Zebulon Montgomery Pike
“The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike”

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In presuming to claim your protection and patronage for the following production, I feel less diffidence, knowing that thievery institution of the society will plead in my favor, it being avowedly formed for the promotion of military knowledge.

The work is merely a volume of details, and if it should be found that in the relation I have delivered myself with perspicuity and exactitude, it is the highest meed of praise that I claim. When I touched on abstract subjects, or presumed to hypothesize, I have merely suggested doubts without conclusions, which, if deemed worthy, may hereafter be analyzed by men of genius and science. It being a work which has arisen from the events of youthful military exertions, the author, perhaps, haste most just and well-founded ground for a hope that it may receive the solicited approbation of your honorable institution.

I am, gentlemen, with the greatest respect and high consideration,

Your obedient servant,

Z. M. PIKE,

Major 6th Regt. Infantry,
M. U. S. M. P. Society.

CONTENTS OF VOL I.

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PAGES
Original Preface,	i-iv
New Preface,	v-xviii*
Memoir of Zebulon Montgomery Pike,	xix-cxiv
PART I.
The Mississippi Voyage.
CHAPTER I.
Itinerary: St. Louis to St. Paul, August 9th-September21st, 1805,	1-81
CHAPTER II.
Itinerary, Continued: St. Paul to Leech Lake, September 22d, 1805-January 31st, 1806,	82-151
CHAPTER III.
Itinerary, Concluded: Leech Lake to St. Louis, February 1st-April 30th, 1806,	152-215
CHAPTER IV.
Weather Diary of the Mississippi,	216-220
CHAPTER V.
Correspondence and Conferences,	221-273
CHAPTER VI.
Commerce of the Mississippi,	274-286
CHAPTER VII.
Geography of the Mississippi,	287-336
CHAPTER VIII.
Ethnography of the Mississippi,	337-354
CHAPTER IX.
Vocabulary of Mississippian Place-names,	355, 356

PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION.

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To the Public:

Books of travels, journals, and voyages have become so numerous, and are so frequently impositions on the public, that the writer of the following sheets feels under an obligation to explain, in some measure, the original circumstances that led to the production of this volume. Soon after the purchase of Louisiana by an enlightened administration, measures were taken to explore the then unknown wilds of our western country — Measures founded on principles of scientific pursuits, combined with a view of entering into a chain of philanthropic arrangements for ameliorating the condition of the Indians who inhabit those vast plains and deserts. His Excellency, Meriwether Lewis, then a captain of the first regiment of infantry, was selected by the President of the United States, in conjunction with Captain C. Clarke [Wm. Clark], to explore the then unknown sources of the Missouri, and I was chosen to trace the Mississippi to its source, with the objects in view contemplated by my instructions; to which I conceived my duty as a soldier should induce me to add an investigation into the views of the British traders in that quarter as to trade, and an inquiry into the limits of the territories of the United States and Great Britain. As a man of humanity and feeling, I made use of the name of my government to stop the savage warfare which had forages been carried on by two of the most powerful nations of aborigines in North America. Why I did not execute the power vested in me by the laws of the country, to ruin the British traders and enrich myself, by seizing on the immense property of the North West Company, which I found in the acknowledged boundary of the United States, will be explained by my letter to Hugh M’Gillis, Esq., to whom I own eternal gratitude for his polite and hospitable treatment of myself and party.

In the execution of this voyage I had no gentleman to aid me, and I literally performed the duties (as far as my limited abilities permitted) of astronomer, surveyor, commanding officer, clerk, spy, guide, and hunter; frequently preceding the party for miles in order to reconnoiter, and returning in the evening, hungry and fatigued, to sit down in the open air, by fire light, to copy the notes and plot the courses of the day.

On my return from the Mississippi voyage, preparations were making for a second, which was to be conducted by another gentleman of the army; but General Wilkinson solicited as a favor that which he had a right to command, viz., that I would agree to take charge of the expedition. The late dangers and hardships I had undergone, together with the idea of again leaving my family in a strange country, distant from their connections, made me hesitate; but the ambition of a soldier, and the spirit of enterprise which was inherent in my breast, induced me to agree to his proposition. The great objects in view by this expedition, as I conceived in addition to my instructions, were to attach the Indians to our government, and to acquire such geographical knowledge of the southwestern boundary of Louisiana as to enable our government to enter into a definitive arrangement for a line of demarcation between that territory and North Mexico.

In this expedition I had the assistance of Lieutenant James [D.] Wilkinson, and also of Dr. John H. Robinson, a young gentleman of science and enterprise, who volunteered his services. I also was fitted out with a complete set of astronomical and mathematical instruments, which enabled me to as certain the geographical situation of various places to a degree of exactitude that would have been extremely gratifying to all lovers of science, had I not been so unfortunate as to lose the greater part of my papers by the seizure of the Spanish government.

With respect to the great acquisitions which might have been made to the sciences of botany and zoölogy, I can only observe that neither my education nor taste led me to the pursuit; and if they had, my mind was too much engrossed in making arrangements for our subsistence and safety to give time to scrutinize the productions of the countries over which we traveled, with the eye of a Linnæus or Buffon; yet Dr. Robinson did make some observations on those subjects, which he has not yet communicated. With respect to the Spanish part, it has been suggested to me by some respected friends that the picture I drew of the manners, morals, etc., of individuals generally of New Spain, if a good likeness, was certainly not making a proper return for the hospitality and kindness with which those people honored me. Those reasons have induced me to omit many transactions, and draw a veil over various habits and customs which might appear in an unfavorable point of view, at the same time that I have dwelt with delight on their virtues.

There have not been wanting persons of various ranks who have endeavored to infuse the idea into the minds of the public that the last voyage was undertaken through some sinister designs of General Wilkinson; and although this report has been amply refuted by two letters from the Secretary of War, published with this work, yet I cannot forbear, in this public manner, declaring the insinuation to be a ground less calumny, arising from the envenomed breasts of persons who, through enmity to the general, would, in attempting his ruin, hurl destruction on all those who, either through their official stations or habits of friendship, ever had any connection with that gentleman.

As a military man — As a soldier from the time I was able to bear arms — It cannot be expected that a production of my pen can stand the test of criticism; and I hope, by this candid appeal to the justice and indulgence of the learned,to induce them to spare their censure if they cannot award their praise.

The gentleman who prints this work knows under what a variety of disadvantages it has gone to the press.[OP-1] At a distance during its publication, and engaged in my professional duties, it was impossible to give to it that attention which, in order to reach its proper degree of correctness, such a work necessarily would require.

Z. M. Pike.

PREFACE TO THE NEW EDITION.

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Pike’s expeditions were the first military and the second governmental explorations which were pushed to any considerable extent in our then newly acquired territory of Louisiana. The name and fame of the brilliant young soldier who impersonated the authority of the United States over all the ground between British and Spanish possessions are thus inseparably linked with those of Lewis and Clark in the beginning of our history of the Great West — a West so great that it reached from the Mississippi to the Pacific. The two movements were similar in scope and plan; both were in the nature of claiming possession of property; they were a like fruitful of permanent good results; but they differed entirely in the circumstances under which each was devised, and to a marked degree in their respective purposes. Lewis and Clark’s enterprise originated with the President of the United States; and though both of the men to whom that most memorable exploration was confided were officers of the regular army, their military organization was entirely subservient to affairs of state, being simply designed to secure the most efficient discipline in the discharge of certain civilian duties. Jefferson had invested heavily in real estate; the Louisiana purchase had been made with the people’s money; he naturally wished to know what sort of a bargain he had made with Napoleon; so he sent Lewis and Clark to explore the vast extent of country he had bought. While their faces were still fixed on the setting sun, which for them still dipped behind the shining snow-caps, Pike set forth on his first journey northward; while they were homeward bound from the SouthSea by way of the mighty Missouri and the rugged Roche Jaune, he was pressing on his second way toward the Mexican mountains. Both his expeditions originated with the commander-in-chief of the army; both were as strictly military in method as in purpose. Pike was the simon-pure and simple soldier. South Seaad been ordered by his general to carry our flag among British traders and Sioux, Ojibways, and other Indians of the Northwest, in the first instance; in the second place, to display that emblem of authority among the Osages, Pawnees, and Comanches, and plant that standard of the republic on the still disputed boundary ofNew Spain in the Southwest. All else that he accomplished was incidental to Wilkinson’s main aim. How daring werePike’s exploits, these volumes testify. Their moral effect was enormous; their results proved far-reaching; and some of these are still in evidence of intrepid adventure pushed to successful issue.

If the record of Pike’s expeditions be overshadowed by the history of still greater and partly prior achievement, we may remember that its luster is dimmed only in comparison with the incomparable story of Lewis and Clark. If this witness of arduous duty ardently done in the service of his country stand dumb before that startling tragedy which set the seal of sacrifice upon a devoted life, we may reflect that such a consummation of noble aspirations but capped the climax of unswerving patriotism and unwavering fidelity to lofty ideals when it transfigured the already celebrated explorer into a national hero and a popular idol. Pike’s personality is not less picturesque than is hiof newer unique; our interest in his character becomes vivid as we study its manifestations, and perhaps even outgrows that regard we may bestow upon those of his achievements which have passed into permanent history. The present volumes tell his own story, in his own way; they are autobiographical in all that relates to the principal incidents and most stirring scenes of his life, before that final catastrophe which turned the tide of international warfare. If the narrative neverhalted at the point of an unaccustomed pen it would not be Pike’s, and it would lack a certain quality which not even aBiddle could impart to the more polished and finished history of Lewis and Clark. It now seems probable that both books will endure, side by side, so long as any interest in the beginnings of our Great West finds a place in the hearts of the people.

Pike anticipated Lewis and Clark by about four years in bringing the results of his partly simultaneous explorations before the public. Since the first appearance of his work, there has never been a time when it has not been cited by scholars as an original authority in the many matters of historical, geographical, ethnological, and related interests of which it treats. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that Pike has never been so widely or so well known as he deserves to be in his double character of traveler and author. The soldier could hardly desire greater fame than fell to the happy lot of the hero of York, victorious in death; but what of his life? Who was this General Pike before that — Who was Lieutenant or Captain Pike? where did he go exploring? what did he discover? how should we know? In searching contemporaneous records of the War of 1812 for biographical data in the preparation of the Memoir which introduces these volumes, it was always the great soldier — General Pike — whom I found, with scant recognition, if anything more than mere mention, of the still greater explorer — the youthful, the dashing and winning, the ardent and enthusiastic lieutenant, who dreamed of glory till his dream came true. The fact would seem to be that Pike’s death on the field of battle, under exceptionally thrilling circumstances, obscured rather than accentuated those earlier exploits which set his title to fame in the clearest and truest light. Probably no good general would have failed in what Pike accomplished on the day of his death; but how many subalterns in their twenties have won imperishable renown by achievements in the field of exploration — One purpose I had in view in preparing a new editionof this work will have been subserved if I have succeeded in eliminating a certain popular aberration, in calculating aright the parallax of Pike as viewed from different standpoints, and in thus placing his name in proper historical perspective.

Nearly or quite all that an editor might be expected to say in his preface concerning the subject-matter of his author will be found to have been said already in one place or another in the course of the extensive and minute commentary which appears upon almost every page of the present edition. Nevertheless, so few are the persons who have any clear or coherent ideas on the subject of Pike’s performances, that it will be to cons ult the convenience of most readers who may take up this book to give here a brief statement of his journeyings.

Pike conducted two entirely separate and distinct expeditions.One of them, in 1805-6, was from St. Louis by way of the Mississippi to the headwaters of this river, and return for the most part by the same way he went. This round trip, which I have called the "Mississippi Voyage, "forms Pt. 1 of his book. The other expedition was taken westward from St. Louis into the interior parts of the thenLouisiana, to the sources of the Arkansas river, and among the Rocky mountains of present Colorado. In so far asPike protracted this exploration of his own volition, it formsPt. 2 of his book, which I have designated the "ArkansawJourney." But at one point in the course of this journeyPike was captured by the Spaniards, and conducted against his will by a roundabout way through Mexico to the then Spanish-American boundary between Texas andLouisiana. This episode, unflattering to Pike’s sensibilities, if not wholly unforeseen by him, he saw fit to make the subject of Pt. 3 of his book; I have entitled it the"Mexican Tour."

I. In July, 1805, Pike was ordered by General Wilkinson to explore and report upon the Mississippi river from St.Louis to its source, select sites for military posts, treat with the Indians, make peace if possible between the Sioux andOjibways, and find out what he could about the British traders who still occupied posts in our newly acquired territory.Excepting these establishments of the NorthwestCompany, there were then no white settlements on or near the river beyond the village of Prairie du Chien, and our flag had never flown in that quarter. Pike navigated his boats to the vicinity of present Little Falls, but could get them no further. He there built a stockade, in which some of his men were left for the winter, and with the rest pushed on by land along the river to Lower Red Cedar Lake — Sandy lake — Grand rapids and Pokegama falls — mouth of Leech Lake river — up the latter to Leech lake — and thence to Upper Red Cedar (now Cass) lake, at the mouth of Turtle river. This was the furthest point here ached. He considered the Leech Lake drainage-area — whichI have called the Pikean source — to be the true origin of the Mississippi, and remained in ignorance of the fact that this river flowed into Cass lake from such lakes asBemidji and Itasca, though these and others were already known to some of the whites. Returning from Cass toLeech lake, and thence, by a more direct overland route than he had before taken, to the Mississippi in the vicinity of Lower Red Cedar lake, he descended the river to his stockade, picked up the men who had wintered there, and as soon as the ice broke up started in boats for St. Louis, which he reached in safety with all his party in April, 1806.

II. In July, 1806, Pike left St. Louis on his second expedition. He ascended the Missouri to the Osage, and the latter to the villages of the Indians of that name.Thence he continued westward overland, entered Kansas, and proceeded to the Pawnee village on the Republican river, near the present Kansas-Nebraska line. Turning southward, he reached the Arkansas river at the present site of Great Bend. There he dispatched his junior officer,Lieutenant Wilkinson, with a few men, to descend the Arkansas, while with the rest of his company he ascended the same river into Colorado, as far as Pueblo. From thispoint he made an unsuccessful side-trip which had for its object the ascent of the since famous peak which bears his name, and returned to his camp at Pueblo. Thence pushing up the Arkansas, he was halted by the Grand cañon, at the site of present Cañon City. He then made a detour to the right, which took him up Oil creek into South Park.He traversed this park, along the South Platte and some of its tributaries, left it by way of Trout Creek pass, and was thus again brought to the Arkansas. He pushed up this river till he viewed its sources, in the vicinity of present Leadville, turned about, and with great difficulty descend edit to the very camp he had left at Cañon City. This part of his journey was not accomplished without much hard ship, and ended in chagrin; for he had fancied himself on the headwaters of that Red river whose sources he had been pointedly instructed to discover. Nothing was known at that time, to Americans, of the origin of that great branch of the Mississippi which was called Red river lower down; nor was it known till years afterward that what the Spaniards had called high up by a name equivalent to Red river was really that main fork of the Arkansas which is now designated the Canadian river, whose sources are in the mountains not far from Santa Fé. This was the river which Pike might have found, had his search been more fortunately directed, though neither he nor any other American was aware of that fact at the time. Never the less, he determined to carry out his orders to the letter, and with more courage than discretion pushed southward from his camp at Cañon City to discover an elusive Red river.He passed up that tributary of the Arkansas which is now called Grape creek, and thus into the Wet Mountain valley. There the party suffered almost incredibly from cold and hunger; some of the men were frozen and crippled for life. But Pike managed to extricate himself and most of his companions from their perilous situation by crossing the Sangre de Cristo range through the Sand Hill pass into the San Luis valley, where he found himself on theRio Grande del Norte. He descended this river to the Rio Conejos, and there established himself in a stockade — in part at least for the purpose of tarrying while he sent a small party back for those of the men who had been left behind, both at Cañon City and in Wet Mountain valley.

The secret which underlay Pike’s ostensible instructions from General Wilkinson, and the mystery which is supposed to have enshrouded his movements on this portion of his second expedition, are fully discussed in my notes, at various points in Pike’s narrative or in my Memoir, where the subject obtrudes. Without going into any particulars here, it is to be said simply that Pike may have been ordered to proceed to Santa Fé — or as near that capital of Spanish New Mexico as he could go with the force at his command — without being informed of whatever ulterior designs the general of the army may have entertained.

III. Pike was captured in his stockade, with the few men he had left about him, by Spanish dragoons, under the orders of General Allencaster, then governor of New Mexico.The message he received from his captors was disguised under the form of a polite invitation to visit the governor at Santa Fé. On the 27th of February, 1807, he left his post as a prisoner in the hands of a half-hostile foreign power, accompanied by the remnant of his men.They were treated with great forbearance — nay, with distinguished consideration; nevertheless, Pike was brought to book before the authorities, and required to explain how he had happened to invade Spanish territory with an armed force. Governor Allencaster then ordered him to report to General Salcedo at Chihuahua; he was accordingly escorted by the military down the Rio Grande from Santa Fé to ElPaso, and thence by the usual route southward, in what was then New Biscay, to the first named city. From this capital he was conducted, still under guard, through a portion of what is now the State of Durango, around by the Bolson de Mapimi, thence northward throughout Coahuila, and so onto San Antonio. Continuing through Texas, he was finally delivered out of the hands of his Spanish hosts and captors, on crossing the river which in part bounds our present State of Louisiana; and ended his long peregrination at Natchitoches, among his own countrymen.

