemy might attempt, by attacking it by various col-
umns directed successively against the curtains, while
the redoubts would be diverted from their defense by
312 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
false frontal attacks which call their fires, I consider as
very necessary a corps of one hundred and fifty or two
hundred cavalry. These, in case that the enemy made
an entrance in any part, would rush out from the streets,
and without giving the enemy any time to recover from
the confusion in which they would necessarily be, after
getting clear of the ditch and of the stockade, would
throw themselves saber in hand upon them; while the
crossed fires from the two redoubts and from the redan
would sweep those who might follow, and it would be
necessary for them to repass the stockade.
The greatest drawback in the city of New Orleans is
that since its houses and their roofs are of very com-
bustible wood, they can be easily burned, and the flames
may very quickly be communicated to the ammunition
and provision magazines. Hence it would be advisable
for the latter to be bricked in and roofed with tile in the
manner of a flat-roofed house; while also the citizens
should remove their roofs during the siege.
I have not yet spoken of the diflSiculty that the enemy
would experience in finding a place suitable for pitch-
ing their camp. It would be necessary for them to estab-
lish it a long distance from the city, for the range of the
heavy artillery of the latter can give them no other posi-
tion more secure than that between the Mississippi and
the cypress grove or chain of swampy thickets which
border the plain. But the militia and the hunters of the
country, accustomed to hunt in the swamps, would ha-
rass their flank and rearguard day and night, in safety
because of having an impenetrable shelter in the cypress
swamp, and could destroy any body of troops that dared
to follow them there.
For the same reason the enemy would be obliged to
reduce their attacks to one single front, and could not
one] MILITARY REPORT 313
penetrate with artillery to the other side -which would
greatly facilitate the defense.
It is evident that from July 15 to January 15, that is,
during almost six months of the year when the waters
of the Mississippi are low, the environs of New Orleans
cannot be inundated; but the excessive heat which
reigns, together with the frequent rains, the mosquitoes
and flies, and innumerable other insufferable insects,
the yellow and tertian fevers, and the dysentery, etc.,
are sufficient to destroy the most powerful army that
might try to camp in the plains during the months of
July, August, September, and October- and with much
more reason an American army not at all accustomed to
such a climate, which is generally mortal to the major-
ity of those who descend to the capital by way of the
Ohio during the hot weather. Besides, if the low waters
of the Mississippi do not permit the flooding of the en-
virons of the city during those months, neither will they
permit an army to descend from Upper to Lower Louis-
iana by means of the river, and the river is the only way
by which the bombarding artillery for the conquest of
New Orleans can be transported.
However, supposing that the place be taken by as-
sault or that it be necessary to capitulate, it would not be
difficult for the troops garrisoning the redoubts to retire
to that of St. Charles. This redoubt has been made
larger than the others for that very purpose, and placed
in condition to sustain another siege with great advan-
tage, because of the double batteries that garrison all
its faces.
Since it is probable that the enemy would try to pre-
serve all the edifices of the city and to lodge there, they
will prevent fire being set to them providing that the
city remain neutral. Consequently, if the slightest at-
314 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
tack is made or if the redoubt on that side is disturbed
in any way, everything will be reduced to ashes by the
fire from its mortars and cannons.
Only the troops necessary for its defense shall be taken
into the redoubt. All the rest shall camp in the horn-
work which is to be constructed almost parallel to the
Mississippi as soon as the city is threatened. It will en-
close in its compass a large brick house, very proper for
guarding the provisions during the siege, and a ridge of
water, below which the ovens and bakery can be estab-
lished, without the enemy being able to discommode
them by their fire.
The canal upon which the ridge is located forms a
deep and narrow ditch which is difficult to pass, as it is
enfiladed by some pieces planted on the platform or
terreplein of said ridge.
The hornwork which must serve as an entrenched
camp for the troops, will be defended very advanta-
geously by the artillery and musketry of the redoubt, as
well as by the battery on the ridge which will perfectly
dominate it. The whole advantage of this situation
consists in the difficulty that the enemy will experience
for making their trenches, planting their batteries, and
extinguishing the fires from the double batteries of the
redoubt which will cross the plain without forming
scarcely an object which can be aimed at, for the artil-
lery of the calibers of 30 and 24, planted in the covered
way, and mounted on carriages of a new invention, will
fire as a barbet battery on top of the glacis, almost with-
out being discovered while the artillery of the walls, of
the caliber of 18, placed in front of the open spaces left
by the intervals of the first, will fire through the em-
brasures, whose protection is level with the crest of the
glacis.
one] MILITARY REPORT 315
If the fire from the redoubt be silenced, it is clear that
it will be necessary to capitulate. But in the meanwhile,
aid may come from Havana in sufficient force to compel
the enemy to retreat. This will be so much the more
likely as they will find themselves greatly tired out and
weakened by the sicknesses, deaths, and wounds, con-
sequent to a long and obstinate defense.
But before capitulating, if the precaution has been
taken during the siege, to maintain some galleys in the
canal of the ridge, it will not be impossible to embark
at night, and very silently, a goodly number of the best
troops and artillerymen, and by the favor of a good wind
and the current, to reach Fort Plaquemine [Placamin-
as^ with them. On the preservation of this fort will de-
pend the entrance of a reenforcement, sufficient, per-
haps, to reconquer Louisiana.
If Plaquemine be lost, the recovery of Louisiana can
be considered as impossible although the people of the
country are declared otherwise.
This persuasion has induced me to employ in the de-
fense of that important post all the resources which the
locality, art, the brief time,. and the reduced means in
my power, have permitted me.
Fort Plaquemine
On a submerged, swampy site, covered with trees,
and not known until after those trees in its vicinity
should be felled, was erected a battery in the manner of
a bastion -one of the finest existing, perhaps, in the
Americas. Ten pieces with a caliber of 18 crown its
summit, and cover the vessels ascending against the cur-
rent, first from stem to stem, and then broadside, and
lastly, from stem to stem. However favorable may be
the wind, no frigate can escape drawing the fire of the
fort, at least for a quarter of an hour, and if the east
3i6 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
wind is not blowing, it will be absolutely necessary to
anchor under the cannon of the fort of St. Philip ^San
Felipe].
Since the river is two hundred and eighty-four toises
wide at that place, and fearful lest boats pass very close
to the land, and manage in that way to avoid a part of
the effects of the battery, I had a redoubt constructed on
the opposite bank, of earth and stakes, which I named
Fort Borbon. It was for the double purpose of dis-
masting the up bound vessels near the shore and thus
making them fall under the fire of the fort of St Philip,
and of allowing a protection to the militia who should
advance lower down to harass the enemy in their maneu-
vers and preparations by favor of the thickets and fallen
trees which crown the bank in that region.
Since I did not wish to expose artillery of heavy cal-
iber in that redoubt, which it would be necessary to
abandon in case of a serious attack, it was garrisoned
with 5 pieces of the caliber of 6. These being discov-
ered from the bow of the boats which ascend the river,
on doubling a small point which covers them, and a
musket's shot distance away, those boats must most as-
suredly shorten sail and maneuver at the first discharge
of bar and grape shot sent them. This will make it
necessary either for them to separate or to gain the mid-
dle of the river, where, exposed to the fire of both forts,
they will not be able to conquer the force of the current,
especially when the river is high.
Since the passes do not contain more than thirteen or
fourteen feet of water, no frigate with greater strength
than twenty-six or thirty cannons can enter the Missis-
sippi, and the greatest caliber of those guns must not ex-
ceed the caliber of 12. Consequently, the battery of
Fort St. Philip will always be very superior. Neither
can the boats maneuver in the river with the ease and
one] MILITARY REPORT 317
swiftness that they display in the sea. The current,
which is more strongly felt in proportion as the boats
withdraw from the shore, will not allow them to sail
in order or in line. Hence, an expedition that should
try to force the passage by means of the east wind, the
only wind that would allow of such an undertaking,
would waste much time, and would experience much
loss and confusion, if one of them had to lie to, either be-
cause of having shortened its maneuvers or because of
having lost a mast. But, suppose it should happen that
the galleys stationed in the bayou or creek of Mardigras
under the cannons of the fort, from the small port of
which they can play upon the passage of the river, with-
out showing themselves, were then to follow the expedi-
tion with volleys from their cannons, under the protec-
tion of the militia of both shores, who would draw upon
the men who might show themselves in the hostile boats,
they would cripple them before they reached the Eng-
lish Turn [Torno del Yngles^^ so that the expedition
would have to come to anchor.
If the enemy despairing of forcing a passage past
Plaquemine, tried to land farther down and form their
attacking column back of the f o^t, it is clear that it would
be impossible to prevent their landing. But as soon as
they would be within cannon range, the artillery of the
galleys with a caliber of 24 stationed in the creek, and
some other pieces of the left flank of the battery on the
river, would play over the whole plain, so that they
would be obliged to make their approaches slowly and
to seek shelter from their fire, in order to be able to pass
the creek much higher up than the fort, and undertake
its siege in regular form. That would be rendered much
more diflicult since water is found two feet below the
surface of the ground.
Since the fort is not reenforced behind, and since its
3i8 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
parapets are now only eight feet thick, it is clear that as
soon as the enemy succeeded in planting their batteries
behind it, it would be necessary to capitulate ; so much
the more since all the artillery defending it on the land
side, consists of but six cannons with a caliber of 4, which
were designed only to prevent a surprise or a coup de
main. But the delay that will have to be made in pass-
ing the creek, in securing its communication, in opening
its trenches, in planting their batteries under the level-
ing fire of the galleys, would allow time enough for aid
to come from the capital, sufficient either to make them
abandon the undertaking or at least to make difficult
their ascent of the river.
If the enemy resolve upon an assault in order to avoid
all those delays, as soon as they should have crossed the
creek, three hundred men shut in the fort, could make
them repent of their rashness, if they were able to serve
their artillery in time by loading with grape; and sus-
tained by the musketry, the fire from the galleys which
would flank the attack, and that of the militia ambushed
above the fort in the swampy thicket or cypress grove,
which would take the enemy on the left flank and on
the rear.
It might happen that the enemy might try to drive
the militia from the cypress grove, but besides the fact
that that would then be flanked by the artillery of the
fort and of the galleys, fifty militiamen of Lower Louis-
iana could face and defeat without difficulty four hun-
dred men of the regular troops, for only the natives of
the country are able and understand how to get along in
their swamps.
Fort Plaquemine is not susceptible of the same de-
fense against an enemy, who, once master of the capital,
should attack it from above. The same cypress grove
one] MILITARY REPORT 319
would offer them the advantage of being able to plant
their batteries near the superior part of the fort. The
fort could not long resist their effects because of the
weakness of its parapets. Hence, mindful of the im-
portance of the post, I am of the opinion that all the
strength and thickness necessary be given to the wall on
the land side and to its parapets; that artillery with a
caliber of 12 be mounted thereon; and lastly that all its
faces be reenforced with brick as far as the cordon -a
work which may cost some twenty thousand pesos, but
which will last a long time and be very useful.
The enemy, once master of Plaquemine, will be mas-
ter of all Louisiana, that is, whenever he shall first have
taken possession of the capital and of Galveztown when
all possibility of help will have vanished.
Having shown the means of defense which may be
employed in Louisiana against a well-directed invasion
by way of the Ohio or from the northern part of the
Mississippi, I shall present those means which that
same defense offers against an expedition directed by
way of the Gulf of Mexico.
Motives which determined the fortification of New
Orleans
Since New Orleans, the capital of Louisiana, is the
center whence are distributed the forces, ammunition,
provisions, and all things needful for the defense of the
posts, forts, and fortified places, as well as the center for
the commerce of the whole province, it has the greatest
influence over its defense, and for the same reasons any
hostile power will always direct its efforts against it.
Its location on the Mississippi, one half league from a
creek navigable for galleys and sloops, by which it com-
municates with the lakes and thence to the sea ; the ease
offered by the rivers or creeks either on this side of the
320 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807
Mississippi or on the other, for the approach of small
boats to the place from all parts, without passing through
the mouths of the Mississippi, leaving the war vessels
anchored with all safety, on Ship INavios] Island, the
Chandeleures [Candalaria]^ or Breton Island, or on the
other side along the shores of the Bay of Barataria:
these were the powerful reasons that made it necessary
to fortify New Orleans in the manner in which it is
fortified at present, that is, so far as was permitted by
the short time and by the few means that could then be
employed.
In fact, the Mississippi was at the beginning of the
year of 1791 undefended equally above and below. The
fort of New Madrid was then no more than a stockaded
enclosure with its banquette, garrisoned by thirty-two
men with four cannons of the caliber of four.
The fort of Nogales was not even in existence, and
Natchez was reduced to the old fort and dominated on
all sides so that the English recovered it with a single
cannon in the year 1781.
The forts of Baton Rouge and Manchak were as
ruinous as at present.
The city of New Orleans was without the least de-
fense and one reached it from the mouths of the Missis-
sippi without encountering the least obstacle so that in
the year 1777 an English frigate of war anchored in
front of the city without the least advice of its approach
being known, and, consequently, without having asked
the permission to enter and ascend the river.
Such was the condition of Louisiana, when I was or-
dered by a royal order of September 28, 1 791, to place it
in a condition of defense. Since circumstances did not
allow me to attend to anything else than the moderate
fortification of the principal points of it, the work was
f?vTtr
^^^^^^■'
^^.T"^^'
FLAN
\KWOliL£\.NS
• *
'. •• •
'•• •
• ■
MILITARY REPORT 323
prosecuted with incessant activity in placing Natchez,
and later, Nogales from above, in condition to make
some resistance. A little later the battery of Plaque-
mine was begun from below, but it was not to be ex-
pected that a few so inconsequential works could detain
the enemy long enough to receive a powerful reenforce-
ment from Havana. It was necessary to seek means to
place the capital, which had to be the chief concern, in
condition to hold the enemy for some time. Since its
circuit was twelve hundred and eighty toises, without
counting the river side, I erected the five redoubts which
are indicated in the plan of the city, joining them to one
another by a covered way and by a strong stockade. In
the middle of each curtain or front of the line, which
was too wide to be protected by the musketry of the
redoubts, I placed a redan garrisoned with artillery,
which shortens it, and defends it by crossing its fire with
the perpendicular fire of the curtain and the transverse
fire of the flank of the immediate redoubt
Recognizing that notwithstanding the redans, the
enemy might direct their attacks against the curtains
with much more hope of getting into the city that way,
since the troops, fearing to be cut off or taken in the rear,
would naturally defend themselves poorly, or would,
perhaps, abandon the redoubts, as soon as they saw the
stockade gained [by the enemy], I determined to fortify
the gorge of the redoubts with the same care as the other
faces. For the same reason I preferred redoubts to
bastions. In fact, it must be expected from them that,
although the enemy should succeed in penetrating by
means of the curtains, notwithstanding their direct fires
and the cross fires of the redan and of the redoubts, the
troops in the latter, sure of running no danger of being
forced in them, would turn their fire against those who
304 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
had gained the stockade, and would even make a sally
to attack them by the flank, while the cavalry was at-
tacking them in their front.
Finally, since I had a large amount of artillery, and
was led to believe that that of the enemy would be very
inferior in number and caliber, I was confident of ob-
taining from that fact, the most splendid success and of
compelling the enemy to abandon their undertaking.
No opportunity was offered to test the results of these
combinations, but the province being threatened by an
attack from the French by way of the Gulf of Mexico
at the end of the year 1793, it was seen how useful were
those defenses. All the artillery was mounted within
the enclosure. The garrison increased by the militia of
Natchez was distributed so that the regular troops were
to defend the redoubts, and the militia, supported by
the cavalry which had been recruited from the country,
the curtains. To the defense of the forts of Plaque-
mine, four hundred men were assigned, who were to be
recnforced by three hundred more men from the militia
of the lower coasts. In the creek or small port of Fort
St. Philip were to be stationed three galleys mounting
artillery with a caliber of 24. Forty fireships or fire
rafts were disposed so as to be sent against the hostile
vessels which might force the passage. And in order
that I might speedily obtain advice of their arrival at
the Balise, signal guns were stationed every two leagues
from that point to the capital, that is, in the thirty-two
leagues between the two places -precautions that would
doubtless have been crowned by the most complete suc-
cess.
Since the means of defense offered by Plaquemine
have been already detailed on page 45 [i.e., pages 315-
316], it will suffice to add that if contrary to all appear-
one] MILITARY REPORT 3^5
ancc the fort should be compelled to surrender, the gar-
rison would have to try to retreat by way of the cypress
grove, or the swampy thickets. This retreat would con-
tinue clear to the very capital, since once in it, the enemy
could not succeed in cutting off their retreat.
Since it would be probable that after having taken
Plaquemine, and being well provided with troops, suf-
ficient to prevent the entrance of recnforcements, that
might be sent from Havana, the enemy would reembark
in order to ascend the river, the militia would await
them at all the turns and twists in which during the
maneuvers that the vessels might make to pass them,
they might kill with volleys from their muskets the
sailors who showed themselves.
But, since it would be absolutely necessary for the
expedition to pass into what is called the English Turn
which is five leagues away from the capital, in order to
pass in sight of the spies, that half league almost wholly
made up of twistings which the Mississippi forms, they
[i.e., the Spanish troops] would also have to occupy that
district, which offers the most formidable position, in
order to await and defeat an enemy sufficiently impru-
dent to undertake it without knowledge or precaution.
The sort of tongue of land which runs between the
lakes on both sides of the river, and the Mississippi, or
between it and the sea from its mouths (for in the Eng-
lish Turn the greatest width is only one hundred and
thirty toises between the Mississippi and the cypress
swamp, which begins as I have said at Plaquemine, on
the east, and almost from the Balise [Valizd] on the
other) , an entrenchment can be made on both sides, sup-
ported on either side of the river by the swampy thicket
or cypress swamp. Both flanks ought to be covered by
a good redoubt, and garrisoned with artillery which will
326 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
cross its fire on the river with that of the bank opposite.
But the redoubts of the cypress swamp must be advanced
a trifle more to the front, by means of an elbow or ang^le
which the entrenchment will form, in order to flank the
line entirely. Said redoubts could be supported by two
or three hundred militiamen ambushed in the cypress
swamp, who could harass the enemy from the rear dur-
ing the attack of the line.
Behind the entrenchments will be found a level space
very suitable for the cavalry, which will be drawn up
at a distance of three or four hundred toises from its
front beyond range of the musketry, and ready to fall
saber in hand on those who break through the line.
Three thousand men of the regular troops, together
with two thousand militiamen of the province, that is,
of those who do not miss a man at two hundred paces,
and two or three hundred men on horseback can render
useless in that position all the efforts of an army of ten
thousand men.
In case of misfortune, the corps that should have de-
fended the lines, would find a secure and near shelter
in the cypress swamp, and would make its retreat under
the protection of the cavalry in the plain and of the
militia in those places, who by harassing the flank of the
enemy by a steady and well-directed fire, without being
discovered, could compel them to suspend the rapidity
of their march, and could give the troops time to enter
the town much before the arrival of the enemy.
The importance of this position had caused the
French to fortify it with a line which ran from the river
to the cypress swamp along both sides, supported by a
strong battery on each side, which crossed their fire over
the same. Another battery having been placed farther
down, which swept the least narrow district of the Mis-
one] MILITARY REPORT 327
sissippi, for the purpose of harassing the vessels while
discharging their cargoes, and compelling them to do
that at a great distance from the lines, two companies
were able to guard that post in time of peace, and in
time of war the garrison was increased according to cir-
cumstances.
Of all those works and their buildings, only useless
traces remain. But in case that Louisiana should be
threatened by a numerous expedition, which would ne-
cessitate the sending of three or four thousand men from
Havana, it would be advisable to erect the defenses I
have mentioned above, with the same troops, by means
of which one could hope to prevent the arrival of the
enemy at New Orleans and, consequently, the devasta-
tion of the plantations and the vicinity of the town.
The galleys anchored below the redoubts of the [Eng-
lish] Turn which would be too powerful for the fire of
the hostile vessels to be able to trouble them, would also
have a formidable effect against them, before and after
anchoring, but especially during the landing of the
troops, destined to attack the lines, which the location
of the redoubts will render inevitable.