At this point the author’s narrative ends abruptly, so far as any itinerary of his movements is concerned. We are not even told what became of the men who did not accompany him to Natchitoches — those who were left behind when he started from the Rio Conejos, either at that point, or in the Wet Mountain valley, or on the Arkansas. It had been understood, and was fully expected, that they were all to follow him through Mexico under Spanish escort. It is probable that they did so, and that all were finally restored to the United States. But at the last word we have on the subject from Pike himself, eight persons were still detained in Mexico. (See p. 855.)

If the reader will now turn to p. xxxvi, he will find there and on some following pages an analysis of the original edition of Pike’s work, together with an exposition of the wholly exceptional editorial difficulty of reproducing such a complicated affair in anything like good book form. The author, like many another gallant soldier, versed in the arts of war, was quite innocent of literary strategy, though capable of heading an impetuous assault upon the parts of speech. He may have acquired an impression, by no means confined to his own profession, that a book is made by putting manuscript in a printing-press and stirring it about with a composing-stick, which, like a magic wand that some kind fairy waves in an enchanted castle, will transfigure the homeliness of the pen into a thing of beauty and a joy forever.Pike seems to have labored under some such delusion in preparing his copious materials for the press, and no one appears either to have advised him in these premises or to have revised the proofs. The result was innumerable errors, both of the writing and of the printing, most of which might have been eliminated with due care.

In the original edition, which has never before been reprinted in full, or in anything like its own make-up, the three separate itineraries above noted followed one another consecutively, with only the interruption of certain meteorological tables. These itineraries made about one-half of the volume in bulk, but perhaps only about one-third of the total ems. They were called "Parts," respectively enumeratedI., II., III., and were the only portions of the whole which were printed in large type, as the main "body" of the work. The greater remainder of the author’s materials were then thrown into the form of three Appendixes, one for each of the three foregoing Parts, each one being necessarily displaced from its proper connection, and all being set in small type. The contents of these Appendixes were miscellaneous and multifarious, but reducible in the main to two sorts: (1) Formal retraversing of the ground gone over in the itineraries, with reference to geography, ethnology, commerce, military and political topics, and related matters which came under Pike’s observation; (2) Letters and other documents upon a variety of subjects, representing what may be regarded as the officialities of Pike’s Expeditions.

The determination to edit Pike with the omission of nothing whatever which the work originally contained, and to preserve as far as seemed reasonably possible the shape in which it came from his own hand, involved a problem whose solution was one of no ordinary difficulty. The division of the book into three Parts was perfectly sound, and by all means to be preserved. The main departure from Pike’s plan that seemed to be required was simply to bring each Appendix into direct connection with its ownPart, and set it in uniform typography, as being of equal value and interest with the itinerary. Having made these transpositions, I found it an easy matter to introduce chapter-heads which should co-ordinate the whole of the contents.Each of the three itineraries could be conveniently divided into three chapters, covering as many stages of the several journeys; and in like manner it was found that thecontents of each of the three Appendixes could be naturally grouped under a few heads, thus carrying out the plan of chaptering the whole book. To effect this result required no change whatever in the course of the itineraries, and in the appendicial matters involved only some few unimportant transpositions, mainly for the purpose of rearranging the official correspondence in the chronological sequence of the letters and other documents of which it consisted. But even in this small matter I have been at the pains of pointing out the position which each separate piece occupied in the original edition — perhaps with needless scrupulosity. Aglance at the tables of contents of this edition will show how well or ill the remodeling has been done.

The transpositions thus effected, together with the repeatedly broken and sometimes blank pagination of the original, made it obviously impossible to indicate in this edition the former numeration of the pages. Otherwise, in editing Pike’s text, I have been guided by the same principles which I applied to my recent redaction of Lewis and Clark. I do not think that any editor may feel free to rewrite his author. It would be an unwarrantable liberty to sacrifice an author’s individuality upon the altar of literary style. And especially in the case of an old book — one whose intrinsic merits survive what are "the defects of its qualities," and thus cause it to reappear in a new guise — Is it desirable that the reader should feel sure he is offered a genuine text. At the same time, the essentials of genuineness are different from its factitious ear-marks, and may be preserved with fidelity by an editor who, nevertheless, feels free to disregard non-essentials. Pike’s is both a rare and a curious book; yet we need not venerate its abounding misprints, or burn the incense of admiration in the face of its frequently solecistic grammar, or even kowtow to its peculiar punctuation. Such things as these are assuredly among the non-essentials of a pure text, always amenable to editorial revision, and always open to the welcome attentions of a friendly printer. But for the rest, as I lately said on asimilar occasion, "I have punctiliously preserved the orthography of proper names in all their variance and eccentricity; and wherever I have amplified any statement in the text, or diverted the sense of a passage by a hair’s breadth, square brackets indicate the fact."

usr intended his words to have, thus putting myself as nearly as possible in his place, and always, as I trust, in full sympathy with him, however diverse from his views any of my own opinions may have been. Coming to such understanding of the work in hand — one whose accomplishment is now nearly a century old — my duty seemed to be to criticise the subject-matter from the standpoint of to-day, however copious might prove to be the additional information required, or to whatever extent the resulting commentary might be protracted. This part of my work is represented by the notes with which the present edition has been freighted, and which are typographically distinguished from the main text. These notes bespeak their own variety and perhaps comprehensiveness; but of their value or interest it is not for me to express any opinion.

Aside from this main exercise of an editorial function to the best of my ability, I have been induced to add another to the several good memoirs of Pike which we already possessed — notablyWhiting’s and Greely’s. In the preparation of this I have been able to avail myself of much hither to unpublished documentary material and other sources of information which have not before been utilized for this purpose. Under the circumstances of its present connection this biography could be prepared with little regard to Pike as an explorer, for these volumes cover all such ground; and thus I could dwell for the most part upon other aspects of his life and character, such as those which led up to his conspicuous adventures, and especially those of the War of 1812 which closed with his death a career of military honor and renown.

At the time when Pike first appeared in print, it was the fashion to regard an index to a book rather as an elegant superfluity, or a luxury of leisurely authorship, than as the imperative obligation and absolute necessity which we now find it to be, whenever anything else than fiction or poetry becomes a candidate for public favor. Pike has never been indexed before; and many who now see how lengthy is the list of proper names of persons, places, and other things, may for the first time become aware of the extent and variety of information of which this author’s work has proved to be either the prolific source or the pregnant occasion.

All of the plates which illustrated the original edition of Pike have been reproduced in facsimile. They consist of a portrait of the author and six maps. To these are now added a facsimile of an autograph letter, and a new map, both prepared expressly for the present edition. The letter requires no further remark than that it is believed to be the first one ever published, and that it is also printed in its proper connection in the text of my Memoir, with many other hitherto unpublished documents. The new map, which I have legended as a Historico-geographical Chart of the Upper Mississippi River, has been compiled and drawn under my direction by Mr. Daniel W. Cronin, a skillful draughts man of the U. S. Geological Survey, and is copy righted by my publisher. It is based primarily upon theMap of the Mississippi River from Lake Itasca to the Falls of St. Anthony, compiled from surveys and reconnoissances made under the direction of Major F. U. Farquhar and Captain Charles J. Allen, U. S. A., and from the U. S.Land Surveys, published in fifteen sheets, on the scale of inch to mile, by the Engineer Department of the Army, in 1881. The hydrographic data from this source are supplemented from the latest map of Minnesota published by theU. S. General Land Office, from the sectional maps of Minnesota and of the Upper Mississippi lately issued by Jewett and Son of St. Paul, and from various other sources, in protracting the branches of the main stream and locating the lakes, etc., beyond the area shown on the Engineer charts. The Jewett maps are the best ones I have seen among those published by private enterprise; the map of Minnesota for which a certain Chicago firm is responsible is the worst of all those which have appeared of late years.My corner-map of the Infant Mississippi or "CradledHercules," on a much larger scale than the rest, is reduced from Brower’s map of the Itasca State Park, with the author’s kind permission; the names given to the numerous features of the Itascan source of the Mississippi are those now officially recognized, with the addition of a few whichI have myself bestowed in the course of my notes on Pike, among other results of my recent tour of observation. In lettering the main part of this chart, my idea was, first, to illustrate Pike, by marking his camps with their dates, along the river, and also his trail, where he went overland; it is believed that this has been done with all the accuracy that a map of this scale permits, except for the route from Leech lake back to the Mississippi, which has never been — and probably never will be — ascertained with all desirable exactitude.Secondly, I intended to give the actual present names of all the natural and artificial features which are delineated; and thirdly, to add to these designations all the synonymy and other historical data which the map could conveniently carry. Though there is theoretically no endto the information of this kind which might be put upon a map, the practical limitations in any given case are obvious; and overcrowded lettering would be rather confusing than helpful to the reader. In general, the historical data which have been selected to be legended are in direct connection with and support of Pike’s text and of my commentary thereupon. Only those who have long experienced the practical difficulty of making a good printer or draughtsman misspell words in order to reproduce historical forms literally can appreciate the obstacles to complete success in such an undertaking; but I indulge the hope that this chart, whatever its imperfections may be, will be found useful enough to warrant the great pains which have been taken to approximate accuracy.

As in editing Lewis and Clark, so in working upon Pike,I have been encouraged and assisted by many friends, not all of whom have I the pleasure of knowing personally. I am under special obligations to Mr. Alfred J. Hill of St.Paul, Minn., whose knowledge of the history and geography of the Upper Mississippi region is not less accurate than extensive. Mr. Hill has been good enough to accompany me throughout Pt. 1 of the work, and give me the benefit of his close scrutiny of the press-proofs, in the form of constant suggestion and criticism, besides frequent references to other available sources of information which I might have overlooked. His valued co-operation to this extent increases very appreciably the confidence which the reader may feel in all that relates to the Mississippi Voyage.[NP-1]Mr. R. I. Holcombe, county historian of Missouri, now of the U. S. Marshal’s office in St. Paul, has criticised those pages of Pt. 2 which relate to the Osage river. The same friendly attentions have been bestowed upon the whole of Pike’s route in Colorado by Mr. Wm. M. Maguire of Denver; and upon various points concerning the pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona, by Mr. F. W. Hodge of theU. S. Bureau of Ethnology. Hon. J. V. Brower of St.Paul, Commissioner of the Itasca State Park, has made me free to use his map of the park in connection with the new historico-geographical chart of the Upper Mississippi. TheHon. the Secretaries of War and of State have granted permission to examine official archives of their respective Departments; this research, in the War Department, has been facilitated by Mr. John Tweedale, Chief Clerk, andMr. David Fitz Gerald, Librarian; in the State Department, by Mr. W. W. Rockhill, Chief Clerk; Mr. Andrew H.Allen, Chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library, and Mr.Walter Manton of the same Bureau. Gen. A. W. Greely,Chief Signal Officer, U. S. Army; Gen. T. L. Casey, lateChief of Engineers, U. S. Army, and Mr. W. W. Winship,Chief Draughtsman of the same; Major J. W. Powell, lateDirector of the U. S. Geological Survey, and Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution; Mr.Henry Gannett and Mr. A. H. Thompson of the sameSurvey; Prof. G. Brown Goode, Director of the U. S.National Museum, and Prof. Otis T. Mason of thatMuseum; Prof. Harry King, of the U. S. General LandOffice; Hon. D. M. Browning, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and Mr. R. F. Thompson of the same Bureau; Mr.L. O. Howard, Chief of the Division of Entomology of the U. S. Department of Agriculture; Mr. A. R. Spofford,Librarian of Congress; Prof. N. H. Winchell, Director of the Geological Survey of Minnesota; Hon. Charles Aldrich,Curator of the Iowa State Historical Department; Mr.R. G. Thwaites, Secretary of the Historical Society of Wisconsin;Mr. D. L. Kingsbury, Acting Secretary of the Historical Society of Minnesota; Hon. C. C. James, Deputy Minister of Agriculture of Ontario, and Hon. A. Blue of the Bureau of Mines of Ontario, have each rendered valued official or personal favors, or both. I am also indebted in various ways, most of which are indicated in their respective connections in the course of my notes, to ex-President Benjamin Harrison; Mr. W. H. Harrison ofNorth Bend, O.; Mrs. B. H. Eaton of El Paso, Tex.; Governor A. W. McIntire of Colorado; R. T. Durrett, LL. D.,of Louisville, Ky.; Prof. E. D. Cope of Philadelphia; Mr.James Bain, Jr., of the Public Library of Toronto; Mr.L. P. Sylvain, Assistant Librarian of Parliament, Ottawa;Lieutenant J. R. Williams of the Third Artillery, U. S. A.;Lieutenant H. M. Chittenden of the Corps of Engineers,U. S. A.; Rev. O. S. Bunting of Trenton, N. J.; Prof. J. D.Butler of Madison, Wis.; Mr. W. P. Garrison of the NewYork Nation; Judge Thos. H. Bacon of Hannibal, Mo.;Judge Nathan Richardson of Little Falls, Minn.; Mr.Charles Hallock of Hallock, Minn.; Mr. H. D. Harrower ofNew York, N. Y.; Mr. T. H. Lewis of St. Paul, Minn.; Mr.C. H. Small of Pueblo, Col.; Mr. Geo. R. Buckman of Colorado Springs, Col.; Mr. D. Bosse of Great Bend, Kas., andMr. Luther R. Smith of Washington, D. C. Mrs. Mary B.Anderson of Washington, D. C., has taken great pains in preparing under my direction an index, of somewhat unusual extent and special difficulty, which I am led to believe will be found exceptionally accurate. Mr. Robert M.Trulan and Mr. H. E. Gore-Kelly of the Mershon Printing Company, Rahway, N. J., have read the proofs with untiring zeal as well as professional skill. Mr. Francis P. Harper has set no limit to the extent to which my editorial work might be protracted, leaving the substance of these volumes entirely to my discretion; and I have returned the compliment by deferring to his judgment in all that relates to the manufacture of a book which may be found worthy to stand by the side of Lewis and Clark.

Elliott Coues.

Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D. C.,
June 30th, 1895.

MEMOIR OF

ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE.

BY ELLIOTT COUES.

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The best Life of Pike we have had is that which was prepared by Henry Whiting and published in 1845 in Jared Sparks’ Library of American Biography, vol. xv. (or new series vol. v.), pp. 217-314. This excellent memoir might be now reproduced, were it not mainly occupied with the account of those expeditions to which these volumes are devoted, and thus for the most part superfluous in the present connection. It still continues to be a main source of our information concerning the events of Pike’s life before and after those exploits of 1805-7 which immortalized his name, and is particularly valuable in all that relates to his closing career, as the biographer was himself a distinguished soldier and competent military critic.[M-1]

But I have much new matter to offer, derived from a thorough examination of the archives of the War Department, which include many original and hitherto unpublisheddocuments in Pike’s case,[M-2] from diligent search among contemporaneous records of the war of 1812-15, and from various other sources.

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The Pike family resided in New Jersey for several generations. One Captain John Pike acquired his military title in Indian warfare. Zebulon Pike, the father of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, had been a captain in the Revolutionary army, and had served in the levies of 1791, when he was made a captain of infantry Mar. 5th, 1792; he was assigned to the Third sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792, and to the 3d Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; he became major Mar. 21st, 1800, and was transferred to the 1st Infantry Apr. 1st, 1802; he was brevetted lieutenant-colonel July 10th, 1812, and honorably discharged June 15th, 1815. He died July 27th, 1834. His son, Zebulon Montgomery, was born at Lamberton, afterward a south part of Trenton, N. J.,Jan. 5th, 1779.[M-3]

During Zebulon Montgomery’s childhood his parents removed to a place in Bucks Co., Pa., near the Delaware river, and thence to Easton, Pa. Whiting saysthat he was remembered by some of his schoolmates who were living in 1845, "as a boy of slender form, very fair complexion, gentle and retiring disposition, but of resolute spirit. Instances are mentioned in which his combative energies were put to a test, which would reflect no discredit upon his subsequent career." He had only a common school education, which appears to have been as slight in quality as it was short in duration, though he was at onetime under the tuition of a Mr. Wall, a person of local repute in mathematics. He entered the army as a raw, shy country youth, of the most slender acquirements in any direction, whose main making of a man was ambition.

The records of young Pike’s earliest military service arevariant in some particulars not of much consequence. In one of his letters, printed beyond, p. lxv, he says that he entered the army when he was 15 years old. This would be in or about 1794, and doubtless refers to his cadetship.According to his biographer, he entered his father’s company as a cadet, date not given; was commissioned as an ensign of the 2d Infantry Mar. 3d, 1799; promoted to be a first lieutenant in the same regiment Apr. 24th, 1800, and arranged to the 1st Infantry in 1802. In Heitman’sHistorical Register[M-4] it appears that Zebulon MontgomeryPike, of New Jersey, was first appointed from New Jersey to be a second lieutenant of the 2d Infantry, Mar. 3d, 1799; was next promoted to be first lieutenant of the same regiment, Nov. 1st, 1799; and then transferred to the 1stInfantry, Apr. 1st, 1802. Whatever may have been the facts in the discrepant cases of the earlier dates, there is noun certainty from April 1st, 1802, when the name and rank became First Lieutenant Z. M. Pike, 1st Regiment ofU. S. Infantry. It was as such that this young officer was first detailed for detached service in the exploration of the Mississippi, by order of General James Wilkinson, dated from the Commanding General’s headquarters at St. Louis,Mo., July 30th, 1805.

Pike had not before been distinguished from any other meritorious and zealous subaltern, though his qualities had already attracted favorable attention. His selection byGeneral Wilkinson for this duty was the beginning of all his greatness. The letter in which the detail was made will be found elsewhere (vol. ii, pp. 842-844). The principal other dates of Pike’s brief but brilliant military career maybe conveniently given here, though in so doing I anticipate events which will come up again in their regular order: His promotion to a captaincy in his regiment occurred by routine Aug. 12th, 1806, when he was voyaging up the Osage, early in his second expedition. He became major of the 6th Infantry May 3d, 1808, in less than a year after his return from his tour in Mexico — a journey which was directly continuous with his second, or Arkansaw expedition, but one which, having been involuntarily performed, he chose to separate formally from the other, and to make known as his "third" expedition. He became the lieutenant-colonel of the 4th Infantry Dec. 31st, 1809.From Apr. 3d, 1812, to July 3d of that year, he was on duty as deputy quartermaster-general. He became the colonel of the 15th Infantry July 6th, 1812, and was appointed to be brigadier-general Mar. 12th, 1813. But before this appointment was confirmed General Pike had been killed at the head of the troops he led to the assault on York, Upper Canada, April 27th, 1813, aged 34 years, 3 months, 22 days.

I am favored by Lieutenant J. R. Williams, of the army, with the following copy of the rough draught of a hither to unpublished letter from General John R. Williams of Detroit to Major Amos Holton, giving an interesting picture of Pike, framed in his early environment:

[*] Mr. Jefferson having been elected President of the U. S. The policy of the Government changed instead of wresting the posts on the west bank of the Mississippi from Spain by force of Arms as was previously contemplated — They were eventually obtained by peaceable & Successful negotiation. (Orig. note.)

The "matrimonial expedition" to which the foregoing letter quaintly alludes was successful, like Pike’s other expeditions of later date and greater celebrity. The young lieutenant was married in 1801 (day of the month not ascertained)to Clarissa Brown, daughter of General John Brown of Kentucky. Whiting says that the issue of this connection was "three daughters and one son. Only one of these children reached the maturity of life, a daughter, who married Symmes Harrison, the son of General [William Henry]Harrison, and became a widow, many years since, with several children." Whiting continues with the following statements, embodying perhaps as much as has hither to been published of Pike’s domestic relations:

On seeking for information in regard to General Pike’s daughter and her children, I first wrote to ex-President Benjamin Harrison, by whom I was favored with prompt reply, in part as follows:

Mrs. Bettie Harrison Eaton was kind enough to reply to my further inquiries, in a letter dated El Paso, Tex., July 2d, 1894, from which I quote in substance:

On applying to William Henry Harrison of North Bend,O., I received a brief note dated Sept. 10th, 1894, in which the following information is given: "My house burned some years ago, when all General Pike’s private papers were lost. He had but one child, my mother Clara. His wife’s maiden name was Clara Brown; she was the daughter of Captain John Brown of Revolutionary fame."

With thus much — none too complete, but all that I have in hand — concerning Pike’s private life, we return to his public career. The unnumbered extant notices to which the fame that he acquired gave rise are mainly and most naturally devoted to the consideration of the Mississippian,Arkansan, and Mexican exploits which form the matter of the present volumes, but which need not occupy the present biographer, as they speak for themselves. These cover the dates of 1805-6-7; and before taking up Pike’s life in 1808, we may next consider the bibliography of the books to which his expeditions gave rise.

The earliest one of these, forerunner of the regular edition of 1810, is entitled:

This is an extremely rare tract. I have handled two copies, one of which I own, title page gone; the other being a perfect example in the Library of Congress at Washington. There is a third in the Ridgway Library of Philadelphia; and Sabin’s Bibl. Amer. cites a fourth, in the library of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester,Mass. These are all that I know of, though of course others exist. The authorship and circumstances of publication remain unknown, to me at least. Sabin gives the date 1807; this is probably correct, certainly true within a year, but questionable. I adopt it, in view of its probability, and in the absence of conclusive evidence against it, though Whiting says 1808. But early in 1808 Pike was already arranging for the publication of his own book, which appeared in 1810. Pike does not even allude to this publication, either in his own book, or in any of the manuscripts I have seen in which the latter is mentioned. On consultation with Mr. A. R. Spofford over the general aspect and "make-up," no definite conclusion could be reached by that exceptionally well-versed librarian. It is supposed by some, not without plausibility, to have been a government publication; but Mr. Spofford’s ignorance of the fact, if it be such, is against this supposition; for a publication which he cannot recognize on sight as having been issued in Washington is unlikely. The tract looks as if it formed a part of something else; witness the peculiar set of the title page, the conclusion of the Pike matter on p. 67, and the appearance on p. 68 of the Boivin letter, having no obvious connection with the rest.However all this may really have been, there is no question of the genuineness of this unauthenticated narrative.Pike never penned it — he could not write so well as theanonymous author of this tract did. But whoever wrote it had Pike’s original manuscript journal or note-book before him, and followed him closely, faithfully, and accurately.Pike’s case is put in the third person by the writer, who gives in narrative form a better account of the Mississippi voyage than Pike’s slender literary attainments enabled him to write for himself. This "text of 1807," as I shall call it, when I have occasion to cite it in my commentary, is an invaluable check upon Pike’s own itinerary; he cannot have been unaware of its existence, and the friendly hand which thus first gave to the world the best account extant of the Mississippi voyage should not have been ignored when Pike came to write out his notes for publication in the princeps edition of his several expeditions, of date 1810.[M-10]

Immediately upon his escape from his Spanish captor sand hosts, and his return to his native land, Pike set about writing his book. This was finished — or at any rate so far advanced that a contract for its publication had been made — early in 1808 (see letter of May 27th, 1808, beyond, p. lxi).The original edition of his Expeditions is as follows:

It has been said, "The pen is mightier than the sword."Pike’s pen proved mightier than his sword, and pistols too, in putting bookmaking to confusion and editors to despair.It would be hard to find a match for the disorder in which Pike’s materials were set forth in print, especially in the several Appendixes: Even the patient printer would not let it go without published apology. No editor has hither to been found expert or rash enough to reproduce anything like the original arrangement of the "Parts," "Appendixes"with their numerous pieces, folding "Tables," etc. The English editor, who first undertook to bring something like cosmos out of this chaos, created a new book by weaving as much as he could of the matter of the Appendixes into the main text, or into footnotes thereto, thereby greatly reducing the bulk of the appendicial texts. But these contained documents which proved refractory to such treatment; the plan could not be fully carried out, for there was a residuum which still called for an Appendix. In fact, the real bulk of Pike’s cargo is in these Appendixes; his Itineraries — the only portions of his book which were printed in large type, as main text — being less important, if not less interesting, than the rest of the freight. In approaching my own editorial labors, my intention was to adhere as closely as possible to the arrangement of the original. This I flatter myself I have succeeded in doing, with a few important exceptions to which attention is pointedly directed in my notes. These transpositions, with the introduction of chapter-heads,and co-ordination of all of the original book in uniform typography, have probably effected the required result.

In 1811 Pike’s work was also published, from another MS. copy, with many modifications, in a handsome quarto edition, as follows:

This is the standard English edition, prepared under the careful and able editorship of Dr. Thomas Rees, from a manuscript copy transmitted to England at the time that the original manuscript went to press in America. This edition, and not the American of 1810, is the basis of the French and Dutch versions, and is also the one which was textually reprinted as the Denver edition of 1889. Dr. Reesmade Pike a much better book than the author made for himself. The very great differences from the American original, due to the English editor’s literary skill, are modestly set forth in the latter’s Advertisement. It appears from this that the MS. transmitted to England "was divided into six parts, comprising the three journals which follow, and the observations pertaining to each in a separate portion."As the appendicial matters were received "in the desultorymanner in which they were originally composed, the editor judged it for the advantage of the work to restore them, as nearly as he possibly could, in distinct paragraphs, to the places they had first occupied in the journal, thus rendering it unnecessary to lead the reader a second time over the same ground." In other words, Dr. Rees picked the helter-skelter Appendixes to pieces, and wove most of their contents into the main text, as already said. The accounts of the Indians on the Upper Mississippi, and the Observations on New Spain, he "preserved in their original state. The Notes and Appendixes, with some variation of arrangement, have been printed after the manuscripts, but a few articles have been omitted, as containing only repetitions of what had already appeared in the body of the work. With respect to the language and style of the Author, the Editor felt he had a much more delicate task to perform than in the disposal of the materials." He therefore preserved Pike’s language in substance, but corrected his grammar freely. Dr. Rees’ avowal of the trouble he had with proper names of persons and places will surprise no one who reads the present edition and sees with what extraordinary perversions of Indian, French, and Spanish names both Dr.Rees and myself had to contend. Dr. Rees speaks also of the "ignorant and careless transcriber" of the copy which reached him, and observes further: "It is mortifying to find that in America, where the Author was accessible, and might readily have elucidated any accidental obscurities in his manuscript, the work has been printed in very nearly as incorrect a state as it appeared in the present editor’s copy.The sheets of the American Edition reached here some time after his own had been in the printer’s hands, but its numerous errors, discreditable certainly to the American press, left him little to regret that they had not arrived at an earlier period." For the rest, Dr. Rees remarks that he furnished "some cursory notes, which are distinguished by the letter E," and adds: "In the account of New Spain he has subjoined the population of several places from Humboldt’srecent ’Essai Politique,’ in order to furnish the reader with the means of instant comparison. It is pleasing to observe how nearly these statements agree in the most material instances; and the circumstance affords no slight evidence of the general accuracy of Major Pike’s information." He is charitable enough to refrain from adding what else this circumstance evidences. Dr. Rees’ further introduction to his main text consists of the Congressional papers, which in the orig. ed. form a part of the App. to Pt. 3, and which are given this prominence, apparently, to authenticate the whole work in the eyes of the English public by these officialities. In the copy of the Rees edition which I have handled I find but two maps, reduced as above said.

This was followed in 1812 by a French version, the title and collation of which are here given:

Humboldt’s direct and unqualified charge of plagiarism against Pike, which has never been answered and is probably unanswerable, is reiterated in that one of his works entitled: Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent during the Years 1799-1804.By Alexander de Humboldt and Aimé Bonpland. Writtenin French by Alexander de Humboldt, and translated into English by Helen Maria Williams, Philadelphia, M. Carey,1 vol., 8vo, Dec. 23d, 1815, on p. xxii of which we read:"Mr. Pike displayed admirable courage in an important undertaking for the investigation of western Louisiana; but unprovided with instruments, and strictly watched on the road from Santa Fe to Natchitoches, he could do nothing towards the progress of the geography of the provincias internas. The maps of Mexico, which are annexed to thenarrative of his journey, are reduced from my great map ofNew Spain, of which I left a copy, in 1804, at the secretary of state’s office at Washington." In this connection Humboldt also makes the same well-founded charge against Arrowsmith, saying, p. xxi: "My general map of the kingdom of New Spain, formed on astronomical observations, and on the whole of the materials which existed in Mexico in 1804, has been copied by Mr. Arrowsmith, who has appropriated it to himself, by publishing it on a larger scale under the title of New Map of Mexico, compiled from original Documents, by Arrowsmith. It is very easy to recognize this map from the number of chalcographical errors with which it abounds," etc.

Of all forms of dishonesty, literary larceny is the most futile, because the surest of detection. Plagiarism is worse than a crime — it is a blunder. If the matter stolen is worths tealing, the transaction is certain to be exposed, sooner or later. The distinction between the use and misuse of the literary labors of another is so plain and simple that it cannot be misunderstood. It depends solely upon whether acknowledgment be made or not. Plagiarism acknowledged is no plagiarism — one has only to say "by your leave," to appropriate with impunity whatever he desires. But this instant formula is indispensable. Subsequent apology or explanation is impossible. Humboldt took Pike red-handed; this the present biographer deplores; but he can neither discover nor invent a defense. Pike’s senselessness in this matter aggravates the offense. To have acknowledged his indebtedness to Humboldt and Bonpland, and then utilized their work to any extent he chose, would have been shrewd policy, as well as honest conduct; for Humboldt’s was already a name to conjure with, and the hitherto nameless young writer could not have done better for himself than to cite such high authority in connection with his own work.[M-11] I have reluctantly satisfied myself thatPike’s map of New Spain is no other than Humboldt’s CarteGénérale du Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, with Nau’serrors and some little further modification.

The Dutch edition of Pike, 1812-13, is as follows:

The general form and style of this version are most like those of the French translation, from which, however, the Dutch differs in various particulars. It appears to have been based upon the English quarto rather than upon the original Philadelphia octavo, and to have been translated independently there from, as the French also was. Both the Dutch and the French editions follow the English one in working the matter of the Appendixes into the main text — in fact, no edition that I know of has hitherto followed the awkward and exasperating form of Pike’s ownbook. The anonymous Dutch translator introduces a new preface, and a few short footnotes, not reproducing those of the French translator; the three maps are re-engraved from those prepared by Antoine Nau, as in the French edition, but with lettering of the names in Dutch instead ofFrench.

The foregoing English, French, and Dutch editions were speedily followed by a German version. This seems to be a scarce book; I have not yet been able to find a copy. I presume that, like the French and Dutch, it was modeled upon the London quarto; but with what modifications, if any, aside from translation into another language, I have no idea.

The latest and best edition of Pike which has hither to appeared in the United States, was published in 1889, as follows:

As appears from the foregoing title and collation, this is a faithful and complete reprint of the English quarto.The title page is facsimiled with the camera, down to thepublishers’ names; the text is identical throughout, barring such slight literal or punctual differences as are necessarily incident to resetting type. The only noticeable change from the London edition is that Dr. Rees’ advertisement is replaced by a new introduction, from the pen of William M. Maguire, Esq., of Denver. This is a valuable feature; my only regret is that so competent and conscientious an editor as Mr. Maguire — one familiar with much of Pike’s route, and enthusiastic on the subject — did not give the work that extended critical revision which would have forestalled my own commentary and left me to exercise my editorial wits in some other direction. As it is, I am indebted to my valued correspondent in several particulars which appear in their proper connections in the course of my notes.

It is needless to cite here the multiplied notices of Pike and of his travels or his book which appear in ordinary biographical and encyclopedic publications. But, aside from Whiting’s Memoir, already adduced, I may notice some special articles of more or less recent date.

The Pacific Railroad Reports, XI. 1855, pp. 19-22, contain a notice of Pike’s Expeditions, by the late eminent geographer,General Gouverneur Kemble Warren. The routes are traced correctly, except in the instance of sending Pike over the Continental Divide to head waters of the Colorado of the West; for General Warren says: "It appears that Lieutenant Pike has the honor of being the first American explorer that reached the sources of this large river [theArkansaw], and the second that crossed the divide between the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans." The first clause of this statement is correct; in the second, the writer was misled.

"Mungo-Meri-Paike" is not the name of the celebrated Ethiopian explorer who was born at Fowlshiels, in Selkirkshire,Scotland, Sept. 20th, 1771, and became known to fame as Mungo Park, but a phonetization of the way "Montgomery Pike" reverberated in Spanish ears. Colonel JamesF. Meline’s Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, etc., New York, Hurd and Houghton, 1867, exploits Pike in an interesting manner, especially in Letter xxix, pp. 234-245.Meline’s contribution to the present biography is particularly valuable, as it gives some documentary evidence of the Spanish view of Pike’s invasion of New Mexico. Most of this we have in Pike’s book; but one of the papers which Colonel Meline presents, both in the original Spanish and in an English version, must find a place here; I give it in English, from Meline’s pp. 243-245.[M-12] It is GovernorAllencaster’s report to General Salcedo, of date Santa Fé,N. M., Apr. 1st, 1807: compare Pike at p. 607 and following pages; also, p. 809.

The Topeka Common wealth, a Kansan newspaper, during the summer and autumn of 1877 published a series of articles by Noble L. Prent is. These were afterward gathered in a volume entitled: A Kansan Abroad, what purports to be the second edition of which appeared in 1878, Topeka, Geo.W. Martin, sm. 8vo, pp. 240. One of the articles in this book, pp. 191-214, is thus described by its author, who seems to have been something of a wag: "The sketch, Pike of Pike’sPeak, was first delivered at Topeka, February 19th, 1877, under the patronage of the Kansas State Historical Society.Afterward, in the cheerful month of March, the author went around the country with his production in the form of a’lecture.’ It was not as funny as was expected, and, as a lecture, was not an overwhelming success. It now appears for the first time in print; and may it find more readers than it ever did hearers." In this wish I concur with pleasure; for Mr. Prent is evidently had read his Pike with interested attention, and his essay is one of the best short biographies of our hero that I have seen. I have occasion to cite it twice in the present memoir.