Fortifications which may be added to New Orleans
If the place of New Orleans were accessible only by
the Mississippi River, it is evident that if the English
Turn alone were well fortified and garrisoned with a
sufficient number of regular troops, that would suffice
to protect it. But since its location between the waters
of the rivers, creeks, and lakes, allow of ingress to it,
either by them and the St. John's [iS^in Juan] River, or
by Chef Menteur"* and the Gentilly road which lead
^^*The pass of Chef Meoteur connects Lakes Pontchartrain and Borgne.
The name, meaning "Chief Liar/' is said to have been given from an actual
occurrence in derision of an Indian chief who failed to keep his word.
328 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
to the Mississippi River a league below the town, or by
the bay of Barataria and the channel of Bouligny which
falls a league above the town on the opposite bank, or by
the lakes and the Amit and Iberville Rivers which
empty into the Mississippi four leagues below the fort
of Baton Rouge, or by the lake of Barataria and the
Fourche de Chetimachas, or through the last, by way of
the upper part of the Mississippi: all the defenses of
which its location is susceptible must be added to it.
Destined by that same location to become renowned by
a vast commerce among all nations and the vast conti-
nent, which is bathed by the Mississippi, Missouri,
Ohio, St. Francis [San Francisco]^ Colorado [i.e., the
Red] Rivers, etc., it merits being enclosed by a wall
regularly faced with brick ; that the same should be done
with the five redoubts that at present defend it; that a
ravelin should be added in the middle of each curtain ;
that all should be protected with a ditch and a regular
covered way. Since the country abounds in green sod,
it will suffice for covering the wall as far as the cordon,
a matter that will considerably diminish the expense.
But supposing that the urgency of the present day
should not permit such a work to be undertaken, it will
at least be advisable to half way face with brick the re-
doubt of St. Charles. This, serving as a fortress for the
place, can sustain a siege of a month by reason of its
double batteries which defend it, and with some eight
hundred or one thousand determined men, entirely in-
dependently of the town. The vast territory of the lat-
ter requires a garrison of three thousand men, who could,
perhaps, not be found when they were needed, and espe-
cially in the course of a war with France, when little or
nothing could be counted on from most of the inhabit-
ants.
one] MILITARY REPORT 329
This same consideration obliged me to reduce the
other redoubts as much as possible. However, each one
requires four hundred men for its defense.
In case that his Majesty determines to face the re-
doubt of St. Charles with brick, it would be advisable
to add to that redoubt two double counter-guards, that
is, with flankers which would cover the two angles at
the rear, and a ravelin above the gorge of the same, as is
shown in plan no. i. Being low or level with the coun-
try, their cost would be a matter of little consideration.
But it would then be necessary to raise the wall of the
redoubt three feet. With the medium of the facing
which I have proposed, the whole expense could be ap-
praised at [blank space in original] ^ but the king would
then have a very respectable small fortress.
Plan of defense for New Orleans on the lower part of
the Mississippi
Supposing that the enemy having overcome all the
obstacles opposed to them, took a position before the
town. If the pass between the redoubt of St. John [San
Juan] and the cypress swamp were guarded with care,
it would be necessary for them to direct their attacks
against the strongest part of it, namely, against the cur-
tain of St. Charles [iS^in Carlos]^ whose plain will cross
the double fires of the latter, and those of the redoubts
of St. John and the redan of the curtain. Since the pass
of the canal which crosses the plain to the creek would
be enfiladed by the battery of the ridge of water, it would
cost the enemy both time and trouble. But, as regards
the rest, the defense of that part of the town would be
like that mentioned earlier.
If New Orleans and Plaquemine [Plaqueminas]
should surrender, the enemy would try to make them-
selves masters of the fort, which I have proposed to
330 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
erect in Galveztown, for the purpose of cutting all
communication with the sea from the places of Baton
Rouge, Natchez, Nogales, and the other posts of the
upper Mississippi, thus making it impossible for reen-
forcements to be introduced by the same to the most
densely populated part of the province. For it is evi-
dent that so long as the well-fortified and well-supplied
forts of Galveztown and Baton Rouge remained in the
possession of Spain, a powerful reenforcement could be
sent by way of the lakes from Havana, which uniting
with the militia of the province in Baton Rouge (I am
speaking of those militia which being ten or twelve
leagues above the capital would not have to fear the
effects of the vengeance of the enemy so much), and
availing themselves of the use of a part of the heavy
artillery of Nogales, could descend against the town of
New Orleans, and attack it with that advantage and
superiority that are offered by a perfect knowledge of
the district and the secret information of the inhabitants.
New Orleans could also be recovered by a night sur-
prise by the gate called the Bayou St. John [San Juan^y
in the following manner whenever the citizens could be
reckoned on.
Five or six frigates with landing parties of three hun-
dred men each could leave Havana with the greatest
secrecy possible and could come to anchor at Ship Is-
land with all safety and secrecy, as that part of the coast
is not frequented by any persons. The landing of the
troops could be accomplished by means of the long-boats
in that entirely deserted place, which is not at all fre-
quented, by name Chef Menteur, and only seven leagues
distant from the town and covered with trees. All the
men having been landed with three days' provisions and
unencumbered by artillery could make three leagues the
one] MILITARY REPORT 33 1
first day over a very passable road which runs from the
dairy farm of Majent, and on which no plantation or
people are found who could give information regarding
the expedition. At the beginning of the following night,
the expedition could begin their march toward the city,
the vicinity of which they would reach by eleven o'clock
or so, by the Gentilly road, taking care to keep away
from some three or four houses along it, and going
around them in order to prevent any one from going
to advise the enemy. The latter, surprised by two col-
umns, which could attack the fort of St. Charles and the
gate of the Bayou at the same time, would doubtless lose
the town before being able to form and repulse so sud-
den a blow.
This same ease by which New Orleans may be sur-
prised, compelled me to maintain a small boat command-
ed by a thoroughly trustworthy officer between the en-
trance of the lakes and Ship Island, with orders to
reconnoiter that space frequently, and to despatch a man
by land to advise me whenever he discovered vessels
in those districts, which being, as I have said, equidis-
tant from the mouths of the Mississippi and the entrance
of the lakes, are never frequented. The secret intelli-
gence which the French maintain with the malcontents
of Louisiana offered the execution of such an expedition,
which five frigates from Savannah [Sabanaki or
Charleston [Charlestouni could undertake with great
quickness and secrecy, by passing through the Provi-
dence [Providencia] Channel [i.e., near the island of
New Providence in the Bahamas]. The English ship
"Jupiter" with fifty cannons crossed that channel several
times during the last war, and afterward by keeping off
from the coast of Havana, could have reached the above
mentioned Ship Island without discovery.
332 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
A fortin or blockhouse which would cost about two
thousand pesos, if located on a small bluff in the passage
called RigoletSy with a battery of four cannons of a
caliber of 12 located on the bluff of CoquilleSy would
suffice to protect the town from all surprise on that side,
as no vessels can enter the lakes except by forcing that
very narrow and isolated passage, which would be found
to be enfiladed.
Another similar battery in the great land [gran tierra\
or bay of Barataria could advise of all news on that other
part of the coast, and could guard the pass or channel
entering the Mississippi a league above New Orleans.
Balise [Valizas^
For the purpose of protecting from surprise the pilots
of the Balise, the principal entrance of the Mississippi,
like that effected against them by Count O'Reilly [^Conde
de O'Reylly'] (which made the entrance into the river
easy for him), I had a blockhouse erected on the creek,
at the point where the lookout is situated. It is defend-*
ed by two cannons, whose embrasures close like those of
a ship. It serves as a barracks and as a defense for
twenty- four men who sleep there. It can not be taken
without artillery.
The plan accompanying the new fort of Confedera-
tion [Confederacion]y which I have established among
the Choctaw nation, in order to assure myself of that
nation and of all that most fertile country, which is much
envied by the Americans located between the Mississip-
pi, Yazoo, Chickasaw [Chicacha]^ and Mobile [Mo-
Vila] Rivers and the sea, demonstrates the strength, sol-
idity, and advantages of the blockhouses. These are
constructed with trunks of trees, or pieces of squared
timber, eight by eight inches, the upper parts of which
cross their fires and play on all sides, without it being
one] MILITARY REPORT 333
possible to approach the foot of the tower or house, as
it is defended by the salient angles of the first story, from
which the defenders can throw hand grenades, stones,
boiling water, or pitch, etc. Its cost does not exceed
one thousand or one thousand two hundred pesos and
it is calculated to last twenty or thirty years if the wood
is cut in season. Lastly, thirty men with two cannons,
with a caliber of 4, and four swivel guns suffice for its
defense, not only against the Indians, but also against any
number of troops who have no artillery with them.
The utility of the forts of Galveztown and Baton
Rouge which I purpose to rebuild, having been proved,
either for preventing the introduction of the enemy into
the chief part of Louisiana, or for their recovery in case
that Plaquemine and the capital should be lost, it re-
mains yet to consider what could be undertaken to post-
pone the total loss of Upper Louisiana after the surrend-
er of those forts, or in case that they were not rebuilt, in
the event of an invasion of the province.
Since the post of Natchez is inhabited by many men,
it could supply that of Nogales with about five hundred
excellent men of arms, if the fear of losing their houses
and property did not detain them. But, since neither
they nor the landed people of the province could be
reckoned on for that same reason, it would be necessary
to assemble by offers and promise of a good recompense
(when the province should return to the Spanish domin-
ation) all those who have nothing to lose and who hope
to advance their fortunes by way of arms, as well as the
vagabonds who abound in the western American settle-
ments and the savage nations. If the capital should
surrender, little could be counted on from those who
are wont to follow the victorious party since the latter
are more apt to continue to them the accustomed pres-
334 LOUISIANA^ 1785-1807 fVoL
ents. However, by means of brandy and weapons, some
bands of Indians could also be gathered together, who
could harass the enemy during the siege.