In his Explorers and Travellers, forming a volume of the Men of Achievement series, New York, Charles Scribner’sSons, 1893, Art. VI., pp. 163-193, General A. W. Greely,Chief Signal Officer, U. S. A., who himself illuminates achievement in exploration, has given an appreciative sketch of Pike’s career, in the main correct, though inaccurate in certain particulars. If I here specify two of these, it is in no spirit of detraction, but with the good feeling that General Greely reciprocated when I called his attention to them. It is said, p. 173, that "Pike visited Red Lake and passed to the north, which carried him to the drainage-basin of the Red River"; but Pike was never out of the Mississippian water shed on that voyage, his furthest point being Cass lake. This was formerly known as Red Cedar lake, whence perhaps General Greely’s misapprehension.Again, it is said, p. 183, that Pike "doubtless crossed into Middle Park [in Colorado] and saw the head-watersof the Colorado"; but Pike went directly fromSouth Park back into the valley of the Arkansaw, and never viewed a Pacific watershed. The general’s summary, p. 175, of Pike’s results on the Mississippi is judicious — a conservative estimate, colored with a generosity which none would wish to have been withheld:

Hon. Alva Adams of Pueblo, Col., delivered an address before the students and faculty of Colorado College, Colorado Springs, July 12th, 1894, which was published under the title: The Louisiana Purchase and its first Explorer,Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 8vo, pp. 23. This is a spirit edoration, befitting the occasion and inspiring to read. It is true that Pike’s book appeared in 1810, thus anticipating by four years the publication of Lewis and Clark; but can Governor Adams have forgotten who first explored the Louisiana Purchase, and returned from their expedition to the Pacific at noon of Sept. 23d, 1806 — At that date Pike was at the Pawnee village on the Republican river; and on the 4th of October he had the news of Lewis and Clark’s return to St. Louis. His western expedition had been in progress only since July 15th, 1806. If Governor Adams had Pike’s Mississippi voyage in mind, that does not alter the case. Lewis and Clark started up the Missouri May 24th, 1804; and when Pike began to navigate the Mississippi, Aug. 9th, 1805, Lewis and Clark were on Jefferson river, in Montana. Furthermore, Pike was preceded in exploring Louisiana, from Missourian waters to those of the Rio Grande, by James Pursley, who had himself been preceded by Jean Baptiste Lalande, as we are duly informed by Pike himself; and it is probable that French traders reached Santa Fé by the same way half a century before Pike.

The Annals of Iowa, 3d series, Vol. I. No. 7, Oct.,1894, pp. 531-36, contains an article entitled: Pike’s Explorations.This is anonymous, but was written by my much esteemed friend, Hon. Charles Aldrich, editor of the Annals and curator of the Iowa State Historical Department atDes Moines. The article is clear and concise; and it traces Pike’s several journeys with absolute accuracy.

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We return from this bibliographical excursus to resume the thread of Pike’s biography — would that there had been many more years to chronicle in the gallant and patriotic, but all too brief, life of the young soldier! No longer lieutenant, but captain, since Aug. 12th, 1806, Pike was delivered out of the hands of "our friends the enemy" on the Sabine river, to which he had been escorted by his Spanish captors,June 29th, 1807; and arrived at Natchitoches about 4 p. m.,July 1st. The following letter was received at the War Department Sept. 29th, 1807; it is not included in the Appendix to Pt. 3 of the book, and has probably never been published. I print verbatim from a copy of the original now on file in the office of the secretary of war:

While at Natchitoches, Captain Pike made it one of his first concerns to move in the matter of Captain Nolan’s men, then prisoners in Mexico: see beyond, pp. 609, 657,660, 666, 767, 811. The case is little known, and has not proved an easy one to recover. But through the kind attentions of the eminent historian, Reuben T. Durrett,LL. D., president of the Filson Club of Louisville, Ky.,I am put in possession of an article which appeared in the Natchez Herald of Aug. 18th, 1807, setting forth the factsin full. This I have the pleasure of presenting, literally according to the type-written copy which Dr. Durrett transmits,Apr. 12th, 1895:

The records I have examined do not show Captain Pike’s movements for the next few months. But imagination easily forges the missing links of the return of an intrepid and successful explorer who had been a captive in foreign lands, given up by his friends as lost to them forever — a loved husband, whom domus et placens uxor awaited — ahero, whose story remained to be told to a public eager to hear of El Dorado. He was in Washington soon — most likely before the end of the year, certainly in Jan., 1808 — andalready in hot water. For he took a header into the political caldron, which perpetually boils there, but had been superheated for him in consequence of his supposed confidential relations with his military commander-in-chief.[M-13]His name came before Congress in a way which ruffled his plumes, and extorted the following mettlesome effusion:

On the same sheet of paper which has this letter, General Dearborn drafted a reply, with many interlineations and erasures, to be copied in a fair clerk’s hand and signed by himself. In its final form, as received by Captain Pike, it was published, with other papers relating to Congressional action, as a part of Document No. 6 of the App. to Pt. 3 of the orig. ed. of this work: see p. 844. Its first form is as follows:

To the above Pike made reply at once:

Meanwhile Captain Pike was panting for promotion — dear to every soldiers heart, and in his case well deserved.His majority was in sight but not in hand. There appears to have been a technical obstacle in his way. We often smile at the witticism expressed in the phrase: "the United States and New Jersey." Like most such things, it is not new. Being a Jerseyman, Captain Pike was required to establish the fact that he was not an alien to the United States — not for that reason, perhaps — still he was required to produce certain evidence of citizenship, as the following curious correspondence shows:

The above certificate of Governor Bloomfield was inclosed by Pike to the War Department with the following letter:

Having thus proven that he was a citizen of New Jersey and of the United States, the captain could feel that the coveted majority was his. His commission as major of the 6th Infantry, of date May 3d, 1808, was acknowledged by him in the following letter, which I have also chosen as the one to be reproduced in facsimile for the present work:

Among other things which had engaged Major Pike’s attention was of course his book — that story of his adventures which he had fondly dreamed would immortalize his name, and respecting which his dream was realized.He had already made such progress in his literary work that he entered into official correspondence with theSecretary of War on that subject. For instance:

The inside history of books which the world will not let die is always interesting. Here is a letter which speaks for itself:

The War Department proved to be a liberal subscriber; for General Dearborn indorsed the above in his own handwriting,"We will take 50 copies."

Matters thus being satisfactorily arranged for the publicationof his book, Major Pike seems to have returned at once, or very soon, to military duty in his new rank — unles she went to see his wife on leave of absence. We find himat Belle Fontaine in August of this year, as evidenced by a letter I will transcribe in part, epitomizing the rest:

Before the year closed Major Pike had come East, and found his hands full, no doubt, in presenting to Congress the claims of himself and his men to the generous consideration of that body, in the little matter of an appropriation for their benefit. Those who have ever had occasion to cool their heels in the halls of greatness, till the mercury of their hopes congealed in the bulbs of their thoroughlyrefrigerated boots, will best appreciate Pike’s plight. The novelist’s realism of little Miss Flite in Chancery is out-realized in the Bleak House on Capitol Hill, which William McGarrahan haunted for a lifetime, and from which his injured ghost may not yet be freed. The following letter was written when Pike had not lost hope:

Nothing came of this move. Pike was less fortunate than Lewis and Clark. The difference did not all depend upon merit; simply, he had no political "pull." His expeditions originated with General Wilkinson; they were military movements with which the President had nothing to do. Jealousy is the most nearly universal of human weaknesses, in high as well as low places; besides which, Thomas Jefferson had his own opinion of James Wilkinson. WhateverMajor Pike may have thought of it, he certainly lost little time in dancing attendance on Congress; he was not built for a lobbyist. In Dec., 1808, we find him on military duty at Fort McHenry, Md., as appears from various official letters of his before me, but which need not be transcribed, as they represent merely the routine correspondence of an army officer. At some period in 1809 he was transferred to the West; and he was on duty as military agent in New Orleans from Sept. 13th, 1809, to Mar. 10th, 1810, or later, by virtue of the following order:

During his tour of duty in New Orleans Major Pike became lieutenant-colonel of the 4th Infantry Dec. 31st, 1809. One of Lieutenant-Colonel Pike’s letters shows that he did not forget "Baroney," his quondam companion in arms on the Arkansaw:

There is little to mark Lieutenant-Colonel Pike’s career in 1810-11, or until the breaking out of the war of 1812. From many letters I have seen by which he can be traced in these years, uneventful for him, I select one which show the workings of his mind at this time, as well as his readiness to ventilate the views which he entertained. Characters such as his have visions which they may freely express without carrying conviction to others. The following communication was received at the War Department from Mississippi Territory:

Lieutenant-Colonel Pike’s "despair of ever being called into service" was of short duration. He was soon to be called upon to lay down his life for his country on the battlefield. From April 3d, 1812, to July 3d of that year he had been deputy quartermaster-general. He was promoted to the colonelcy of the 15th Infantry July 6th, 1812. The war was upon us. Colonel Pike’s qualifications for the command of a regiment may be best estimated in the terms of his military biographer, General Whiting, who says, pp. 309-311:

These pikes presented a formidable appearance on drill and dress parade, when the men could display their tactics with the precision of automata. They were even retained in the assault of Fort York. But at the first engagement after the fall of General Pike, the men threw them away, together with the cut-off pieces, and picked up English muskets to fight with. The experiment of putting his regiment on snow-shoes which Pike tried doubtless remembering their service ability to himself and his company on the upper Mississippi in the winter of 1805-6 — does not seem to have proven any more lasting or decided a success.

Colonel Pike’s sword was stronger than his pen, as we know; but he could sharpen either weapon on occasion, as the following spirited repulse of a newspaper attack on his regiment will show:[M-16]

Colonel Pike seldom had occasion to make proclamations of a politico-military character. But one such which he issued while he was in command of a district may be he recited. It is not dated, in the printed form before me, but was no doubt given out in Jan., 1813, as it appears in Niles’ Register for the week ending Jan. 30th, III. No. 22,p. 344:

During the winter of 1812-13, when the 15th regiment was stationed on the northern frontier, in view of the operations to be undertaken against the posts of the enemy on the lakes, great confidence in this well-disciplined and zealous body of troops was felt by General Henry Dearborn, formerly secretary of war, and then the senior major-general of the army, in immediate command. As we have just seen, General Pike was in charge of a military district on Lake Champlain; his command was then of about 2,500 men. Various desultory demonstrations against the enemy had proved futile, in some cases fatuous and disgraceful. The War Department determined upon a more consistent and apparently feasible plan of concerted operations, which had in view the reduction of all the British posts on the St. Lawrence River and Lake Ontario. The capture of Kingston (site of old Fort Frontenac) was a measure of first importance. The garrison was supposed to be small, and lulled in a sense of security, owing to the rigors of the season and the numerical insignificance of our troops at Sackett’s Harbor; nor was Kingston likely to be re-enforced from below, as the British forces were menaced on the Lower St. Lawrence by Pike’s troops on Lake Champlain. It was proposed to transport these in sleighs to the foot of Lake Ontario with such promptitude that the movement could not be counteracted. General Dearborn also proposed to concentrate other forces at Sackett’s Harbor, to which place his headquarters at Albany were to be moved at once. This was in Feb., 1813. But while these measures were pending, Sir George Prevost, Governor-General of the Canadas, prorogued the Parliament then in session, and moved to Kingston with re-enforcements for that place. According toGeneral Dearborn’s dispatches of Mar. 3d from Sackett’s Harbor, this demonstration seemed so alarming that operations against Kingston were suspended in favor of others which had regard to the safety of Sackett’s Harbor; though it appears in General Armstrong’s History of the War that Sir George Prevost had executed a clever ruse with few troops, and "countervailed his antagonist only by dexterous and well-timed reports," Whiting’s Pike, p. 290 seq.

The proposed attack on Kingston over the ice having been abandoned, the Secretary of War’s alternative plan of reducing in succession the several posts on and about Lake Ontario engaged General Dearborn’s attention. The Secretary indicated the order in which the successive attacks were to be made, viz.: Kingston and York on Lake Ontario; George and Erie on the Niagara river. But this sequence was not strictly regarded by General Dearborn, who determined to attack Kingston last instead of first; considering the rotation of the assaults to be of minor consequence, in view of the main features of a campaign which had for its object the reduction of all the posts named in the order of the Secretary. The general commanding, on consultation with Commodore Isaac Chauncey, concluded to make York the initial point of attack; George to come next, and then Kingston.

As noted by this military critic and historian, General Dearborn was relieved from command early in July, 1813, his successor being enjoined to rest on his arms, except in the event of certain improbable contingencies which never arose, until the arrival of General Wilkinson, who did not reach Fort George until September, or resume operations until Oct. 1st; so that "nearly three months were utterly wasted by a body of 4,000 troops."

But I have digressed from the attack on Fort York, with which alone are we here concerned.

In the latter part of April, 1813, the navigation of Lake Ontario was open, and no molestation was apprehended, asit was known that Sir James Yeo’s fleet was not operative. Agreeably with the plan of the campaign above briefly noted, therefore, General Dearborn embarked on board Commodore Chauncey’s fleet, with about 1,700 troops, under the immediate command of Brigadier-General Pike, Apr. 25th.On the morning of the 27th the fleet reached York harbor,where it was intended to debark for the assault on Fort York. This military post defended the place which had been known as Toronto till 1793, and was then called York till 1834, when it resumed its aboriginal name.

The true signification of the Iroquois word which has settled in the form Toronto, after long fluctuation of all its vowels, is uncertain, or at any rate, is still questioned. It is now most frequently translated "trees in the water," or by some equivalent phrase, with reference to the formerly wooded, long, low spit of land which still encompasses the harbor of Ontario’s metropolis. Irrespective of its etymology, the various connotations of Toronto in successive historical periods are to be carefully discriminated. If we turn to old maps, we see that the present Georgian bay of Lake Huron was Toronto bay; the present Lake Simcoe was Toronto lake; present Severn river and the Humber were each of them Toronto river. In the seventeenth century, Toronto was the official designation of a region between Lake Simcoe and the Georgian bay, the country of the Huron's, on the large peninsula which intervenes between Lake Huron and Lake Ontario. The comparatively narrow neck of this peninsula offered, by means of Humber river and certain portages, a convenient way to pass between these two great lakes. It was, in fact, an Indian thoroughfare. The mouth of the Humber consequently became an Indian rendezvous, and the name of the whole region thus became best known in connection with the locality of the present city. As the southern term in us of this highway, on Lake Ontario, offered an eligible site for a trading-post, advantage was taken of such an opportunity to cut off trade from Chouagen (Oswego) by planting the original establishment of the Whites near the mouth of the Humber. Such was the French Fort Rouillé, built in 1749, and named in compliment to Antoine Louis Rouillé, Comte de Jouy, then colonial minister. This post was destroyed in 1756, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the English. It became better known as Fort Toronto than it had been by its proper French name, and later on passed into history as Old Fort Toronto, in distinction from the two other establishments to which the name was successively bequeathed. Fort Rouillé, by whatever name called, was never lost sight of entirely. Lossing’s Field Book of the War of 1812, New York, 1868, p. 593, has a cut which shows its appearance when it had been to some extent renovated in 1812-13. The exact site is now marked by a monument, lying alongside which is an inscribed stone. These memorials are pointed out to visitors, on the lakeshore, in the southwest corner of the present Exposition grounds, on the western side of the city of Toronto. After the abandonment of old Fort Rouillé the region round about remained for nearly half a century a wild whose solitude may have been only relieved by the lodges of a few Misisagas. Those Indians of Ojibwa affinities who had become members of the Iroquois confederation in 1746,three years before the fort was built. In 1791, Upper and Lower Canada were instituted by parliamentary measures which Pitt guided to success; the latter was practically the province of Quebec; the former became the province of Ontario, the refuge and future home of the United Empire Loyalists. For the capital of Ontario, a site was to be chosen in then unbroken wilds. The first provincial Parliament of the new province of Upper Canada was held in May, 1793, at Newark, the present town of Niagara, where the river of that name enters Lake Ontario. But this place was ineligible; the river became an international boundary; the guns of the United States Fort Niagara could be trained upon Newark; and in August of the same year the seat of government of the new province was transferred to the new site which had been surveyed to that end by Bouchette, and selected for the purpose by General and Governor John Graves Simcoe (b. Feb. 25th, 1752, d. Oct.6th, 1806). To this place Simcoe gave the name of York, after the duke, second son of George III. The evolution of this embryo of future greatness was slow; for many years "Little York," or "Muddy York," as it was styled by some in derision, had but a few hundred inhabitants; its maintenance was mainly due to the United Loyalists already mentioned. In April, 1813, the works by which York was defended, and which General Pike carried by assault, were those called Fort York; later they were known as Fort Toronto, or "the Fort at Toronto." The town which Simcoe had christened York did not resume the original designation of the locality till 1834, when it was incorporated as the city of Toronto.

stopped here

This magnificent metropolis, which so admirably illustrates the effect of American momentum upon English stability, is situated upon the north side of Lake Ontario, 39 miles northeast of Hamilton (which occupies the fonddu lac) and 310 miles west-southwest of Montreal; at the observatory the position is calculated to be in latitude 43°39′ 35″ N. and longitude 79° 23´ 39′´ W. of the Greenwich meridian. The city extends westward from the vicinity of the Don in the direction of the Humber, across the small stream known as Garrison creek. It thus has several miles of lake front on the south, at the bay or harbor of Toronto, partly shut off from the lake by low land which was once a peninsula, and some small islands, with an entrance only from the west; but the peninsula has been artificially cut off from the mainland. At its end stood a blockhouse, in a position known as Gibraltar point; another blockhouse stood at the mouth of the Don, on the left or east bank of that river. One now drives a few blocks from any hotel in the heart of the city to "old" Fort York, at present dismantled, but very much in evidence still of the scene of General Pike’s victory and mortal hurt. The visitor will be warned off the premises by the functionary who has these disjecta membra in charge, as lossing had been before I was; but may nevertheless keep on the main street or road through the frowning earth works, and will presently find himself on Garrison Common. This is the large level piece of ground, the middle of the lake front of which is occupied by the present barracks, or "new fort." At points included within the present garrison and parade ground were the positions of two outer defenses of old Fort York, respectively called at that time the Western and the Half Moon battery; these were the first and second obstacles for Pike to surmount in advancing upon the main defenses of York. Crossing Garrison Common in a few minutes we enter the Exposition grounds, at the further corner of which, to the left, and directly upon the lake shore, stand the Rouillé monument and inscribed cairn already mentioned, together with a historical cabin; a pier juts into the lake close by these objects. The direct distance between the Rouillé monument and old Fort York is about 6,000 feet — little over a mile by the road; the present barracks are nearly midway between those two places. Old Fort York occupies a position about the mouth of Garrison creek, between Front Street and the water’s edge, at the foot of Tecumseh Street, and close to Queen’s Wharf, in the midst of railroad tracks, freight houses, and depots. The magazine, which was exploded at the cost of many American andsome British lives, stood in a depression at or near the mouth of the creek, with its top nearly on a level with higher ground on either hand; it is said that its existence was not suspected by the enemy. It was a comparatively large structure of its kind, solidly built of heavy stonemasonry, and contained a great quantity of powder, shot, and shell. All the positions here in mention may be inspected in a leisurely drive of an hour. Those who have not been over the ground, or have not a city map at hand, will be helped to a clear understanding of the situation by the diagram given in Lossing, p. 590; together with the sketches there given of York, of Fort York, of the magazine which was blown up by General Sheaffe’s order, and often Western battery whose explosion was accidental. Of the later, the picture represents the remains as they were in 1860.

The conflicting accounts of uninformed, unconsciously biased, or willfully mendacious writers have shrouded in obsecurity, the clear and intelligible relation which can be given of the battle of York. Especially have the two explosions which occurred during the assault been confounded and falsified in history. It is necessary, at the outset, to dissociate in mind these two catastrophes, namely:(1) The accidental explosion of a portable magazine at the Western battery during the advance of the Americans upon the main works. (2) The intentional explosion of the fixed magazine during the retreat of the British from the mainworks. The latter was somewhat premature, owing to over much deal of the soldier who had been ordered to fire the train; but it was premeditated.

A diligent comparison of many different descriptions of the battle of York has satisfied me that the account in Whiting, Pike’s most formal biographer, leaves much to be desired, and that Lossing’s relation is decidedly preferable in most particulars. The latter gives, on the whole, the clearest and truest picture which any modern historian has painted. Lossing consulted the official reports of the commanders, both British and American; the accounts given by Thompson, Perkins, James, Auchinleck, Armstrong, Christy, Ingersoll, and others; Whiting’s Biography of Pike; Hough’s County histories; Roger’s Canadian History; Smith’s Canada; Cooper’s Naval History; Niles’ Register; the Portfolio; the Analectic Magazine; he had some manuscripts of actors in the scene, besides various verbal relations; and he went over the ground in person. In the following sketch I shall lean more heavily upon Lossing than upon Whiting; but for numerous particulars shall refer back of both to contemporaneous records and official reports, on both sides. I shall also adduce a certain obscure author, P. Finan, who is among those who witnessed the fight, and who describes what he saw in his little-known journal of a "Voyage to Quebec" in the year 1825, with "Recollections of Canada" during the late American War in the years 1812-13, Newry, printed by Alexander Peacock, 1828. H. A. Fay’s Collection of Official Documents, etc., 1 vol., 8vo, New York, 1817, gives General Dearborn’ and Commodore Chauncey’s reports to the Secretary of War and of the Navy, respectively, and the terms of the capitulation after the capture. "Brannan’s Official Letters", etc., 1 vol., 8vo, Washington, 1823, gives in full Pike’s vigorous and rigorous brigade order, pp. 144-146; the reports said of Dearborn and of Chauncey; and various other items. These and many other materials are also contained in earlier form in Niles’ Weekly Register, IV. Mar.-Sept.,1813. What here follows is derived mainly from the sources I have thus indicated, but also includes a certified copy of the most important one of the original Sheaffe documents in the Archives of Ontario at Ottawa.

General Pike’s brigade order for the attack on York appears as follows in Niles’ Register, IV. pp. 229, 230:

Of quite another character than the foregoing order is the next word which reaches us from General Pike — probably from the last letter he ever wrote. It is always the soldier, but now the son and not the officer who speaks in this letter addressed to his father. The extract is undated and unsigned, but was penned at Brownsville, near Sackett’s Harbor, on the day before the expedition sailed from the latter place. I cite from "Niles’ Register of Saturday", July 10th, 1813, p. 304, these affecting passages:

"I embark to-morrow in the fleet at Sackett’s Harbor, at the head of a column of 1,500 choice troops, on a secret expedition. If success attends my steps, honor and glory await my name — if defeat, still shall it be said we died like brave men, and conferred honor, even in death, on the American name.

"Should I be the happy mortal destined to turn the scale of war, will you not rejoice, O my father — MayHeaven be propitious, and smile on the cause of my country. But if we are destined to fall, may my fall bel ike Wolfe’s — to sleep in the arms of victory."

His aspiration was answered, for he turned the scale of war; his dream of glory came true, for he fell asleep, like Wolfe, in the arms of victory!

Commodore Isaac Chauncey’s fleet, which conveyed the American troops from Sackett’s Harbor to York, consisted of 14 vessels: the Madison, flagship; Oneida, Fair American, Hamilton, Governor Tompkins, Conquest, Asp, Pert, Julia, Growler, Ontario, Scourge, Lady of the Lake, and the Transport Raven.

On that fateful 27th of April, 1813, about seven o’clock in the morning, when this fleet had reached York, the intention was to land the troops at old Fort Rouillé, whence the advance to the assault of Fort York would have been only about a mile, along the lake front, over the level ground of present Garrison Common. But a strong east wind drove the boats "a considerable distance" leeward, to some wooded point in the direction of the Humber. Exactly how far this was does not appear; but there is evidence that it was not more than some fraction of a mile — probably not as far west of Fort Rouillé as the latter was west of Fort York. General Dearborn says, "about a mile and a half" from Fort York, which would be about half a mile west of Fort Rouillé; and the place called, Grenadier Point, has been named in this connection. Doubtless the whole of the troops were not landed at precisely the same spot. General Dearborn remained with the fleet, which was to bombard York after landing the troops under the command of General Pike. The former’s official report to Hon. John Armstrong, Secretary of War, dated Headquarters, York, Upper Canada, Apr. 28th, 1813, includes this passage(Brannan, p. 149):

As rendered in Niles’ Register, IV. p. 179, it is to the same effect, but somewhat differently worded:

We will hear from Pike himself once more before he falls.It is before any landing has been effected. Forsyth’s boats are nearing the shore; they are fired upon from the woods,but have not yet answered a shot. Pike is standing on the deck of the flagship, surrounded by his staff, straining his eager eyes impatiently at the boats, which he sees have been driven beyond the intended point of debarkation. "’ByGod! I can’t stay here any longer!’ and addressing himself to his staff — ’Come, jump into the boat!’ which we immediately did, the commodore having reserved a boat specially for him and his suite; the little coxswain was ordered immediately to steer for the middle of the fray, and the balls whistled gloriously around; probably their number was owing to seeing so many officers in one boat; but we laughed at their clumsy efforts as we pressed forward with well-pulled oars."[M-20]

The first troops which effected a landing were Forsyth’s[M-21]Rifles, conveyed in two boats. Their debarkation was promptly resisted by a choice body of light troops fromFort York, consisting of a company of Glengary Fencibles,with some Indians, under Major Givens. From an advantageous position in the woods which had been taken up, the enemy opened a galling fire as our troops left the boats. Concerning this opening engagement I cite(Whiting, pp.300-303:

)

The force under Forsyth was soon supported by MajorKing’s[M-22] battalion of the 15th Infantry, consisting of three companies — Captain John Scott’s, Captain White Youngs’, and that of Captain John Lambert Hoppock, who had been mortally wounded in the boats. When General Pike had landed with the whole body of his troops, the attacking force was represented by the 6th, 15th, 16th, and 21st Infantry, Colonel Maclure’s 3d regiment of New York Militia, and several pieces of artillery.

At the first sharp collision, as we have seen, the Britishwere defeated, not without much loss on both sides. On their retreat, the bugles sounded the advance, and the troops pressed forward along the lake shore toward FortYork, which was mean while bombarded from the fleet. One of General Pike’s staff says: "Our march was by the lake road in sections, but the route was so much intersected by streams and rivulets, the bridges over which had been destroyed by the enemy as they retreated, that we were considerably retarded in our progress. We collected logs, and by severe efforts at length contrived to pass over one field piece and a howitzer, which were placed at the head of our column, in charge of Captain Fanning[M-23] of the 3d Artillery; and thus we proceeded through a spacious wood, as we emerged from which we were saluted by a battery of 24-pounders. The general then ordered one of his aids (Fraser)and a sergeant to proceed to the right of the battery, in order to discover how many men were in the works. We did so, and reported to him the number, and that they were spiking their own guns. The general immediately ordered Captain Walworth of the 16th [sic] with his company of grenadiers to make the assault. Walworth gallantly ordered his men to trail arms and advance at the accelerated pace; but at the moment when they were ordered to recover and charge the enemy, the enemy broke in the utmost confusion, leaving several men wounded on the ground which they abandoned."

This first serious obstacle to Pike’s advance was theWestern battery already described, p. lxxvii, where the explosion occurred before Captain Walworth[M-24] could carry out the order to charge this work. This accident caused some loss of life to the defenders, but none to the assaulters. Lossing has, concerning it:

Finan is more circumstantial in describing the casualty which did so much to decide the fate of the day:

It is remarkable that Whiting’s relation of the attack has nothing about this marked affair; it is in fact impossible to follow the course of events in his narrative, between the conclusion of the opening engagement and the final explosion of the main magazine. Lossing, having brought our troops to a halt, when they were lying upon the grass,continues with the result of Major Eustis’ operations:

General Armstrong states, in his History of the War of 1812, that General Sheaffe said this explosion was accidental,his own soldiers having been involved in its effects.General Whiting repeats this. But both Armstrong andWhiting are clearly in error. If General Sheaffe ever said this, he said what he knew was untrue. His words — such as they may have been — may have referred to the earlier explosion at the Western battery and been mistaken toapply to the main explosion. We have his own reiterated writings, that the magazine was exploded by his order.One of these statements is made in a hurried letter, whose almost illegible handwriting betrays the state of mind to which this gentleman had been reduced. It was written while he was on his retreat to Kingston, and is addressed to his superior officer, Sir George Prevost. The published text before me reads in part as follows (italics editorial):

Another letter from General Sheaffe, dated Kingston,May 5th, when he had become more composed in mindthan he seems to have been during his inglorious if not disgraceful flight, gives a more coherent account and many further details. I cite it in full, from the original MS. now in the Department of Archives at Ottawa, as kindly copied and certified for me by Mr. L. P. Sylvain of the Library ofParliament:

Here is the clear and intelligible testimony of the British commanding general to the facts that there were two explosions,one of which was accidental and destructive to hisown men, the other designed and executed by his own command.It is believed to have been a little premature, in the confusion of an evacuation that was nothing short of a rout, before the defenders were quite out of reach of its effects; but that they suffered little from what wrought such havoc with the Americans, is incontestable. The ethics of the catastrophe I leave to be discussed by professional military critics; but it seems to me that General Sheaffe was justified in inflicting the utmost possible injury upon the enemy, and that he would have been chargeable with culpable neglect of duty if he had allowed valuable munitions of war to fall into their hands.

Before resuming the main thread of this painful narration I will introduce two accounts, both by eye-witnesses.

One of these is contained in an extract of a letter from a field officer in the force which landed at York, name not given, to the War Department, as published in Niles’ Register, IV. p. 193. It is explicit regarding both explosions, though loose in statement of numbers killed by each, and in some other respects:

Finan gives a vivid picture of what he saw of the catastrophe.It must be taken with some allowance, perhaps,for the force of the impression which the terrible scene made upon him at the moment, and the subsequent insistencewith which his memory dwelt upon such a spectacle;but it can hardly be much overdrawn:

It is said, "Death loves a shining mark." One of the missiles that hurtled down on that devoted band sought out their heroic leader with fatal effect. A piece of rock fell onGeneral Pike’s back, and "broke in upon the very springs of life," to use Whiting’s words. A sadly realistic memento of the speedily fatal injury reaches us from one of his aids,who was by his side and was himself gravely wounded.Lieutenant Fraser says, in a private letter he wrote byPike’s special injunction, which appeared in the Aurora, and afterward in Niles’ Register, IV. p. 225: "Without the honor of a personal acquaintance, I address you at the particular order of the late General Pike. After he had been mortally wounded, his words were exactly these: ’...I am mortally wounded — my ribs and back are stove in — write my friend D... and tell him what you know of the battle — and to comfort my ....’ Some things elsehe said, on which I shall again write you; and many thing she said for your ear have escaped me through the severity of my own bruises."

The dying general was carried to a boat at the lake side and conveyed to the Pert, whence he was taken aboard the flagship Madison. Some recorded words of his last moments need not be scanned with critical eye. When those who bore their fallen leader reached the boat the huzza of the troops fell upon his ears. "What does it mean — " he feebly asked. "Victory!" was the reply; "theUnion Jack is coming down, General — the Stars and Stripesare going up!" The dying hero’s face lighted up with as mile of ecstasy. His spirit lingered a few hours. Before the end came, the British flag was brought to him. He made a sign to place it under his head; and thus he expired.[M-30]

Military history hardly furnishes a closer parallel than that between the death of Pike before York and of Wolfe before Quebec. Each led to the assault; each conquered; each fell in the arms of victory; each is said to have pillowed his head on the stricken colors of the defenders. On the other hand, no contrast could be more obtrusive than that between the fall of Brock before QueenstownHeights and the conduct of his successor, Sheaffe, at York. The latter fled on the heels of disaster across the Don and on toward Kingston; even his personal baggage and papers fell into the hands of his enemy; the very terms of the surrender of York were agreed upon by others, in the absence of its late defender. But it is needless to pursue this subject. General Sheaffe has by none been more severely criticised than by British writers.

When General Pike fell, the command devolved by seniorityupon Colonel Pearce,[M-31] of the 16th Infantry, until GeneralDearborn arrived upon the scene. Lieutenant Riddle’s detachment was so near the place of explosion that it escaped the deadly shower; but the Americans scattered in dismay at the catastrophe. They were rallied by Brigade-Major Hunt and Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell of the 3d Artillery. The column was formed again and led into the captured town without further resistance. Colonel Pearce sent a flag, demanding immediate and unconditional surrender — and surrender it was, with the single stipulation that private property should be respected. As soon as practicable General Dearborn left the fleet for York, where he was in command before night fell. His first dispatch to the Secretary of War appears as follows in the text of Fay’sCollection, p. 81, and is substantially the same in Niles’Register, IV. p. 178:

The official reports of General Dearborn and of CommodoreChauncey to their respective Secretaries of War and of the Navy appear in full in Niles’ Register, IV. pp. 178-180;in Brannan’s Official Letters, pp. 146-149, and in Fay’s Collectionof Official Documents, pp. 81-85. The text of Dearborn’sin Niles is in greater part as follows:

The "Terms of capitulation entered into on the 27th of April, 1813, for the surrender of the town of York, in Upper Canada, to the Army and Navy of the United States, under the command of Major-General Dearborn and CommodoreChauncey," appear as follows, in Niles’ Register, IV. p.180 — omitting the clauses which relate to the disposition of individuals as prisoners of war:

These articles bear the signatures of: Lieutenant-ColonelG. E. Mitchell,[M-32] 3d U. S. Artillery; Major S. S. Conner,[M-33]aid-de-camp to General Dearborn; Major William King,15th U. S. Infantry; Lieutenant Jesse D. Elliott, U. S.Navy; Lieutenant-Colonel W. Chewitt, commanding 3d regiment of York Militia; Major W. Allen (or Allan), of the same; and F. Gaurreau, "lieut. M. Dpt." — the last name perhaps misprinted.

General Pike’s body was prepared at York and conveyed to Sackett’s Harbor for interment. It was first buried atFort Tompkins, at a little distance from the ship house,together with that of his aid-de-camp, Captain Nicholson,[M-34]who had been mortally wounded by his side. Among the defenses of Sackett’s Harbor was one named Fort Pike,which stood on Black River bay. A view of this work, as it was in 1855, is given by Lossing. Madison Barracks was built close by Fort Pike, soon after the war, and in the burying-ground there were deposited the remains of several officers, to whose memories a simple wooden monument was erected in 1819. Lossing figures this, p. 617, as it was when he examined it in July, 1855, "more leaning than the Pisa tower." In 1860 it was rapidly crumbling into dust;the urn which had surmounted it was gone, and the inscription was illegible. A part of the legend on the west panel,copied by Lossing at his previous visit, had been: "In memory of Brigadier General Z. M. Pike, killed at York,U. C. 27th April, 1813."

A tablet to the memory of General Pike has for many years been set in St. Michael’s church, at Trenton, N. J. For a description of this object and a copy of the inscription I am indebted to the courteous attentions of the rector,Rev. O. S. Bunting. It consists of a marble slab, about 36 inches high by 20 inches wide, inserted in the outer wall of the church on the east side, the base being about two feet from the ground. On this slab is carved in relief an urn, which occupies the whole surface, as nearly as the shape of an urn can fill a rectangle; and on the urn is engraven the following inscription:

On the base is inscribed: "This small tribute of respect is erected by his friend, Z. R." The stone is in a good state of preservation, and its position affords considerable security.Mr. Bunting has no particulars of the erection of the tablet, and does not identify "Z. R."