Nogales, if placed in this readiness, would not assist
a formal expedition, so that the enemy could take it
While it is in the possession of Spain, it would have only
to fear lest Upper Louisiana be surrendered, for its com-
merce with the capital w*ould be entirely interrupted*
In order that the enemy might send three thousand men
upstream, which they would need, together with the ar-
tillery, provisions, ammunition, etc., they would have to
assemble a number of small vessels which are almost
impossible to be found, and to employ two months or so
in the voyage. This, consequently, would leave die
forces defending Lower Louisiana very much reduced,
which would expose it to a revolution of its inhabitants
and the militia, in case that they preserved any affection
for a mild government and tfiose tfiings which are ad-
vantageous to their interest, because of die proximity
of Louisiana to the Spanish possessions.
In case any of the hunters and savages remained at-
tached to Spain, they would be embarked on the shores
of the Mississippi and would fall suddenly on the boats
farthest ahead or separated from the main body. That
would be sufficient to terrify the sailors, and detain the
expedition considerably. In the meantime, the sun, the
rains, and the discomforts of a long and tedious naviga-
tion, would occasion diseases, loss of ammunition, pro-
visions, etc., so that it would reach its destination weak-
ened and disgusted to undertake a siege, the success of
which would be of so much less importance to the troops,
because the capture of the place would offer them no
personal advantage.
The same difficulties, and many even greater, would
one] MILITARY REPORT 335
be offered by the conquest of the fort of New Madrid.
It, also, by cutting off communication with the capital
and the settlements of the Illinois, and being able to
provide itself with everything necessary from the latter
settlements and from the settlements of the Ohio, could
maintain itself to the very last.
The importance, then, of the posts of Nogales and
New Madrid has been proven, whether it be to protect
Louisiana against the attempts of the Americans or to
preserve Upper Louisiana, even after the loss of Lower
Louisiana, and to facilitate the recovery of the latter.
St. Louts des Illinois [San Luis de Ylinod]
I have left until now to treat of the post of St. Louis
des Illinois. It is the capital of the other towns of that
district. Wherefore, I shall note that, located on the
west bank of the Mississippi, five leagues from the Mis-
souri, and five hundred leagues from the capital, it is
supplied by several industrious merchants, who are com-
parable to those of the capital. They would have an
immense fur trade with the nations of the Missouri, if
they were favored with free trade with the capital and
against the English of Canada, who usurp that trade
and daily introduce themselves in greater number upon
said river and among the nations living near it.
A fort garrisoned by fifty men on the St. Pierre [San
Pedro] River, which is one hundred and twenty leagues
from St. Louis, and another fort on the Des Moines Riv-
er, forty leagues from the said St. Louis, could entirely
cut off all communication of the English with the savage
nations of the west bank of the Mississippi, and of the
Missouri -a trade so rich that notwithstanding the enor-
mous distance of five hundred and more leagues of wil-
derness to cross with their merchandise and the furs
which they receive in exchange, the London companies
336 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
which engage in it do not fail to reap profits of a hun-
dred per cent.
If the two forts above mentioned were established,
many settlers would flock to their vicinities, both from
our settlements and from Canada, and the banks of the
Ohio. Within a few years they would have several
posts in those districts more populous than that of St.
Louis at present, and could serve to protect the part of
Louisiana higher up on the Missouri from the usurpa-
tion of the English and Americans.
The commerce and trade of the Missouri would pro-
duce-without imposing any burden on the royal treas-
ury and without extraordinary effort -immense wealth
for Louisiana, and would afford the most solid wealth
of all to the state, in a considerable product founded qq
the agriculture, industry, and consumption of a large
population. Such advantages do not require or expect
more than the protection of the government, and above
all else, a free trade with New Orleans. The latter
place must necessarily become some day the trade center
of a very vast continent with the other nations of the
world.
Since the town of St. Louis des Illinois is surrounded
by very brave savage nations, who are more industrious
than ours of Lower Louisiana; and since it is open to the
assaults of the Americans and English, in case of a rup-
ture with them ; and since it is at the same time the trade
center of Upper Louisiana: it ought to be encircled by a
good stockade, with its banquette and corresponding
glacis. The first should be defended at the two angles
which look on the camp of the quadrangle, by two good
redoubts faced with stone ; and at the center by the small
fort now in existence. A portion of its inhabitants be-
ing men of arms would serve for its defense. Conse-
%
one] MILITARY REPORT 337
quently, I consider that if four companies be detached
from the battalion of New Madrid for St. Louis, and
from which detachments would be provided for the St.
Pierre and Moine [i.e., Desmoines] Rivers, they would
suffice to cause the dominion of Spain to be respected
throughout Upper Louisiana. And should his Majesty
consider it proper for those detachments to be recruited
from foreigners who should offer to serve five years in
them provided that a constant ration be promised them,
and who should be married or should marry and devote
themselves to the cultivation of the soil for another five
years during which they would be compelled to serve
as militiamen, I am convinced that that battalion would
always be full. That would obviate the great difficul-
ties and save the great expenses necessary to transport
the troops by the river to places so remote.
Having given in detail all that appears to me concern-
ing the defense of Louisiana, it remains to treat of that
of West Florida. But since Mobile [Movilal and the
posts established on the river of the same name have
much connection with the first, I shall begin by that post.
Fortified town of Mobile
The fort of Mobile, conquered in the last war with
the English, consists of a regular square with four bas-
tions, and a covered way, strengthened by a good stock-
ade. In the inside of the latter is another second stock-
ade, to compensate for the absence of a ditch, which is
only two feet deep.
Since the wall and parapets are faced with brick, they
have no other defect than the thinness of the facing, and
the fact that the walls are exposed to the hostile batter-
ies, almost to the foot- reasons that hastened its conquest
by the Spanish arms.
The first defect is easy to remedy. In regard to the
338 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
second, by lifting the covered way about five feet, by
covering the scarp with a good brick wall, and by ele-
vating the glacis by a like amount, on the surface of the
earth. Mobile would become a fine fortress with an
efficient and respectable defense for the forces that
might attack it in America.
Its location upon the Mobile River, which after re-
ceiving the Alabama is prolonged under the name of
Chickasaw [^Chicacha]^ much beyond the Yazoo River
and almost as far as the Tennessee [Tenest]^ makes the
possession of Mobile much more essential to Spain than
Pensacola.
If the western states should become possessed of Mo-
bile, they would immediately open communication by
means of the Ohio, Tennessee, Chickasaw, and Mobile
Rivers with the Gulf of Mexico. A short canal could
unite the Tennessee and Chickasaw Rivers. Another
one, even shorter, would open navigation between the
Chickasaw, Yazoo, and Mississippi, and between the
said Chickasaw and the Pearl [Perld] River, which
empties into the lakes back of New Orleans, and conse-
quently, with the gulf of Mexico.
These great advantages have excited the greed of the
Americans, who have published in printed form their
plans on this particular, as appears from the work en-
titled Memoranda regarding South Carolina in the Ya-
zoo^ which I sent to his Excellency, the Count of Flori-
dablanca in my secret despatch, no. 9, February 25, 1792.
With the same object they have formed the Virginia
Company and that of the North. But they themselves
have pledged to me their word that they will leave those
districts. Having solicited and obtained from the Choc-
taw nation the territory of Nogales and another terri-
tory a hundred leagues from Mobile a little farther
one] MILITARY REPORT 339
above Nogales on the Chickasaw River, I have there
erected the fort whose plan is enclosed as no. 2. By its
location upon said river, and by means of the fort of
Tombigbee [Tombecbelj constructed four years ago,
sixty leagues lower down and on the same side of the
river, the king is master of all the vast and fertile terri-
tory enclosed between the Mississippi, Yazoo, Chick-
asaw, and Mobile Rivers, and the Gulf of Mexico.
Within that quadrangle are located the lakes and the
Pearl River. Since it has no savage town within its
borders which could trouble the plantations that might
be established there, it is greatly to be hoped that that
beautiful country will immediately be settled, and that
free trade may bring to Louisiana the emigration now
directed by enthusiasm and diligence to the United
States of America.
Fort Tombigbee, formerly constructed by me in haste
is falling into ruins. Its extent is disproportionate to
the small garrison of thirty men that it needs. I have
ordered a blockhouse to be quickly erected in the sort of
bend [? maga] which it forms on the river, and I think
that it can be placed in good condition for about five
thousand pesos. At a short distance from this lies a
small town which supplies Mobile with maize and
which may be very useful to the fort of the Confeder-
ation, thus named to perpetuate among the Choctaw,
Chickasaw, Creek, and Cherokee nations the memory
of the treaty of friendship and reciprocal guaranty be-
tween them and Spain, which was concluded at Nogales,
May 14, 1792.
Fort of the Confederation
The settlement of Confederation has cost many diffi-
culties and much trouble, because the savage nations,
besides being highly jealous of their lands, fear the
'340 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 tVol.
proximity of the Europeans and their ambition. It was
necessary to persuade the Choctaws that that settlement
located in the midst of their nation, had no other pur-
pose than that of protecting them from the Americans;
of offering a place or rendezvous, equally suitable for
the meeting of the deputies or chiefs of the four nations
in cases in which their affairs might require the meeting
of a congress, in the presence of the commissioner of his
Majesty; and lastly, of having there, the aid in maize
and provisions which they might need in times of scarci-
ty. The nation, in fact, has recourse to the fort, but
with moderation, and is now very well satisfied with its
neighborhood. For some years, the king will spend an
additional sum for provisions, which may be estimated
at about two thousand pesos at the most. But he is
assured of a post of which the Americans are envious.
The latter might have been able to purchase it from those
Indians before us for the same amount. That warlike
nation, which has not less than fourteen thousand men,
will always be well affected toward Spain, which will
relieve them in their necessities.
Fortified town of Pensacola
I ought to say nothing in regard to Pensacola, since
its works determined upon by the court, have already
been begun. I visited its site and was always persuaded
that the English had committed a capital fault by leav-
ing the point of the island of Santa Rosa defenseless.
If there were a good redoubt, with a ditch, covered way,
and glacis; the ditch and covered way defended by a
stout stockade ; garrisoned with cannons of a caliber of
twelve; and located where I had a masked battery erect-
ed at the beginning of the war: it would not have been
necessary to have opened the trench, which required
much time both for the disembarking of the necessary
r\
one] MILITARY REPORT 341
tools, artillery, and ammunition and to make the fascines
and other preparations, during which the enemy could
expect that the squadron and the transports would find
it necessary to abandon the coast or perhaps to run
aground, since that coast is naturally very rugged- The
two frigates, ambushed at the flank of the redoubt, and
defended by the fort of the other side, and by the same
redoubt, would have crossed their fire on their front,
which they would have reciprocally defended; and it
would have been necessary to fire but six shots from the
cannons with the caliber of 24 planted by night as a
barbet battery on the shore of the island of St. Rose
[Santa Rosa'\ to make them abandon the entrance in or-
der to seek asylum at the end of the bay, and remaining
from that day useless for the defense of the town. Hav-
ing taken that redoubt we were in the same necessity as
before of forcing the entrance, and passing under the
fort of Las Barrancas, as we did. In place of which if,
after the entrance of our transports into the bay, our
general had resolved without wavering to plant his ban-
ners where they would ultimately be during the siege,
and immediately to bombard the fort of St. George [San
Jorge'ly which was very far from the city, with red-hot
balls and royal grenades, it would have been surren-
dered, and Pensacola would have surrendered that same
day, since the city had no other defense than a stockade.
The reason for wishing to capture Fort St. George
without danger, was certainly not equal to the time,
expense, and risk that its surrender cost.
I reiterate, therefore, that since Pensacola can not be
used by Spain on account of its location and position,
more than as a place of deposit or warehouse for the
Indian trade and as a shelter to the warships which cross
over the sound and to the entrance of the Bahama Chan-
342 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
nel, it does not merit the same attention as does Mobile,
which would be the key to the navigation of the western
settlements, and western American states, if they fell
into our possession.
Two fortins of stone or brick placed at the entrance
of the bay, the old post and stake enclosure of the city
reestablished, and a blockhouse erected on the eminence
which dominates the city, would be quite sufficient, both
to protect it from Indian outrages, and wandering
Americans, and to prevent the entrance into the bay of
any expedition attempting it from the sea. In fact, if
Spain then has enough forces at Havana to reenforce
Pensacola, the siege and capture of the fortins at its en-
trance would give them the time necessary to arrive.
On the other hand, if there are not enough forces at
Havana to oppose those of the enemy, it would matter
little whether the siege lasts a fortnight more or less, and
since the enemy could not find a place of great strength
where they could settle firmly, they would be liable as
soon as the expedition retired, to be driven out by an-
other expedition which would be made from New Or-
leans by way of the lakes to Mobile, and from the latter
point which is only twelve leagues from Pensacola,
against the fortin of Las Barrancas Coloradas [i.e., the
Red Bluffs], the troops crossing overland, and the artil-
lery, ammunition, and provisions, being transported by
small boats along the coasts and supported by some gal-
leys or gunboats to within a league or half a league from
the above mentioned Barrancas, where all would be
reunited to the army.
On the contrary, if much time and money were em-
ployed in fortifying Las Barrancas Coloradas, and if a
chief fort be constructed there, there would not be suffi-
cient men to defend it, nor would it perhaps, be com-
pleted by the time it would be needed against the enemies
one] MILITARY REPORT 343
of the crown. And in whatever condition it be in, the
city would have to be abandoned, and the king would
lose more than sixty thousand pesos in the buildings
there, and private persons would lose their houses and
furniture in order to betake themselves to the vicinity
of the fortress ; because in the locality where it is now
located, it receives no protection from the fort of St
Bernard [San Bernardo^^ and since its stockade has
fallen it would now be exposed to the thefts and out-
rages of the Indians, were it not that they are restrained
now by the garrison quartered there.
If the defenses of Pensacola were arranged as I sug-
gest, the battalion which garrisons it may furnish fifty
men to San Marcos de Apalache, sixty to Mobile, fifty
to Confederation, thirty to Tombigbee, ten to Tensas
[Tinzas^^ fifty to the blockhouse of St. George, forty
to the fortin of St. Rose, and still have more than three
hundred for the garrison of Las Barrancas.
San Marcos de Apalache
The fort of San Marcos de Apalache is necessary for
the defense of the entrance of the Apalachicola and Flint
Rivers, by which the Americans could attempt to navi-
gate to the gulf, without realizing their plan for driving
the Creek nation from that part of their lands which
those rivers bathe. It serves also to cut off the commun-
ication which the English are trying to maintain with
the lower Creeks and Seminoles [Semanoles]^ and lastly
to provide the latter with necessary supplies and mer-
chandise.
Since the so-called lesser posts, five in number, have
no other object than that of protecting the inhabitants of
their districts from the savages, they need nothing ex-
cept a girdle of stakes with its banquette, four cannons of
the caliber of four, and four swivel guns.
344 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [VoL
A sight of the accompanying map, and of the plans of
each place and fort, which I sent your Excellency in my
despatch, no. 442, will give the most concise idea of all
I have just explained and of which your Excellency or-
dered me to report. But, in order to prevent confusion,
I also enclose an extract, no. i ."** This shows in abstract
the condition of the places, forts, and posts of the prov-
inces of Louisiana and West Florida, their importance
and wants, and the aid that they need in order to be
placed in the state of defense demanded by circum-
stances. Lastly [I enclose] the resume of the expenses
indispensable to place Louisiana and West Florida in a
state of defense at the present time, and another resume
of all the expense which, although not so urgent, would
contribute greatly to their strength and security from
the Indian nations (nos. 4 and 5)."*
I can do no less than insist anew on the necessity for
the addition of a fourth battalion to the regular regi-
ment here. Without it, these provinces absolutely can
• not be considered in the state of security which their
boundaries, conterminous with the Americans and sav-
ages, require. Relation no. 6^" shows its use and neces-
sity. It must be taken into consideration that during
the months of July, August, September, and October,
one-seventh of the troops is useless because of the dis-
^^^ This abstract, while containing some little additional information re-
sembles the present report in its general character, and is, consequently, omitted
here.
^^^ The total amount of the expenses necessary to place Louisiana and West
Florida in a perfect state of defense (no. 4) is 607,000 pesos (specified by the
various posts). That absolutely necessary to check any hostile designs (no. 5)
is 454,000 pesos.
^^^ One table shows the number of soldiers that should be distributed in the
various posts of Louisiana and West Florida in times of peace. The total
force should amount to 2,693. A second table shows the disposition of parts
of the first and third battalions of the troops (in all 1053 men), and how many
are really serviceable at the present time.
one] MILITARY REPORT 345
eases in New Orleans, Plaquemine, Mobile, Natchez,
Nogales, Akansas, New Madrid, and San Marcos de
Apalache, but especially in the capital, where one-sixth
of the garrison remains in the hospital, so that the eight
hundred and forty men who are there at present, are in-
sufficient for the daily service of the place, although
reduced to one hundred and sixty-five, as appears by no.
6, where it is stated that the daily diminution is two hun-
dred and thirty-one from the total force.
May God our Lord preserve your Excellency many
years. Your Excellency,
Baron de Carondelet (rubric)
New Orleans, November 24, 1794.
[Addressed: "His Excellency, Don Luis de las
Casas."]
I
♦
» 1
4
4
4
TWO LETTERS FROM MINISTER
Alvarez to the captain-general of Cuba.
Aranjuez and Madrid. June 26 and
July 22, 1798.
Bibliography: The first letter is from the Li-
brary of Congress, Division of Manuscripts, Cuba
[Del Monte], Ac. 182, no. 509. The second letter
is from Archivo Nacional, Havana, Louisiana and
West Florida.
See: Perez, Guide to Cubao Archives, 98.
.^
TWO LETTERS FROM MINISTER ALVAREZ
TO THE CAPTAIN-GENERAL OF CUBA
I. SECRET DESPATCH
On this date Don Francisco dc Saavedra communi-
cates to me the following:
Our ambassador in Paris tells me the following in a letter
of the 1 2th of this month, number 15.
"While the post was being prepared to set out and horses
were being awaited, I have made a visit to Minister Tallyrand.
I found him very much disturbed by letters from North America
which he was reading. In them he is advised that gold and the
intrigues of Pitt have gained congress; that their plan for a
campaign is to begin by throwing themselves upon Spanish
Louisiana and Florida which they [i.e., the Americans] are
trying to occupy without resistance; and that this is the idea
which the English are giving them, already calculating that
they will take possession by this means of the Spanish com-
merce of the islands and of Nueva Espana.''
The ambassador adds that the source of this news leaves
litde or no motive for doubt.
The king having been informed of everything, his Majesty
has determined that the proper warnings shall be made to the
viceroy of Nueva Espafia and the governors of Havana, Louisi-
ana, Pensacola, and Florida, so that they may be advised before-
hand.
I copy this for your Excellency by royal order, so that
you may observe the precaution and vigilance which this
news requires and apply in any event, your activity and
experience, and the strength of your zeal, and the means
which appear most suitable to you to destroy the projects
350 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
of the United States of America, if in reality the latter
should have conceived and think to realize those designs.
You shall keep constantly in mind what may be of use
to the service of his Majesty, the glory of the nation, the
welfare of its subjects, and the opinion that your Excel-
lency merits from your Sovereign. May God preserve
Your Excellency many years. ALVAREZ (rubric).
Aranjuez, June 26, 1798.
[Addressed: "Captain General of the Island of
Cuba."]
II. SECRET DESPATCH
On this date Don Francisco de Saavedra communi-
cates to me the following :
The minister of foreign relations of the French Republic has
communicated to his Majesty's ambassador in Paris, by order
of his government, his information in regard to the influence
exercised by the government of London on the United States
of America, and in regard to the political consequences that
would probably result from that influence to the interests of
Spain and France.
The executive directory, from the tenor of the letters of its
consuls in the United States, has inferred that the latter govern-
ment desires war, and is neglecting no medium to declare it;
that the objects of its ambition are the Floridas and Louisiana;
that those ideas are fathered by the English, because of the great
interest to their commerce in the extension of the possession of
the Americans ; that as soon as the latter declare war on us, they
will form a treaty of alliance with the English, and the English
will again attempt to gain possession of Habana. The risk to
the French and the Spanish colonies situated on the Gulf of
Mexico, is equal.