Upon the fall of York, the press of the whole country teemed with jubilant notices of the auspicious event — the first signal success of our arms after a period of defeat, doubt, and almost despair. The death of Pike was on every tongue, in terms of affection for the man and honor to his name, coupled with expressions of horror and detestation of the manner in which he and so many of his companions had met their fate. The feeling in the latter regard was spontaneous and natural under the circumstances — it appears differently in the cold gray light of history. Among uncounted tributes to Pike’s memory, a few may be selected for reproduction in the present biography.

The editor of Niles’ Register was in the habit of dedicating a completed volume. The fourth volume, from Mar.to Sept., 1813, is inscribed: "In Testimony of Respect to the Memory of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Brigadier-General:who fell gloriously before York, in Upper Canada.And James Lawrence, Captain in the Navy: Killed on board the Chesapeake frigate, fighting the Shannon. This volume of the Weekly Register, is dedicated. The former happily expired on the conquered flag of the foe, the latter died exclaiming, ’Don’t give up the ship.’"

The same volume prints the following tribute in No. 14, for the week ending June 5th, 1813, pp. 228, 229:

Mr. Niles’ eulogy concludes with a dramatic incident which commends itself for insertion here, in further illustration of the strong hold General Pike acquired upon public sentiment:

In the House of Representatives of the national Congress,on Tuesday, July 27th, 1813, the following resolution was submitted by Mr. Nelson:

Among the many measures which were adopted to honor General Pike’s name and fame, there is perhaps none more marked than the action of the officers of the regiment of which he was the colonel. We have a glimpse of the hearts that still beat for him in the proceedings recorded in the Register of May 14th, 1814, VI.p. 176:

Within some months, probably, of General Pike’s death,a man-of-war was named in his honor. The Register for Aug. 7th, 1813, p. 374, describes it: "The General Pike isa strong, stout, and well built vessel. Length on deck 140 feet, beam 37 feet, burthen about 900 tons — has 14 ports on a side, and carries on the main deck long 24’s — has also long24’s on the forecastle and poop, (one each), moving on acircle, and four guns on her top gallant forecastle; in all 34 guns." General A. W. Greely, who interested himself to procure the information, tells me that this frigate, a twin ship with the Madison, was built in 63 days and launched onLake Ontario, at Sackett’s Harbor, where she barely escaped destruction by fire, owing to the mistaken zeal of an officer who applied the torch, supposing the American victory to be a defeat; and that it does not appear that the vessel was ever brought into action.

I have already alluded to the Fort Pike on Lake Ontario. There was another Fort Pike, the name of which still finds place in current gazetteers. This was a military post onPetites Coquilles island, in Orleans parish, Louisiana, 35 miles E. N. E. of New Orleans. While it is not probable that all the counties, towns, etc., called "Pike" were named for our hero, certainly most of them bear his own name,alone or in combination or composition. There is a Pike county in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana,Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, Ohio, and Pennsylvania.There are about 20 Pike townships in different counties of Indiana, Kansas, Missouri, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Pike is the name of several small places in Illinois, New York,North Carolina, and Ohio. Pike City is a village in SierraCo., Cal. Pike Creek is a township of Shannon Co., Mo.,and another township, of Morrison Co., Minn., besides designating the stream itself which flows through the latter:see beyond, pp. 104, 123, 316. Pike Five Corners is a hamlet of Wyoming Co., N. Y. Pikeland is a station on the Pickering Valley R. R., in Chester Co., Pa. Pike Mills is a hamlet in Pike township, Potter Co., Pa. Pike rapidsare those in the Mississippi, otherwise Knife rapids: see pp.100, 104, 122. Pike’s bay is the gulf at the southern part ofCass lake: see pp. 157, 158, 324. Pike’s fork of the Arkansaw river, is present Grape creek: see pp. 463, 482. Pike’s island, in the Mississippi at the mouth of the Minnesota river, is historic: see pp. 76, 197, 239. Pike’s mountain is the range of bluffs opposite Prairie du Chien: see p. 37.Pike’s Peak is not only the famous mountain so called,but a hamlet in Brown Co., Ind., a hamlet in WayneCo., Mich., and a mining-camp in Deer Lodge Co.,Mont. Pike Station is a village in Wayne Co., O.Piketon is a hamlet in Stoddard Co., Mo., and a village in Pike Co., O. Piketon or Pikeville is the capital of PikeCo., Ky. Pikesville or Pikeville is a village in BaltimoreCo., Md.; a hamlet in Pike township, Berks Co.,Pa.; the capital of Marion Co., Ala.; a post-office ofPike Co., Ind.; a hamlet in Pikeville township, WayneCo., N. C.; a village in Darke Co., O.; and the capital ofBledsoe Co., Tenn. Some of these places are no doubt named for other persons of the same surname; some are called for the pike, a fish, as is the case with several Pike rivers, creeks, or ponds not included in the above list; and some may refer to a turnpike road, or have yet another implication.

To those of the foregoing geographical and political names which commemorate our hero is to be added the designation of "Pikes" as an epithet of the "Forty-niners"and later emigrants who navigated the great plains with their "prairie schooners." Thus Mr. Prentis, in the address already cited, says, pp. 193, 194:

Pike County, Ill., and Pike County, Mo., are certainly both named for the general, and I have no doubt that Mr.Prentis’ explanation of "Pikes" is correct. With the above doggerel compare the slang phrase noted beyond, p. 454,and duly legended as the head-line of p. 457.

Another curious word, to which Pike has given rise indirectly, is "Peaker," as a designation of persons who came to the vicinity of Pike’s Peak. Thus, we read inColonel Meline’s book, p. 89: "Most of the people who have settled on these farms [between Colorado Springs andDenver] were disappointed ’Peakers’ — either those who had thrown down the shovel to take up the plough, or those who, with exhausted means, found a long mountain journey still before them after they had reached the Peak."

There is a sameness about the many published portraits of Pike which shows that they were probably all taken from one original painting. Lossing’s cut looks a little different from the rest, as it faces the other way, but it is the same picture reversed in copying, no doubt with the cameralucida. There is no mistaking the extremely long, large nose, above the full compressed lips, denoting the forceful character which Pike displayed conspicuously throughout his career, whether in leading a handful of men through an unbroken wilderness, or in heading the columns which assaulted an intrenched foe. The same uniform coat, with its epaulets, its high standing, embroidered collar, unbuttoned across the breast and the flap turned down on one side,appears in all these likenesses. Such are inserted in some of the editions of Pike’s work; one of the reproductions forms the frontispiece of an early popular history of thewar, and is called "a striking likeness" on the title page.They are all doubtless traceable to the painting which has long hung and still hangs in the historical gallery of IndependenceHall at Philadelphia, alongside the portraits ofMeriwether Lewis, William Clark, and many other noblemen who loved and lived for their country. The painting which hangs in one of the rooms of the Minnesota HistoricalSociety at St. Paul is believed to be a copy of this,though it differs in the introduction of a spirit hand, extended from an invisible arm, holding a wreath over the head — an attempt at symbolism in which the unknown artist has not been very successful. This portrait is dimand much cracked. I am informed by Mr. William M.Maguire of Denver, that a prominent citizen of Colorado has recently executed a bronze bust of Pike, to be placed inManitou. Facsimiles of Pike’s signature are seldom seen in print; Lossing gives one with the portrait on p. 586 of his Field Book. I am not aware that any facsimile of a letter in Pike’s handwriting has hitherto been published.That one which is given in the present volume was selected from among many I have examined in the archives of theWar Department, both for its intrinsic historical interest,and for the unusually well-formed signature it bears — that of one who died, as he had lived, for his country — of one whose fame that country will never permit to perish.

PIKE’S EXPEDITIONS.

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Part I.

THE MISSISSIPPI VOYAGE.

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CHAPTER I.

ITINERARY: ST. LOUIS TO ST. PAUL, AUGUST 9TH-SEPTEMBER21ST, 1805.

Sailed from my encampment, near St. Louis, at 4p. m., on Friday, the 9th of August, 1805, with one sergeant,two corporals, and 17 privates, in a keel-boat 70 feet long, provisioned for four months. Water very rapid. Encampedon the east side of the river, at the head of an island.[I-1]

Aug. 10th. Embarked early; breakfasted opposite themouth of the Missouri, near Wood creek.[I-2] About 5 p. m.a storm came on from the westward; the boat lay-to. Having gone out to march with two men behind a cluster of islands, one of my soldiers swam a channel in the night, to inform me that the boat had stopped during the storm. I remained on the beach all night. Distance 28½ miles.[I-3]

Sunday, Aug. 11th. In the morning the boat came up andstopped opposite the Portage De Sioux.[I-4] We here spread out our baggage to dry; discharged our guns at a target,and scaled out our blunderbusses. Dined at the cave below the Illinois, at the mouth of which river we remained sometime. From the course of the Mississippi, the Illinois[I-5]might be mistaken for a part of it. Encamped on thelower point of an island,[I-6] about six miles above the Illinois;were much detained by passing the east side of some islands above the Illinois; and were obliged to get into the water and haul the boat through.

Aug. 12th. In the morning made several miles to breakfast;about 3 o’clock p. m. passed Buffaloe [Cuivre or Copperriver] or riviere au B — uf, about five miles above which commences a beautiful cedar cliff. Having passed this, the river expands to nearly two miles in width, and has four islands, whose lowest points are nearly parallel; these we called the Four Brothers. Encamped on the point of the east one. It rained very hard all night. Caught one catfish.Distance 29¾ miles.[I-7]

Aug. 13th. Late before we sailed; passed a vast number of islands; left one of our dogs on shore; were much detained by sand-bars, and obliged to haul our boat over severalof them; observed several [Indian] encampments which had been lately occupied. Rained all day. Distance 27 miles.[I-8]

Aug. 14th. Hard rain in the morning; but a fine wind springing up, we put off at half-past six o’clock. Passed ac amp of Sacs, consisting of three men with their families.They were employed in spearing and scaffolding a fish,[I-9]about three feet in length, with a long flat snout; they pointed out the channel, and prevented us from taking the wrong one. I gave them a small quantity of whisky and biscuit; and they, in return, presented me with some fish.Sailed on through a continuation of islands for nearly 20miles; met a young gentleman, Mr. Robedoux,[I-10] by whomI sent a letter to St. Louis; encamped on an island; caught 1,375 small fish. Rained all day. Distance 28 miles.[I-11]

Aug. 15th. Still raining in the morning. From the continued series of wet weather, the men were quite galledand sore. Met a Mr. Kettlet as of N. Y., who gave me a line to Mr. Fisher of the Prairie Des Chein [du Chien]. Passeda small [elsewhere named Bar] river to the W., with a sand-barat its entrance; also, passed Salt [elsewhere calledOahahah] river, which I do not recollect having seen on any chart; it is a considerable stream, and at high water is navigable for at least 200 miles. Left another dog. Distance 26 miles.[I-12]

Aug. 16th. Embarked early, but were so unfortunate as to get fast on a log; and did not extricate ourselves until past eleven o’clock, having to saw off a log under the water.At three o’clock arrived at the house of a Frenchman, situate on the W. side of the river, opposite Hurricane island.His cattle appeared to be in fine order, but his corn in abad state of cultivation. About one mile above his house,on the W. shore, is a very handsome hill, which he informed me was level on the top, with a gradual descent on either side, and a fountain of fine water. This man likewise told me that two men had been killed on the Big Bay, or ThreeBrothers; and desired to be informed what measures had been taken in consequence thereof. Caught three catfish and one perch. Encamped four miles above the house.Distance 18 miles.[I-13]

Aug. 17th. Embarked and came on remarkably well; at ten o’clock stopped for breakfast, and in order to arrange our sail; when the wind served, we put off and continued under easy sail all day. Passed three batteaux. Distance 39 miles.[I-14]

10-12

Sunday, Aug. 18th. Embarked early; about eleven o’clock passed an Indian camp, on the E. side. They firedseveral guns; but we passed without stopping. Very hardhead winds part of the day. Caught six fish. Distance 23 miles.[I-15]

Aug. 19th. Embarked early and made fine way; but at nine o’clock, in turning the point of a sand-bar, our boat struck a sawyer. At the moment, we did not know it had injured her; but, in a short time after, discovered her to be sinking; however, by thrusting oakum into the leak and bailing, we got her to shore on a bar, where, after entirely unloading, we with great difficulty keeled her sufficiently to cut out the plank and put in a new one. This at the timeI conceived to be a great misfortune; but upon examination we discovered that the injury resulting from it was greater than we were at first induced to believe; for upon inspection we found our provisions and clothing considerably damaged. The day was usefully and necessarily employed in assorting, sunning, and airing those articles.One of my hunters, Sparks, having gone on shore to hunt,swam the river about seven miles above and killed a deer;but finding we did not come, he returned down the river,and joined us by swimming. Whilst we were at work at our boat on the sand-beach, three canoes with Indianspassed on the opposite shore. They cried, "How-do-you-do — "wishing us to give them an invitation to come over;but receiving no answer they passed on. We then put our baggage on board and put off, designing to go where the young man had killed the deer; but after dark we became entangled among the sand-bars, and were obliged to stop and encamp on the point of a beach. Caught two fish.Distance 14 miles.[I-16]

Aug. 20th. Arrived at the foot of the rapids De Moyen[I-17]at seven o’clock. Although no soul on board had passed them, we commenced ascending them immediately. Our boat being large and moderately loaded, we found great difficulty.The river all the way through is from three-quarters to a mile wide. The rapids are 11 miles long, with successive ridges and shoals extending from shore to shore.The first has the greatest fall and is the most difficult to ascend. The channel, a bad one, is on the east side in passing the two first bars; then passes under the edge of the third; crosses to the west, and ascends on that side, all theway to the Sac village. The shoals continue the whole distance.We had passed the first and most difficult shoal,when we were met by Mr. Wm. Ewing,[I-18] who I understand is an agent appointed to reside with the Sacs to teach them the science of agriculture, with a French interpreter, four chiefs and 15 men of the Sac nation, in their canoes, bearing a flag of the United States. They came down to assist me up the rapids; took out 14 of my heaviest barrels, and put two of their men in the barge to pilot us up. Arrived at the house of Mr. Ewing, opposite the village, at dusk.The land on both sides of the rapids is hilly, but a rich soil.Distance 16 miles.[I-19]

Aug. 21st. All the chief men of the village came over to my encampment, where I spoke to them to the following purport:

"That their great father, the president of the UnitedStates, wishing to be more intimately acquainted with the situation, wants, &c., of the different nations of the red people, in our newly acquired territory of Louisiana, had ordered the general to send a number of his young warriors in different directions, to take them by the hand, and make such inquiries as might afford the satisfaction required.

"That I was authorized to choose situations for their trading establishments; and wished them to inform me if that place would be considered by them as central.

"That I was sorry to hear of the murder which had been committed on the river below; but, in consideration of their assurances that it was none of their nation, and the anxiety exhibited by them on the occasion, I had written to the general and informed him of what they had said on the subject.

"That in their treaty they engaged to apprehend all traders who came among them without license; for that time, I could not examine their traders on this subject; but that, on my return, I would make a particular examination.

"That if they thought proper they might send a young man in my boat, to inform the other villages of my mission," etc.

I then presented them with some tobacco, knives, and whisky. They replied to the following purport:

"That they thanked me for the good opinion I had of their nation, and for what I had written the general. That themselves, their young warriors, and the whole nation,were glad to see me among them.

"That as for the situation of the trading-houses, they could not determine, being but a part of the nation. With respect to sending a young man along, that if I would wait until to-morrow, they would choose one out. And finally,that they thanked me for my tobacco, knives, and whisky."

Not wishing to lose any time, after writing to the general[I-20] and my friends, I embarked and made six milesabove the village. Encamped on a sand-bar. One canoe of savages passed.

Aug. 22d. Embarked at 5 o’clock a. m. Hard headwinds. Passed a great number of islands. The river very wide and full of sand-bars. Distance 23 miles.[I-21]

Aug. 23d. Cool morning. Came on 5¼ miles, where,on the west shore, there is a very handsome situation fora garrison. The channel of the river passes under the hill,which is about 60 feet perpendicular, and level on the top;400 yards in the rear there is a small prairie of 8 or 10 acres,which would be a convenient spot for gardens; and on the east side of the river there is a beautiful prospect over a large prairie, as far as the eye can extend, now and then interrupted by groves of trees. Directly under the rock is a limestone spring, which, after an hour’s work, would afford water amply sufficient for the consumption of a regiment.The landing is bold and safe, and at the lower part of the hill a road may be made for a team in half an hour. Black and white oak timber in abundance. The mountain continues about two miles, and has five springs bursting from it in that distance.

Met four Indians and two squaws; landed with them;gave them one quart of made whisky [i. e., about three-fourths water], a few biscuit, and some salt. I requested some venison of them; they pretended they could not understand me; but after we had left them they held up two hams, and hallooed and laughed at us in derision.Passed nine horses on shore, and saw many signs of Indians.Passed a handsome prairie on the east side, and encamped at its head.[I-22]

Three batteaux from Michilimackinac stopped at our camp. We were told they were the property of Mr. MyersMichals. We were also informed that the largest Sac village was about 2½ miles out on the prairie; and that this prairie was called halfway from St. Louis to the prairie DesCheins.

Aug. 24th. In the morning passed a number of islands.Before dinner, Corporal Bradley and myself took our guns and went on shore; we got behind a savannah, by following a stream we conceived to have been a branch of the river,but which led us at least two leagues from it.[I-23] My two favorite dogs, having gone out with us, gave out in the prairie, owing to the heat, high grass, and want of water;but, thinking they would come on, we continued our march.We heard the report of a gun, and supposing it to be from our boat, answered it; shortly after, however, we passed anIndian trail, which appeared as if the persons had been hurried, I presume at the report of our guns; for with this people all strangers are enemies. Shortly after we struck the river, and the boat appeared in view; stayed some time for my dogs; two of my men volunteered to go in search of them. Encamped on the west shore, nearly opposite a chalk bank. My two men had not yet returned, and it wasextraordinary, as they knew my boat never waited for any person on shore. They endeavored to strike the Mississippi ahead of us. We fired a blunderbuss at three different times, to let them know where we lay. Distance 23½miles.[I-24]

Sunday, Aug. 25th. Stopped on the Sand-bank prairie on the E. side [about New Boston, Ill.], from which you have a beautiful prospect of at least 40 miles down the river,bearing S. 38° E. Discovered that our boat leaked very fast; but we secured her inside so completely with oakum and tallow as nearly to prevent the leak. Fired a blunderbuss every hour, all day, as signals for our men. Passed the river Iowa. Encamped at night on the prairie markedGrant’s prairie [below Muscatine, Ia.]. The men had not yet arrived. Distance 28 miles.[I-25]

Aug. 26th. Rain, with a very hard head wind. Towedour boat about nine miles, to where the river Hills join the Mississippi. Here I expected to find the two men Ihad lost, but was disappointed. The mercury in Reamur[Réaumur] at 13°; whereas yesterday it was 26° [= 61¼ and90½ Fahr.] Met two peroques [sic[I-26]] full of Indians, who commenced hollowing [hallooing] "How do you do — " etc.They then put to shore and beckoned us to do likewise,but we continued our course. This day very severe on the men. Distance 28½ miles.[I-27]

Aug. 27th. Embarked early; cold north wind; mercury 10°; the wind so hard ahead that we were obliged to tow the boat all day. Passed one peroque of Indians; also, theRiviere De Roche [Rock river], late in the day. SomeIndians, who were encamped there, embarked in their canoes and ascended the river before us. The wind was sovery strong that, although it was down the stream, they were near sinking. Encamped about four miles above theRiviere De Roche, on the W. shore. This day passed a pole on a prairie on which five dogs were hanging.Distance 22 miles.[I-28]

Aug. 28th. About an hour after we had embarked, wear rived at the camp of Mr. James Aird,[I-29] a Scotch gentlemanof Michilimackinac. He had encamped, with some goods, on the beach, and was repairing his boat, which had been injured in crossing [descending] the rapids of theRiviere De Roche, at the foot of which we now were. He had sent three boats back for the goods left behind. Breakfasted with him and obtained considerable information.Commenced ascending the rapids. Carried away our rudder in the first rapid; but after getting it repaired, the wind raised and we hoisted sail. Although entire strangers, we sailed through them with a perfect gale blowing all the time; had we struck a rock, in all probability we would have bilged and sunk. But we were so fortunate as to pass without touching. Met Mr. Aird’s boats, which had pilots,fast on the rocks. Those shoals are a continued chain of rocks, extending in some places from shore to shore, about 18 miles in length.[I-30] They afford more water than those ofDe Moyen, but are much more rapid.

Aug. 29th. Breakfasted at the Reynard village, abovethe rapids; this is the first village of the Reynards.[I-31] I expected to find my two men here, but was disappointed.Finding they had not passed, I lay by until four o’clock,the wind fair all the time. The chief informed me, by signs, that in four days they could march to Prairie DesCheins; and promised to furnish them with mockinsons[moccasins], and put them on their route. Set sail and made at least four knots an hour. I was disposed to sail all night; but the wind lulling, we encamped on the point of an island, on the W. shore. Distance 20 miles.[I-32]

Aug. 30th. Embarked at five o’clock; wind fair, butnot very high. Sailed all day. Passed four peroques ofIndians. Distance 43 miles.[I-33]

Aug. 31st. Embarked early. Passed one peroque ofIndians; also, two encampments, one on a beautiful eminence on the W. side of the river. This place had theappearance of an old town. Sailed almost all day.Distance 31½ miles.[I-34]

Sunday, Sept. 1st. Embarked early; wind fair; arrived at the lead mines [Dubuque, Ia.] at twelve o’clock. A dysentery, with which I had been afflicted several days,was suddenly checked this morning, which I believe to havebeen the occasion of a very violent attack of fever about eleven o’clock. Notwithstanding it was very severe, I dressed myself, with an intention to execute the orders of the general relative to this place. We were saluted with a field-piece, and received with every mark of attention byMonsieur [Julien] Dubuque, the proprietor. There wereno horses at the house, and it was six miles to where the mines were worked; it was therefore impossible to make a report by actual inspection. I therefore proposed 10 queries, on the answers to which my report was founded.[I-35]

Dined with Mr. D., who informed me that the Sioux andSauteurs[I-36] were as warmly engaged in opposition as ever;that not long since the former killed 15 Sauteurs, who on the 10th of August in return killed 10 Sioux, at the entrance of the St. Peters [Minnesota river]; and that a war-party, composed of Sacs, Reynards, and Puants [Winnebagoes[I-37]], of 200 warriors, had embarked on an expedition against theSauteurs; but that they had heard that the chief, having had an unfavorable dream, persuaded the party to return,and that I would meet them on my voyage. At this placeI was introduced to a chief called Raven, of the Reynards.He made a very flowery speech on the occasion, which I answered in a few words, accompanied by a small present.

I had now given up all hopes of my two men, and was about to embark when a peroque arrived, in which they were, with a Mr. Blondeau, and two Indians whom that gentleman had engaged above the rapids of Stony [Rock] river.The two soldiers had been six days without anything to eat except muscles [mussels], when they met Mr. James Aird,by whose humanity and attention their strength and spirits were in a measure restored; and they were enabled to reach the Reynard village, where they met Mr. B. The Indian chief furnished them with corn and shoes, and showed his friendship by every possible attention. I immediately discharged the hire of the Indians, and gave Mr. Blondeau a passage to the Prairie des Cheins. Left the lead mines at four o’clock. Distance 25 miles.[I-38]

Sept. 2d. After making two short reaches, we commenced one which is 30 miles in length; the wind serving,we just made it, and encamped on the E. side [near Cassville,Wis.], opposite the mouth of Turkey river. In the course of the day we landed to shoot pigeons. The moment a gun was fired, some Indians, who were on the shore above us,ran down and put off in their peroques with great precipitation;upon which Mr. Blondeau informed me that all the women and children were frightened at the very name of anAmerican boat, and that the men held us in great respect,conceiving us very quarrelsome, much for war, and also verybrave. This information I used as prudence suggested.We stopped at an encampment about three miles below the town, where they gave us some excellent plums. They dispatched a peroque to the village, to give notice, as I supposed,of our arrival. It commenced raining about dusk,and rained all night. Distance 40 miles.[I-39]

Sept. 3d. Embarked at a pretty early hour. Cloudy.Met two peroques of family Indians; they at first askedMr. Blondeau "if we were for war, or if going to war — " I now experienced the good effect of having some person onboard who could speak their language; for they presented me with three pair of ducks and a quantity of venison,sufficient for all our crew for one day; in return, I made them some trifling presents. Afterward met two peroques,carrying some of the warriors spoken of on the 2d inst.They kept at a great distance, until spoken to by Mr. B.,when they informed him that their party had proceeded up as high as Lake Pepin without effecting anything. It is surprising what a dread the Indians in this quarter have of the Americans. I have often seen them go round islands to avoid meeting my boat. It appears to me evident that the traders have taken great pains to impress upon the minds of the savages the idea of our being a very vindictive,ferocious, and warlike people. This impression was perhaps made with no good intention; but when they find that our conduct toward them is guided by magnanimity and justice,instead of operating in an injurious manner, it will have the effect to make them reverence at the same time they fear us. Distance 25 miles.[I-40]

Sept. 4th. Breakfasted just below the Ouiscousing [Wisconsin river[I-41]]. Arrived at the Prairie des Cheins about eleven o’clock; took quarters at Captain Fisher’s, and were politely received by him and Mr. Frazer.

Sept. 5th. Embarked about half-past ten o’clock in aSchenectady boat, to go to the mouth of the Ouiscousing,in order to take the latitude [which I found to be 43° 28´ 8´´N.], and look at the situation of the adjacent hills for a post. Was accompanied by Judge Fisher, Mr. Frazer, andMr. Woods. We ascended the hill[I-42] on the west side of theMississippi, and made choice of a spot which I thought most eligible, being level on the top, having a spring in the rear, and commanding a view of the country around. A shower of rain came on which completely wet us, and were turned to the village without having ascended the Ouiscousingas we intended. Marked four trees with A. B. C.D., and squared the sides of one in the center. Wrote to the general.

Sept. 6th. Had a small council with the Puants, and a chief of the lower band of the Sioux. Visited and laid out a position for a post, on a hill called the Petit Gris [Grès],[I-43]on the Ouiscousing, three miles above its mouth. Mr.Fisher, who accompanied me, was taken very sick, in consequence of drinking some water out of the Ouiscousing,The Puants never have any white interpreters, nor have theFols Avoin [Folle Avoine (Menominee)[I-44]] nation. In mycouncil I spoke to a Frenchman and he to a Sioux, who interpreted to some of the Puants.

Sept. 7th. My men beat all the villagers jumping and hopping. Began to load my new boats.

Sept. 8th. Embarked at half-past eleven o’clock in two batteaux. The wind fair and fresh. I found myself very much embarrassed and cramped in my new boats, with provision and baggage. I embarked two interpreters, one to perform the whole voyage, whose name was Pierre Rosseau[Rousseau[I-45]]; and the other named Joseph Reinulle [Reinville[I-46]],paid by Mr. Frazer to accompany me as high as the falls of St. Anthony. Mr. Frazer[I-47] is a young gentleman,clerk to Mr. Blakely of Montreal; he was born in Vermont,but has latterly resided in Canada. To the attention of this gentleman I am much indebted; he procured for me everythingin his power that I stood in need of, dispatched his bark canoes, and remained himself to go on with me. His design was to winter with some of the Sioux bands. We sailed well, came 18 miles, and encamped on the W. bank.[I-48]

I must not omit here to bear testimony to the politenessof all the principal inhabitants of the village. There is,however, a material distinction to be made in the nature of those attentions: The kindness of Messrs. Fisher, Frazer,and Woods, all Americans, seemed to be the spontaneouse fusions of good will, and partiality to their countrymen;it extended to the accommodation, convenience, exercises,and pastimes of my men; and whenever they proved superior to the French, openly showed their pleasure. But theFrench Canadians appeared attentive rather from their natural good manners than sincere friendship; however, it produced from them the same effect that natural good will did in the others.

Sept. 9th. Embarked early. Dined at Cape Garlic, or atGarlic river; after which we came on to an island on the E.side, about five miles below the river [Upper] Iowa, and encamped.Rained before sunset. Distance 28 miles.[I-49]

Sept. 10th. Rain still continuing, we remained at our camp. Having shot at some pigeons, the report was heard at the Sioux lodges, the same to whom I spoke on the 6 that the Prairie [du Chien]; when La Fieulle [Feuille[I-50]] sentdown six of his young men to inform me "that he had waited three days with meat, etc., but that last night they had began to drink, and that on the next day he would receive me with his people sober." I returned him for answer "that the season was advanced, time was pressing,and if the rain ceased I must go on." Mr. Frazer and the interpreter went home with the Indians. We embarked about one o’clock.[I-51] Frazer, returning, informedme that the chief acquiesced in my reasons for pressing forward, but that he had prepared a pipe (by way of letter)to present me, to show to all the Sioux above, with a message to inform them that I was a chief of their new fathers, and that he wished me to be treated with friend ship and respect.

On our arrival opposite the lodges, the men were paraded on the bank, with their guns in their hands. They saluted us with ball with what might be termed three rounds;which I returned with three rounds from each boat with my blunderbusses. This salute, although nothing to soldiersaccustomed to fire, would not be so agreeable to many people; as the Indians had all been drinking, and as some of them even tried their dexterity, to see how near the boat they could strike. They may, indeed, be said to have struck on every side of us. When landed, I had my pistols in my belt and sword in hand. I was met on the bank by the chief, and invited to his lodge. As soon as my guards were formed and sentinels posted, I accompanied him. Some of my men who were going up with me I caused to leave their arms behind, as a mark of confidence. At the chief’slodge I found a clean mat and pillow for me to sit on, and the before-mentioned pipe on a pair of small crutches before me. The chief sat on my right hand, my interpreter andMr. Frazer on my left. After smoking, the chief spoke to the following purport:

"That, notwithstanding he had seen me at the Prairie[du Chien], he was happy to take me by the hand among is own people, and there show his young men the respect due to their new father [President Jefferson]. That, when at St. Louis in the spring, his father [General Wilkinson]had told him that if he looked down the river he would see one of his young warriors [Pike] coming up. He now found it true, and he was happy to see me, who knew the GreatSpirit was the father of all, both the white and the red people; and if one died, the other could not live long.That he had never been at war with their new father, and hoped always to preserve the same understanding that now existed. That he now presented me with a pipe, to show to the upper bands as a token of our good understanding, and that they might see his work and imitate his conduct.That he had gone to St. Louis on a shameful visit, to carry a murderer; but that we had given the man his life, and he thanked us for it. That he had provided something to eat, but he supposed I could not eat it; and if not, to give it to my young men."

I replied: "That, although I had told him at the Prairie my business up the Mississippi, I would again relate it tohim." I then mentioned the different objects I had in view with regard to the savages who had fallen under our protection by our late purchase from the Spaniards; the different posts to be established; the objects of these posts as related to them; supplying them with necessaries; having officer sand agents of government near them to attend to their business;and above all to endeavor to make peace between the Sioux and Sauteurs. "That it was possible on my return I should bring some of the Sauteurs down with me,and take with me some of the Sioux chiefs to St. Louis,there to settle the long and bloody war which had existed between the two nations. That I accepted his pipe with pleasure, as the gift of a great man, the chief of four bands,and a brother; that it should be used as he desired." I then eat of the dinner he had provided, which was very grateful. It was wild rye [rice — ] and venison, of which I sent four bowls to my men.

I afterward went to a dance, the performance of which was attended with many curious maneuvers. Men and women danced indiscriminately. They were all dressed in the gayest manner; each had in the hand a small skin of some description, and would frequently run up, point their skin, and give a puff with their breath; when the person blown at, whether man or woman, would fall, and appear to be almost lifeless, or in great agony; but would recover slowly, rise, and join in the dance. This they called their great medicine; or, as I understood the word, dance of religion,the Indians believing that they actually puffed something into each others’ bodies which occasioned the falling, etc.It is not every person who is admitted; persons wishing to join them must first make valuable presents to the society to the amount of $40 or $50, give a feast, and then be admitted with great ceremony. Mr. Frazer informed me that he was once in the lodge with some young men who did not belong to the club; when one of the dancers came in they immediately threw their blankets over him, and forced him out of the lodge; he laughed, but the young Indianscalled him a fool, and said "he did not know what thedancer might blow into his body."

I returned to my boat; sent for the chief and presented him with two carrots of tobacco, four knives, half a pound of vermilion, and one quart of salt. Mr. Frazer asked liberty to present them some rum; we made them up a keg between us, of eight gallons — two gallons of whisky [the rest water]. Mr. Frazer informed the chief that he dare not give them any without my permission. The chief thanked me for all my presents, and said "they must come free, as he did not ask for them." I replied that "to those who did not ask for anything, I gave freely; but to those who asked for much, I gave only a little or none."

We embarked about half-past three o’clock; came three miles, and encamped on the W. side.[I-52] Mr. Frazer we left behind, but he came up with his two peroques about dusk.It commenced raining very hard. In the night a peroque arrived from the lodges at his camp. During our stay at their camp, there were soldiers appointed to keep the crowd from my boats, who executed their duty with vigilance and rigor, driving men, women, and children back, when ever they came near my boats. At my departure, their soldiers said, "As I had shaken hands with their chief, they must shake hands with my soldiers." In which request I willingly indulged them.

Sept. 11th. Embarked at seven o’clock, although raining.Mr. Frazer’s canoes also came on until nine o’clock.Stopped for breakfast and made a fire. Mr. Frazer stayed with me; finding his peroques not quite able to keep up, he dispatched them. We embarked; came on until near six o’clock, and encamped on the W. side. Saw nothing of his peroques after they left us. Supposed to have come 16 miles this day.[I-53] Rain and cold winds, all day ahead. The river has never been clear of islands since I left Prairie DesChein. I absolutely believe it to be here two miles wide.Hills, or rather prairie knobs, on both sides.

Sept. 12th. It raining very hard in the morning, we did not embark until ten o’clock, Mr. Frazer’s peroques then coming up. It was still raining, and was very cold; passed the Racine[I-54] river; also a prairie called Le Cross [La Crosse],from a game of ball played frequently on it by the SiouxIndians. This prairie is very handsome; it has a small square hill, similar to some mentioned by Carver. It is bounded in the rear by hills similar to [those of] the PrairieDes Chein.

On this prairie Mr. Frazer showed me some holes dug by the Sioux, when in expectation of an attack, into which they first put their women and children, and then crawl themselves. They were generally round and about 10 feet in diameter; but some were half-moons and quite a breastwork.This I understood was the chief work, which was the principal redoubt. Their modes of constructing the mare: the moment they apprehend or discover an enemy on the prairie, they commence digging with their knives,tomahawks, and a wooden ladle; and in an incredibly short space of time they have a hole sufficiently deep to cover themselves and their families from the balls or arrows of the enemy. They [enemies] have no idea of taking those subterraneous redoubts by storm, as they would probably lose a great number of men in the attack; and although theymight be successful in the event, it would be considered a very imprudent action.