I copy the above for your Excellency by royal order,
in order that by taking the most active and efficacious
measures and provisions which your zeal may dictate to
you, you may avoid the dangers that might result if our
one] LETTERS FROM MINISTER ALVAREZ 3S1 ^
enemies attempt to realize those designs. May God
preserve your Excellency many years.
Madrid, July 22, 1798. ALVAREZ (rubric).
[Addressed: ^'Captain General of Louisiana and
Floridas.^*]
I
1
T
)
MINISTER CABALLERO TO MIN-
ister Coruel. San Lorenzo. Novem-
ber 13, 1799.
Bibliography: Translated from Archive de
Simancas, Guerra, legajo, 6921.
{]
MINISTER CABALLERO TO MINISTER
CORUEL
Your Excellency : At the same time that the rev-
erend bishop of Louisiana, Don Luis Peflalver y Car-
denas, reports in a letter of July 30 last through the
ministry in my charge the death of the governor of that
province, Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, his letter
shows a matter which he has noted in it and which de-
mands the most prompt reform, so that his Majesty,
either quite directly or through the new governor, may
take measures to have the abuses against religion, against
the State, and against the customs of those countries
remedied.
The said reverend bishop reports that the emigration
from the western part of America, and the tolerance of
sectarians have brought a mob of adventurers to the
colony who know not God or religion. Contact with
them has contributed to make customs deteriorate. In
one of the suburbs of the city a lodge [of free masons?]"*
has been formed in which are enrolled officers of the
garrison, dependents of the -royal treasury, merchants,
countrymen, both natives and foreigners. They hold
their meetings on regular stated days, and have their
burials and other ceremonies which are both suspicious
and criminal.
[The bishop reports] that those same adventurers
have spread through the districts of Atacapas, Opelusas,
Ouachita, and Natchitoches, which lies next the prov-
^^'The first freemason lodge was established in New Orleans in 1794. See:
King, Grace. Nno Orleans (New York, 1899), 147.
356 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
ince of Texas in Nueva Espaila. They are furnishing
their hunters and Indians with arms; they hold conver-
sations and impress mischievous thoughts on their hear-
ers, in accord with their restless and ambitious character,
and with the bonds which bind them to their country-
men of the west [part of the United States]. They
have a custom of patting their children on the shoulder
when the latter are very robust and saying to them
"You wil go to Mexico." "*
[The bishop reports] that the same thing is taking
place on the upper Mississippi, in the Illinois district
[^distrito de Jlinesses'] and its vicinity, where there has
been a remarkable introduction of those adventurers
who are penetrating into the interior toward New
Mexico.
[The bishop reports] that the parishes of Louisiana,
formerly religious, are now falling away from their
faith and customs. Their paschal observance is de-
creasing and they are deaf to the admonitions of the
parish priests.
[The bishop reports] that although said prelate has
always observed this resistance to the observance of the
duties of the Church, this year the military officers have
acted together. They live openly with their mulatto
concubines as do many of the people, and they are not
ashamed to name the children in the parish registers
as their natural children.
[The bishop reports] that if the example of the
magistracy is transcendent over the public, there is not
a single regidor who satisfies the paschal precept; very
few of those who hear mass on feast days; while the rest
are only present on days of table. The same is true of
the present provisional accountant.
^^* The phrase is in English in the original document, and as here spelt.
one] LETTER FROM MINISTER CABALLERO 357
[The bishop reports] that the treasurer and account-
ant are never seen in the church. These are the reasons
that some of those who are careless assign, who esteem
die crime as less because of the number and the character
of those comprehended in it.
[The bishop reports] that under such circumstances
the edicts of the expositor and the admonitions of the
parish priests and preachers have no force, and it is
necessary for the chief of the province to concur by
some measures which he deems opportune. And lastly
that frontier province of North America, which borders
on the Canadian possessions of England and on the
Indian nations who serve as a road to Nueva EspaAa,
demands a complexity of circumstances, attentions, and
sufficient knowledge, as do also the above-mentioned
disorders, a fervent but prudent zeal, with a decided
love to the government and Spanish customs.
The king having very fully examined into all the
above, has determined that the strictest orders be given
by the ministry of war under your charge, so that the
officers of the garrison and all other military officers
of Louisiana be the first to set a good example in all
actions, especially religious; that the governor be ad-
vised to destroy the lodge mentioned by the reverend
bishop, and that the former aid the latter efficaciously
so far as he may be able, and as the critical circum-
stances of those countries require. By his Majesty's
order I inform your Excellency of this for your in-
formation and direction.
May God preserve your Excellency many years.
Joseph Antonio Caballero.
San Lorenzo, November 13, 1799.
[Addressed: "Don Antonio Coruel."]
358 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807
[Synopsis at the beginning of the letter:
A report on the pernicious customs sown by sectarians
and adventurers who have introduced themselves into
the colony of New Orleans. The religious sentiments
of his Majesty are set forth and the means that must be
employed by the officers and troops, who are the first
who ought to contribute with their good example and
with other precautions very important for the welfare of
both Majesties.]
[A letter of like tenor was sent to the governor of
Louisiana on November 16, 1799.]
INSTRUCTIONS BY MINISTER
DECRES TO FRENCH OFFICIALS
Secret instructions for the captain-general
of Louisiana, An xi, 5 Frimaire (No-
vember 26, 1802), Paris.
Instructions for Laussat, An xi, 16 Fri-
maire (December 7, 1802), Paris.
Bibliography: Both translated from tran-
scripts in the Department of State, Washington,
Bureau of Rolls and Library. Adams Transcripts,
French State Papers, vol. i. They were copied from
the Archives de la Marine, Paris.
iA
■4U
I. SECRET INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE CAP-
TAINGENERAL OF LOUISIANA,"* AP-
PROVED BY THE FIRST CONSUL
An xi, 5 Frimaire [i.e., November 26, 1802].
The colony of Louisiana is a vast province located
west of the Mississippi, which forms on that side its
common boundary with the United States.***
On the west it is bounded by New Mexico [Nouveau-
Mextquel^ on the south by the sea, and at the north by a
limitless extent of lands scarcely known.
That colony, retroceded to the French Republic by
his Catholic Majesty, in consequence of the treaty con-
cluded at San Ildefonso, 9 Vendemiaire, an ix [i.e., Octo-
ber I, 1800], must be restored with the same extent that
it had during the period when it belonged to Spain, the
same that it had when France owned it, and such as it
ought to be according to the treaties passed subsequently
by his Catholic Majesty and other states.
Such is the text of article 3 of the treaty of San Ilde-
^'* These instructions were never issued, as General Victor, the military
commander destined for Louisiana, never actually took over that post Laussat
evidently had a copy of them, as they defined the boundaries to which the
French were to adhere. See: Adams. History, vol. i, 5-ia
General Claude Perrin Victor, Duke of Bellino (1764-1841) entered the
French army in 1781. After the siege of Toulin (793) his promotion under
Napoleon was rapid. Although appointed to command the proposed French
expedition to Louisiana, that expedition was never carried out He served in
all the great campaigns under Napoleon. In 1814, he went over to the Bour-
bons, by whom he was greatly honored. The Austrian government, to which
he was appointed ambassador in 1823 refused to receive him. See: New
International Encyclopedia (New York, 1904), vol. xvii, 332.
156 s^ t}|( section on the boundaries of Louuiana.
362 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
fonso, and such are the directions contained in the king's
order, of which General Victor shall transmit a copy to
the Marques de Someruelos [iSomm^rw^/oi]/" who is
charged with the retrocession in behalf of his Catholic
Majesty.
The extent of Louisiana, the boundary of which has
only been indicated above, is well determined at the
south by the Gulf of Mexico.
But, bounded on the east by the river called Rio-
Bravo,"' from its mouth to the thirtieth degree, its line of
demarcation has not been traced beyond the latter point,
and it appears that no convention has ever been held con-
cerning this point of the frontier.
The farther north one goes, the more indecisive be-
comes the boundary.
That part of America scarcely includes more than
uninhabited forests or Indian tribes, and hitherto no
necessity has been felt of establishing a line of demarca-
tion.
Neither does any boundary exist between Louisiana
and Canada.
Since both countries belonged to France before the
treaty of 1763 there was but little importance in mark-
ing their boundaries exactly, and no concern has been
taken about it, since for the same reasons, which have
caused a part of the wilderness of Louisiana and New
Mexico to be neglected. But that demarcation will be-
^^^ Salvador Muro y Salazar, Marques de Someruelos, was born at Madrid
in 1754 and died there in 18 13. He took part in the campaign against the
French at the end of the eighteenth century, earning for his services the rank
of lieutenant-colonel. Later he became mariscal de campo, and was appointed
captain-general and governor of Cuba, serving there from May, 1799 to April
14, 1813. He was successful in his government, and was in general well
liked. Sec: Diccionario enciclopedico Hispano- Americano (Barcelona, 1893),
vol. xiii, 663.
158 The Rio Grande del Norte.
one] INSTRUCTIONS BY MINISTER DECRES 363
come necessary sooner or later, and the captain-general
of the colony must, after taking possession, prepare for
it by all the information which he can collect and which
appears suitable to him for establishing the intention of
the government in this regard.
In this state of affairs, since the northern, and a part of
those of the eastern boundaries are not fixed the captain-
general shall have the most distant Spanish posts re-
lieved, in order to prove possession; but he shall give to
those parts of the province only the extension that will
be to the interest of the state considered in regard to its
military situation.
It has been said that the Mississippi [Mississipi]
serves as a common boundary to Louisiana and to the
western possession of the federal government.
A treaty concluded at Paris, February 10, 1763, be-
tween the kings of France and Spain and the king' of
Great Britain established the title to this part.
Its article 7 provides:
It is agreed that for the future, the confines between the states
of his most Catholic Majesty and his Britannic Majesty in
America (Great Britain then possessed New England and
Florida) shall be fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the
middle of the River Mississippi from its source to the River
Iberville, and from thence, by a line drawn along the middle
of this river and the Lakes Maurepas and Pontchar train, to
the sea. New Orleans and the island on which it is located,
shall belong to France.***
Such is still to-day the eastern boundary of Louisiana.
All the territory east and north of that boundary forms
part of the United States or of West Florida.
Since the latter belongs to Spain, this fact can not be
indifferent to the French government, and it is well to
have the boundary in that region established.
^<^® This is not an accurate citation. See this article on page 294, note 141.
364 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
It was fixed by a treaty concluded October 27, 1795
(5 Brumaire, an iv) between the court of Madrid and
the federal government/*® That treaty provides that the
boundaries of Florida and the United States shall be
determined by a straight line drawn from west to east
at the altitude of thirty-one degrees of latitude, from
the Mississippi to the Apalachicola River. That line
would fall, after some slight deviations at the source of
the St. Mary^s River, whose course it would follow to
the Atlantic Ocean. The same treaty also states that
the middle of the Mississippi serves as a boundary be-
tween the United States and Louisiana.
There is, then, no obscurity as to our boundary in that
part, nor on the boundary of our allies. And although
Florida belongs to Spain, the right of its possession in
that part must interest the captain-general of Louisiana
as much as if it were French property.
Since Louisiana is the bulwark of Mexico, that con-
sideration alone guarantees to the captain-general a reci-
procity of interest from the governor of Florida.
He shall, therefore, maintain with him [i.e., the gov-
ernor of Florida] all the relations of intimacy and good
neighborliness which will be able to procure a mutual
support to the two possessions.
Likewise since the Mississippi serves as a common
boundary between Louisiana and the United States, that
river becomes the common trade route for the products
of the two nations. The right to the navigation of the
10" Treaty of friendship, limits, and navigation, which was ratified at
Aranjuez, April 25, 1796, and proclaimed, August 2, 1796. Boundaries are
discussed in articles 2-4, See texts of this treaty in: Godoy. Memortas, vol.
»» 295-306; Godoy. Memoirs (Eng. transl.) vol. ii, 4X)2-4i8; Cantillo. TratadoSy
654» 655; State Papers^ doc. 121, 20th congress, second session, 170; White.
Nev) Recopilaciorty vol. ii, 536, 537; Imlay. Topographical description^ 562-577;
and Fuller. Purchase of Florida^ 359-370.
one] INSTRUCTIONS BY MINISTER DECRES 365
Mississippi from its source to its mouth was granted to
England by Spain in 1763. See Article 7 of the
treaty/"
When English America separated from the mother
country, the right of navigation passed naturally to the
new possessors of that territory, but the English, in their
treaty of 1783 with the United States, reserved to them-
selves a share in it with the Americans. See Article 8
of the treaty.'"
A new treaty, concluded November 15, 1795,"' be-
tween England and the United States, confirms the first
power in its right to the navigation of that river.
It is true that Spain, without the consent of which no
contract of that nature should have been taken, since
that country owned and had possession of one-half the
course of the Mississippi, seemed to have been offended
by the concession given to England by the United States.
It must have been much more surprised at it since it had
quite recently stipulated in a treaty concluded October
27, 1795, that the navigation of the Mississippi would be
exclusively open to its subjects and to the citizens of the
United States, unless it [i.e., Spain] judged it proper to
extend that privilege by a special convention, to the sub-
jects of any other power.
But, since Spain has executed, notwithstanding its
discontent, all the clauses of the treaty which it had con-
cluded with the Americans, it must be concluded that it
^*^ See page 294, note 141.
^•^This article is as follows:
"The navigation of the river Mississippi, from its source to the ocean,
shall forever remain free and open to the subjects of Great Britain, and the
citizens of the United States."
See the text of this treaty in Freeman Snow's Treaties and topics in Amer-
ican diplomacy (Boston, 1894), 62-67.
i«3 Jay's Treaty of 1794 is meant here. The navigation of the Mississippi
is provided for in article 3.
366 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [VoL
has consented to recognize the right granted by them
[i.e., the Americans] to the English to the navigation of
the Mississippi.
On this supposed consent shall be assumed the last in-
formation which shall have been transmitted with the
instructions relative to the captain-general of Louisiana.
The results of the opening of the Mississippi to the
English appear to be a consequence so serious for our
commerce that the captain-general must, on his arrival,
limit himself to tolerating what he shall find established.
He shall gather all the information suitable for the
enlightenment of the government on the condition and
on the results of the opening of the river, not only with
relation to the English, but also with relation to the
Americans.
He shall report on their relations of all kinds with
New Orleans and any other settlement in Louisiana or
any other settlement at the North [i.e., probably in the
Illinois country].
In refraining from making any innovation in what he
shall find established in that regard, he shall report to
the Minister [of foreign affairs] all and each one of
the stipulations not cited in the present instructions,
after the particular arrangements between Louisiana
and the foreigners were introduced into the colony.
The system of that colony, as in all those colonies
which we own, must be to aim to concentrate its com-
merce into the national commerce. It must be the special
aim to establish relations between it and our Antilles, so
that they may replace the American commerce in the
latter colonies in all the articles whose importation and
exportation are allowed to the Americans.
The captain-general must especially refrain from any
innovation favorable to foreigners who must be limited
to communications absolutely indispensable to the pros-
one] INSTRUCTIONS BY MINISTER DECRES 367
perity of Louisiana and to that explicitly determined by
treaties.
Nevertheless, since the relations of that colony with
the continent and the Spanish islands appear wholly to
our advantage -notably those with Campeche, Cuba,
Havana, and Porto Rico -it will be important to en-
courage them, and to profit by the favor of the ancient
relations of the colony with the Spaniards, in order to
give that commerce as great an extension as possible,
until, by virtue of the reports which shall have been re-
ceived on Louisiana and its commerce, the French gov-
ernment may be able to establish and propose to the
Spanish Government a system of commercial relations
tending to the mutual interest of the two powers.
The fur trade is an important object, on the mode of
which the government will need enlightenment. If the
reports which have been furnished it are true, the trade
is given over at present to a kind of monopoly, which is
contrary to the liberality of its intentions. That matter
must be discussed especially so as to present the most
judicious views on that interesting branch of commercial
activities.
From what has been said of Louisiana and the ad-
jacent states, it is clear that the Republic, as sovereign
of the two shores of the Mississippi at its mouth, holds
in its hands the key to its navigation. That navigation,
moreover, is of the highest importance to the western
states of the federal government; for the mountains
which separate several of their provinces from Phila-
delphia, make the expense of transportation by the in-
terior so excessive, that, without the resource of the
river, all commercial connection between the two parts
of the United States would become impossible.
It is sufficient to say with what jealousy the federal
government will see us take possession of Louisiana.
368 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807 [Vol.
Whatever be the events that are to be expected from
that new part of the continent, the arrival of the French
forces must be marked there by expressions of great
friendliness toward those new neighbors.
The greatest prudence shall govern the administra-
tors of the colony.
A little experience in those regions will soon enable
them to recognize the sentiments of the western prov-
inces of the federal government. It will be well to
maintain communication in that country, whose nu-
merous, warlike, and frugal population may offer an
enemy to be feared. The inhabitants of Kentucky, espe-
cially, must engage the attention of the captain-general.
The rapid current of the Ohio and of the rivers whose
shores they inhabit, and which empty into the Mississip-
pi, permit them so much the more easily to attempt an
expedition against New Orleans. The slight prepara-
tion which it would be necessary for them to make, and
the modesty of their needs, would accelerate the execu-
tion of such an expedition. A powder-horn, a pouch of
bullets, their provisions of cold meal, form their equip-
ment. Great readiness, add those persons who have lived
among them, is lent them by their custom of living in
the forests and enduring fatigues. Beyond a doubt such
neighbors merit being watched.
They must be fortified against also by alliances with
the Indian nations scattered on the east side of the
river. The Chickasaws, Choctaws, Alibamons, Creeks,
etc., are represented as being entirely devoted to us.
It is the custom for the chiefs of those nations to re-
turn to the powers with whom they are allied the medal
which they received from them, whose friendship they
renounce. Sometimes they have several medals because
of the diversity of their alliances.
At the councils which it is customary to hold with
one] INSTRUCTIONS BY MINISTER DECRES 369
the chiefs, the captain-general shall take all the meas-
ures that are considered proper.
The French government will succeed naturally to all
alliances of that nature that were contracted by Spain.
He shall neglect nothing that may give them more
scope. He shall report to the government all the treaties
made with the various chiefs. To his reports he shall
add all details as to the resources which those various
alliances offer, as to the faith that may be given to them,
and as to the means of conciliating the greatest number
of Indian nations.
He shall not lose sight of the fact that the French
government wishes peace, but that if war should come,
Louisiana would certainly become the theater of hostil-
ities.
Consequently, while showing the most peaceful inten-
tions, he shall neglect nothing to put the colony in a
respectable state [of defense], and to report to the gov-
ernment the colony in all the relations that may de-
termine his plan of operation of any nature in that
possession.
The captain-general shall distribute the three thou-
sand soldiers under his orders as appears suitable to
him.
The Spanish government relied greatly for the de-
fense of the colony on several battalions of militia which
were organized there. That militia, consisting of all
classes of the inhabitants, is said to be very suitable for
war, since they all- French, German, Acadians, or their
descendants -have been accustomed to the use of arms
from infancy.
To that militia are attached a few small bodies of free
negroes or mulattoes, of whom apparently no complaint
has been made.
370 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
The captain-general shall organize that militia into
a national guard, after he shall have taken the census,
of which it will be advisable to inform the government
speedily; for from the reports made on this matter,
there results a very great uncertainty as to their num-
ber. Some reports are as high as seven thousand or
eight thousand men, and others near twenty thousand.
The artillery, arms, ammunition, effects, magazines,
hospitals, ships, etc., belonging to the king of Spain,
shall be turned over to the Republic on the basis of the
appraisal to be made of them, and may be utilized with-
out delay by the captain-general according to the need.
The captain-general is the bearer of the order of the
king of Spain to his governor of Louisiana, so that the
latter may transfer that province to the former at his
arrival."* The details of the order will show the gov-
ernor that the intention of his Catholic Majesty is that
the colony be transferred with all its means of defense
and even with the troop, who may desire to pass under
the banners of the Republic.
The captain-general shall administer the oath of al-
legiance to those of the troops who wish to attach them-
selves to the Republic, and according to their branch
and name, shall send a report of the same to the minister
[of marine?]. He shall organize them provisionally
^^^ This order, published in a royal decree, apparently sent to the intendant,
October 15, 1802, ordered Louisiana to be transferred to the French general,
Victor, or any other officer duly commissioned. All Spanish officers and troops
were to leave the territory except those who chose to remain in the French
service. All treasury papers were to be taken to Spain in order to settle the
accounts of the colony. Appraisements were to be made of all the war stores,
etc., in order that adjustments with France might be made concerning them.
The hope is expressed that all ecclesiastical persons will be protected and re-
tained in employment; that the courts be maintained; that the inhabitants be
protected in their property rights. See: State Papers^ doc. 121, 20th congress,
second session (Washington, 1828), 1 61-163.
one] INSTRUCTIONS BY MINISTER DECRES 371
into a corps, or shall incorporate them into French half-
brigades as he may deem preferable.
It is important to have reports sent to the govern-
ment of all the details relative to fortifications and the
means found there for their defense. The reports which
shall be drawn up shall distinguish what shall be des-
tined for the defense proper of the colony, what shall be
necessary for the fitting out of siege equipment, and
finally, what shall be necessary for field equipment.
The intention of the First Consul is to give Louisiana
a degree of strength which will permit him to abandon
it without fear in time of war, so that its enemies may be
forced to the greatest sacrifices merely in attempting an
attack on it.
One of the first cares of the captain-general shall be
to decide on a fixed plan of defense, in which the chiefs
of the engineers and of the artillery shall assist. That
plan shall be sent to the government, as well as all the
plans of the roadsteads and maritime resources which
its coast offers.
They shall be accompanied by all the directions
proper to make that coast more intimately known, and
to assign the anchorages or places of refuge which should
be preferred by the state vessels of various classes, which
may be sent either to protect the colony or to supply it.
The inconveniences or advantages of the roadsteads
of the Balize, of that of Ship Island [ile aux Vaisseau],
or any other, shall be presented there in all the military
reports and in all those of simple communication with
the colony.
The port of Pensacola becomes important for our
operations because of its nearness. A plan of it with
explanations by the most skilful men in matters of navi-
gations shall be sent to the minister.
372 LOUISIANA, 1785 -1807 [Vol.
One means of fortifying the colony will be that of
peopling it abundantly. All emigrants from Europe
must, therefore, be hospitably welcomed.
As to emigrants from the United States, they will de-
mand more prudence, and must be permitted [to enter]
because of the capital which they will pour into Louis-
iana, rather than with respect to a population which
could end, perhaps, by becoming dangerous.
American emigrants must be settled only near the
best affected settlements.
English customs shall be rejected. The use of the
French language shall be the only one welcomed, and
the favor of the government shall be particularly at-
tached to everything that may recall the mother country
and its customs. If the persons employed, either in the
army or in the government departments, ask concessions
of land, their requests shall be received in proportion to
the cash that they shall be able to consecrate to their cul-
ture, and to their conditions of improving it, failure to
observe which shall annul the concession. A report
shall be made in regard to the manner and conditions of
the concessions granted hitherto by the Spanish govern-
ment. A plan shall be presented in this regard which
shall be submitted to the consuls [i.e.. Napoleon and his
colleagues]. The magistrates of the colony shall espe-
cially prevent every outside venality to the treasury in
regard to concessions. They shall establish as a rule that
a concession of land may not be transferred from one
person to another, if the grantee shall not have improved
at least one third of his concession.
It may happen that the Indian nations may have war
with the United States. They desire to regard us as
their protectors. All that may bind them to us must be
granted them according to their wishes, but everything
one] INSTRUCTIONS BY MINISTER DECRES 373
that would occasion the establishment of quarrels with
the United States must be avoided.
If it has been recommended hitherto to conciliate the
friendship of the neighboring peoples, not less necessary
is it to nourish the sentiments of affection which the
Louisianians have preserved for France. The intention
of the consuls is to advance their welfare. They must,
therefore, be treated with all the consideration which
their memorable attachment to the French commands.
Their fortunes, their customs, their habits, and even
their prejudices must be respected. Religion shall be
maintained in all its dignity. Priests shall only be re-
quired to conform to the laws of the Concordat. Re-
ligious corporations or national domains shall not be
subject to any innovation, until after the report which
shall be made to the minister, when the intentions of the
government should be transmitted to the administrators
of Louisiana.
Imposts shall continue in force as at present. The
government shall be informed of their quota [quotite'\y
of their net amount [acsiete'lj of their gross amount
\^montant'\j and of the modifications or increases of
which that branch may be susceptible, but which shall
be adopted only after a mature examination.
One part of the colony- that situated in the lowest
latitudes -is cultivated by slaves. That regime shall be
maintained, as it has been in various colonies by the law
of an X, 30 Floreal [i.e.. May 19, 1801]; but trade in
slaves shall be made only with Africa, and no slaves
shall be received in Louisiana that come from the Amer-
ican colonies, as this is the only means of preserving
Louisiana from the moral contagion that has infected
those colonies.
Those persons who go to Louisiana who have only
374 LOUISIANA, 1785- 1807 [Vol.
their industry [as an asset] must be sent into the northern
part. The authority shall intervene, whenever necessary
so that men dangerous to the rural system of Lower
Louisiana may never go farther south than the Arkansas
River or of any other boundary that may be assigned by
the captain-general after he has become acquainted with
the regions.
Such are the orders that the First Consul gives as a
rule of conduct to the captain-general of Louisiana.
Louisiana has been too little known hitherto for more
positive instructions to be given to the magistrates
charged with its administration. To them is confided
the noble task of making the French government blessed
in a country where all hearts call it. Nature has done
everything for that vast country -delightful climate,
prodigious fertility, diversity of products, admirable lo-
cation, all unite to favor the wisdom of the administra-
tion that is intended for it.
The First Consul expects from the zeal of each of the
magistrates, whom he delegates for that country, the
greatest success of that administration, and from the
concert that will exist between them, all the harmony
necessary for the happiness of that important colony.
They shall not lose sight of the fact that it is by re-
specting mutually the powers entrusted to each one that
they will fulfil the intentions of the government, honor
themselves, and clear themselves from the taint of every
imputation contrary to the dignity of their magistracy.
(Signed) Decres
166
i^B Due Denis Decres was bom in Chaumont, June 18, 1761, and died at
Paris, December 7, 1820. He entered the French navy in 1779, where he
speedily distinguished himself in various actions. Being of noble rank, he
was arrested and disqualified at the time of the French Revolution, but was
later restored to public life. In October, 1801, he was appointed naval min-
ister for France, which position he held until the fall of the empire.
one ] INSTRUCTIONS BY MINISTER DECRES 375
11. INSTRUCTIONS FOR CITIZEN
LAUSSAT/- PARIS
An xi, 1 6 Frimaire [i.e., December 7, 1802].
You have received, Citizen Prefect, all the instruc-
tions relative to the expedition of Louisiana and to the
important functions which you are to discharge there.
The First Consul has considered it important for the
interest of the expedition which is about to set out from
Holland, that you precede it by a state vessel in order
that, having reached Louisiana before that expedition,
you may be able to prepare everything necessary to re-
ceive it.
By the several documents annexed to your instructions,
you know that the orders given by his Catholic Majesty
for the retrocession extend to whatever means of defense
and supply are found in the colony.
You shall then proceed to make an examination of all
the objects which the commandant of the colony for his
Majesty and its administrators shall be obliged to send
to Captain-general Victor who has been charged by the
First Consul to take possession of the colony in the name
of the French Republic.
I shall not enter, then, into any detail on the conduct
^'^ Pierre Clement Laussat was appointed colonial prefect of Louisiana for
France on the retrocession by Spain of that province, at a salary of 50,000
francs. He sailed for New Orleans January 12, 1803, and reached that port,
March 26. His proclamation [see: Gayarr6. History, vol. iii, 600-605], 1^'
ters, and, throughout, his course in Louisiana prove him to have been an
honorable, keen man. He had little liking for the Spanish and not much more
for the Americans. His disappointment at having to transfer Louisiana to
the Americans was great See: his Mimoires sur ma vie (Pau, 1831); Du
Terrage, Villiers. Derniires annies, 395'438; and Gayarr6. History^ vol. iii.
He wrote to Morales, October 8, 1803, informing him that he had received
orders for the delivery of Louisiana to the United States. The delivery, how-
ever, was not to take place until after the exchange of ratifications of the treaty
by France and the United States. See: State Papers, 20th congress, second
session, 201.
376 LOUISIANA, 1785-1807
which you arc to employ toward the Spanish governors
and the inhabitants. Your knowledge of the intentions
of the First Consul for the welfare of that colony will
dictate to you everything that it will be proper to estab-
lish on your arrival for the relations of confidence, af-
fection, regard, and dignity which are to mark your
presence in the colony.
I enclose here a letter to the Marquis de Sommeruelos
informing him of the object of your mission, and which
you will transmit to him after sealing.
The brig of war, Surveillant, Captain Josset, which is
to take at Rochefort six hundred thousand francs des-
tined for Louisiana, is to be prepared to take you aboard.
As soon as you shall embark, it will weigh anchor for
Louisiana.
Nevertheless, since there is an important sum to be
received at Santander for San Domingo, the brig will
touch at that Spanish port only long enough to receive
the money in question.
Thence, the vessel will sail directly to the Cape
[Frangais], on the Island of San Domingo, where it is
expressly ordered not to stop longer than the time ab-
solutely necessary for the discharging of the money to
be received at Santander, as it is the intention of the
First Consul to have it proceed immediately on its route
to transport you to Louisiana, where the interest of the
service demands your most prompt arrival.
The chief of battalion of the engineer division, Chev-
alier Vinache, has been ordered to go with you, in order
to execute, under your orders, all that concerns the
military part of What is the object of your mission.
DECRES.
•?m^\z-'
\',
3W0S 00«l SS^ LAI
STANFORD UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES
STANFORD AUXILIARY LIBRARY
STANFORD, CALIFORNIA 94305-6004
(415) 723-9201
All books may be recalled after 7 days
^
DATE DUE
~^
MAgt) 3 1 99 5
N
#
^
MH ( 2001
AUG f «;;00t
^
1