Mr. Frazer, finding his canoes not able to keep up, stayed at this prairie to organize one of them, intending then to overtake us. Came on three miles further.[I-55]

Sept. 13th. Embarked at six o’clock. Came on to as and-bar, and stopped to dry my things. At this place Mr.Frazer overtook me. We remained here three hours; came on to the foot of the hills, at le Montaigne qui Trompe al’Eau [sic], which is a hill situated on the river. Rain all day, except about two hours at noon. Passed Black river.Distance 21 miles.[I-56]

Sept. 14th. Embarked early; the fog so thick we could not distinguish objects 20 yards. When we breakfasted we saw nothing of Mr. Frazer’s canoes. After breakfast, at the head of an island, met Frazer’s boats. Wind coming on fair, we hoisted sail, and found that we were more on an equality with our sails than our oars. The birch canoes sailed very well, but we were able to out row them. Met the remainder of the war-party of the Sacs and Reynards before noted, returning from their expedition against theSauteurs. I directed my interpreter to ask "How manyscalps they had taken — " They replied, "None." Headed, "They were all squaws"; for which I reprimanded him. Passed the mountain which stands in the river; or, as the French term it, which soaks in the river. Came to thePrairie Le Aisle [sic[I-57]], on the west.

Mr. Frazer, Bradley, Sparks, and myself, went out to hunt. We crossed first a dry flat prairie; when we arrivedat the hills we ascended them, from which we had a mostsublime and beautiful prospect. On the right, we saw the mountains which we passed in the morning and the prairie in their rear; like distant clouds, the mountains at thePrairie Le Cross; on our left and under our feet, the valley between the two barren hills through which the Mississippi wound itself by numerous channels, forming many beautiful islands, as far as the eye could embrace the scene; and our four boats under full sail, their flags streaming before the wind. It was altogether a prospect so variegated and romantic that a man may scarcely expect to enjoy such a one but twice or thrice in the course of his life. I proposed keeping the hills until they led to the river, encamping and waiting the next day for our boats; but Mr.Frazer’s anxiety to get to the boats induced me to yield.After crossing a very thick bottom, fording and swimming three branches of the river, and crossing several morasses,we at twelve o’clock arrived opposite our boats, which were encamped on the east side. We were brought over. Saw great sign of elk, but had not the good fortune to come across any of them. My men saw three on the shore.Distance 21 miles.[I-58]

Sunday, Sept. 15th. Embarked early. Passed the riviereEmbarrass [Zumbro river], and Lean Clare [i. e., l’EauClaire; Clear, White Water, or Minneiska river], on the W.,which is navigable 135 miles. Encamped opposite the riverLe B — uf [Beef or Buffalo river], on the W. shore.[I-59] At thehead of this river the Chipeways inhabit, and it is navigable for peroques 40 or 50 leagues. Rained in the afternoon.Mr. Frazer broke one of his canoes. Came about three miles further than him. Distance 25 miles.

Sept. 16th. Embarked late, as I wished Mr. Frazer to overtake me, but came on very well. His canoes overtook us at dinner, at the grand encampment [7½ miles[I-60]] belowLake Pepin. We made the sandy peninsula on the east at the entrance of Lake Pepin, by dusk; passed the Sauteaux[Chippewa[I-61]] river on the east, at the entrance of the lake.After supper, the wind being fair, we put off with the intention to sail across; my interpreter, Rosseau, telling me that he had passed the lake twenty times, but never once in the day; giving as a reason that the wind frequently rose and detained them by day in the lake. But I believe the traders’ true reason generally is their fears of the Sauteurs,as these have made several strokes of war at the mouth of this river, never distinguishing between the Sioux and their traders. However, the wind serving, I was induced to goon; and accordingly we sailed, my boat bringing up the rear, for I had put the sail of my big boat on my batteau,and a mast of 22 feet. Mr. Frazer embarked on my boat.At first the breeze was very gentle, and we sailed with our violins and other music playing; but the sky afterward became cloudy and quite a gale arose. My boat plowed the swells, sometimes almost bow under. When we came to the Traverse [crossing-place], which is opposite Point DeSable [Sandy point], we thought it most advisable, the lake being very much disturbed and the gale increasing, to takeharbor in a bay on the east. One of the canoes and my boat came in very well together; but having made a fire on the point to give notice to our boats in the rear, they both ran on the bar before they doubled it, and were near foundering; but by jumping into the lake we brought them into a safe harbor. Distance 40 miles.[I-62]

Sept. 17th. Although there was every appearance of a very severe storm, we embarked at half-past six o’clock, the wind fair; but before we had hoisted all sail, those in front had struck theirs. The wind came on hard ahead. Thesky became inflamed, and the lightning seemed to roll down the sides of the hills which bordered the shore of the lake.The storm in all its grandeur, majesty, and horror burstupon us in the Traverse, while making for Point De Sable;and it required no moderate exertion to weather the point and get to the windward side of it. Distance three miles.[I-63]

There we found Mr. Cameron,[I-64] who had sailed from the prairie [Prairie du Chien] on the 5th; he had three bark canoes and a wooden one with him. He had been lying here two days, his canoes unloaded and turned up for the habitation of his men, his tents pitched, and himself living in all the ease of an Indian trader. He appeared to be a man of tolerable information, but rather indolent in his habits; a Scotchman by birth, but an Englishman by prejudice.He had with him a very handsome young man, by the name of John Rudsdell, and also his own son, a lad of fifteen.

The storm continuing, we remained all day. I was shown a point of rocks [Maiden Rock, 400 feet high[I-65]]from which a Sioux maiden cast herself, and was dashed into a thousand pieces on the rocks below. She had been informed that her friends intended matching her to a man she despised; having been refused the man she had chosen,she ascended the hill, singing her death-song; and before they could overtake her and obviate her purpose she took the lover’s leap! Thus ended her troubles with her life.A wonderful display of sentiment in a savage!

Sept. 18th. Embarked after breakfast. Mr. Cameron,with his boats, came on with me. Crossed the lake, sounded it, and took an observation at the upper end. I embarked in one of his canoes, and we came up to Canoe river,[I-66] wherethere was a small band of Sioux under the command ofRed Wing, the second war chief in the nation. He made me a speech and presented a pipe, pouch, and buffalo skin.He appeared to be a man of sense, and promised to accompanyme to St. Peters [the Minnesota river]; he saluted me,and had it returned. I made him a small present.[I-67]

We encamped on the end of the island, and although it was not more than eleven o’clock, were obliged to stay all night. Distance 18 miles.[I-68]

Sept. 19th. Embarked early; dined at St. Croix[I-69] river.Messrs. Frazer and Cameron having some business to dowith the savages, we left them at the encampment; but theypromised to overtake me, though they should be obliged to travel until twelve o’clock at night. Fired a blunderbuss for them at Tattoo. The chain of my watch became unhooked,by lending her to my guard; this was a very serious misfortune.[I-70]

Sept. 20th. Embarked after sunrise. Cloudy, with hard head winds; a small shower of rain; cleared up in the afternoon,and became pleasant. Encamped on a prairie on the east side, on which is a large painted stone, about eight miles below the Sioux village. The traders had not yet overtaken me. Distance 26½ miles.[I-71]

Sept. 21st. Embarked at a seasonable hour; breakfasted at the Sioux village on the east side [near St. Paul,[I-72] capital ofMinnesota]. It consists of 11 lodges, and is situated at the head of an island just below a ledge of rocks [Dayton bluff,in the city]. The village was evacuated at this time, all theIndians having gone out to the lands to gather fols avoin[folle avoine, wild rice: see note⁴⁴, page 39]. About two miles above, saw three bears swimming over the river, but at too great a distance for us to have killed them; they made the shore before I could come up with them. Passed a camp of Sioux, of four lodges, in which I saw only one man, whose name was Black Soldier. The garrulity of the women astonished me, for at the other camps they never opened their lips; but here they flocked around us with all their tongues going at the same time. The cause of this freedom must have been the absence of their lords and masters. Passed the encampment of Mr. Ferrebault [Faribault[I-73]],who had broken his peroque and had encamped on the west side of the river, about three miles below St.Peters [under the bluff below Mendota]. We made our encampment on the N. E. point of the big [Pike’s] island opposite [Fort Snelling or] St. Peters.[I-74] Distance 24 miles.

The Mississippi became so very narrow this day, that I once crossed in my batteaux with forty strokes of my oars.The water of the Mississippi, since we passed Lake Pepin,has been remarkably red; and where it is deep, appears asblack as ink. The waters of the St. Croix and St. Peters appear blue and clear, for a considerable distance below their confluence.

I observed a white flag on shore to-day, and on landing,discovered it to be white silk; it was suspended over a scaffold, on which were laid four dead bodies, two inclosed in boards, and two in bark. They were wrapped up in blankets, which appeared to be quite new. They were thebodies, I was informed, of two Sioux women who had lived with two Frenchmen, one of their children, and some other relative; two of whom died at St. Peters and two at St.Croix, but were brought here to be deposited upon thisscaffold together. This is the manner of Sioux burial when persons die a natural death; but when they are killed they suffer them to lie unburied. This circumstance brought to my recollection the bones of a man I found on the hills below the St. Croix; the jaw bone I brought on board. He must have been killed on that spot.

CHAPTER II.

ITINERARY, CONTINUED: ST. PAUL TO LEECH LAKE, SEPTEMBER22D, 1805-JANUARY 31ST, 1806.

Sunday, Sept. 22d. Employed in the morning measuring the river. About three o’clock Mr. Frazer and his peroques arrived; and in three hours after PetitCorbeau, at the head of his band, arrived with 150 warriors.

They ascended the hill in the point between the Mississippi and St. Peters, and gave us a salute, a la mode savage,with balls; after which we settled affairs for the council next day. Mr. Frazer and myself took a bark canoe, and went up to the village, in order to see Mr. Cameron. We ascended the St. Peters to the village, and found his camp.He engaged to be at the council the next day, and promised to let me have his barge. The Sioux had marched on a war excursion; but, hearing by express of my arrival, they returned by land. We were treated very hospitably, and hallooed after to go into every lodge to eat. Returned to our camp about eleven o’clock, and found the Sioux and my men peaceably encamped. No current in the river.[II-1]

Sept. 23d. Prepared for the council, which we commenced about twelve o’clock. I had a bower or shade, made of my sails, on the beach, into which only my gentlemen(the traders) and the chiefs entered. I then addressed them in a speech, which, though long and touching on many points, had for its principal object the granting of land at this place, falls of St. Anthony, and St. Croix [river], and making peace with the Chipeways. I was replied to by LeFils de Pinchow, Le Petit Corbeau, and l’Original Leve.They gave me the land required, about 100,000 acres, equal to $200,000, and promised me a safe passport for myself and any [Chippewa] chiefs I might bring down; but spoke doubtfully with respect to the peace. I gave them presents to the amount of about $200, and as soon as the council wasover, I allowed the traders to present them with some liquor, which, with what I myself gave, was equal to 60 gallons. In one half-hour they were all embarked for their respective villages.

The chiefs in the council were: Le Petit Corbeau, who signed the grant; Le Fils de Pinchow, who also signed;Le Grand Partisan; Le Original Leve, war-chief; gave him my father’s [General Wilkinson’s] tomahawk, etc.; Le DemiDouzen, war-chief; Le Beccasse; Le B — uf que Marche.

It was somewhat difficult to get them to sign the grant, as they conceived their word of honor should be taken for the grant without any mark; but I convinced then it was not on their account, but my own, that I wished them to sign it.[II-2]

Sept. 24th. In the morning I discovered that my flag was missing from my boat. Being in doubt whether it had been stolen by the Indians, or had fallen overboard and floated away, I sent for my friend, Original Leve, and sufficiently evinced to him, by the vehemence of my action,by the immediate punishment of my guard (having inflicted on one of them corporeal punishment), and by sending down the shore three miles in search of it, how much I was displeased that such a thing should have occurred. I sent a flag and two carrots of tobacco, by Mr. Cameron, to theSioux at the head of the St. Peters; made a small draft of the position at this place; sent up the boat I got from Mr.Fisher to the village on the St. Peters, and exchanged her for a barge with Mr. Duncan. My men returned with the barge about sundown. She was a fine light thing; eight men were able to carry her. Employed all day in writing.

Sept. 25th. I was awakened out of my bed by Le PetitCorbeau, head chief, who came up from his village to see if we were all killed, or if any accident had happened to us.This was in consequence of their having found my flagfloating three miles below their village, 15 miles hence, from which they concluded some affray had taken place, and that it had been thrown overboard. Although I considered this an unfortunate accident for me, I was exceedingly happy at its effect; for it was the occasion of preventing much bloodshed among the savages. A chief called OutardBlanche[II-3] had his lip cut off, and had come to PetitCorbeau and told him, "that his face was his looking-glass,that it was spoiled, and that he was determined on revenge."The parties were charging their guns and preparing for action, when lo! the flag appeared like a messenger of peace sent to prevent their bloody purposes. They were all astonished to see it. The staff was broken. Then PetitCorbeau arose and spoke to this effect: "That a thing so sacred had not been taken from my boat without violence;that it would be proper for them to hush all private animosities,until they had revenged the cause of their eldest brother; that he would immediately go up to St. Peters, to know what dogs had done that thing, in order to take steps to get satisfaction of those who had done the mischief."They all listened to this reasoning; he immediately had the flag put out to dry, and embarked for my camp. I was much concerned to hear of the blood likely to have beenshed, and gave him five yards of blue stroud, three yards of calico, one handkerchief, one carrot of tobacco, and one knife, in order to make peace among his people. He promised to send my flag by land to the falls, and make peace with Outard Blanche. Mr. Frazer went up to the village. We embarked late, and encamped at the foot of the rapids. In many places, I could scarce [almost] throw a stone over the river. Distance three miles.[II-4]

Sept. 26th. Embarked at the usual hour, and after much labor in passing through the rapids, arrived at the foot of the falls [of St. Anthony, in the city of Minneapolis], about three or four o’clock; unloaded my boat, and had the principal part of her cargo carried over the portage. With the other boat, however, full loaded, they were not able to get over the last shoot, and encamped about 600 yards below. I pitched my tent and encamped above the shoot. The rapids mentioned in this day’s march might properly be called a continuation of the falls of St. Anthony, for they are equally entitled to this appellation with the falls of the Delaware and Susquehanna. Killed one deer. Distance nine miles.[II-5]

Sept. 27th. Brought over the residue of my lading this morning. Two men arrived from Mr. Frazer, on St. Peters,for my dispatches. This business of closing and sealing appeared like a last adieu to the civilized world. Sent a large packet to the general, and a letter to Mrs. Pike, with a short note to Mr. Frazer. Two young Indians brought my flag across by land; they arrived yesterday, just as we came in sight of the falls. I made them a present for their punctualityand expedition, and the danger they were exposed to from the journey. Carried our boats out of the river as far as the bottom of the hill.

Sept. 28th. Brought my barge over, and put her in the river above the falls. While we were engaged with her,three-quarters of a mile from camp, seven Indians, painted black, appeared on the heights. We had left our guns at camp, and were entirely defenseless. It occurred to methat they were the small party of Sioux who were obstinate,and would go to war when the other part of the bands came in. These they proved to be. They were better armed than any I had ever seen, having guns, bows, arrows,clubs, spears, and some of them even a case of pistols.I was at that time giving my men a dram, and giving the cup of liquor to the first, he drank it off; but I was more cautious with the remainder. I sent my interpreter to camp with them to wait my coming, wishing to purchase one of their war-clubs, which was made of elk-horn, and decorated with inlaid work. This, and a set of bows and arrows, I wished to get as a curiosity. But the liquor I had given him beginning to operate, he came back for me; refusing to go till I brought my boat, he returned, and (I suppose being offended) borrowed a canoe and crossed the river. In the afternoon we got the other boat near the top of the hill,when the props gave way, and she slid all the way down to the bottom, but fortunately without injuring any person.It raining very hard, we left her. Killed one goose and a raccoon.

Sunday, Sept. 29th. I killed a remarkably large raccoon.Got our large boat over the portage, and put her in the river, at the upper landing. This night the men gave sufficient proof of their fatigue, by all throwing themselves down to sleep, preferring rest to supper. This day I had but 15 men out of 22; the others were sick.

This voyage could have been performed with great convenience if we had taken our departure in June. But the proper time would be to leave the Illinois as soon as the ice would permit, when the river would be of a good height.

Sept. 30th. Loaded my boat, moved over, and encamped on the island. The large boats loading likewise, we went over and put on board. In the meantime I took a survey of the Falls, Portage, etc. If it be possible to pass the fall sat high water, of which I am doubtful, it must be on the east side, about 30 yards from shore, as there are three layers of rocks, one below the other. The pitch off eitheris not more than five feet; but of this I can say more on my return. (It is never possible, as ascertained on my return.)

Oct. 1st. Embarked late. The river at first appeared mild and sufficiently deep; but after about four miles the shoals commenced, and we had very hard water all day;passed three rapids. Killed one goose and two ducks.This day the sun shone after I had left the falls; but whilst there it was always cloudy. Distance 17 miles.[II-6]

Oct. 2d. Embarked at our usual hour, and shortly after passed some large islands and remarkably hard ripples.Indeed the navigation, to persons not determined to proceed,would have been deemed impracticable. We waded nearly all day, to force the boats off shoals, and draw them through rapids. Killed three geese and two swans. Much appearance of elk and deer. Distance 12 miles.[II-7]

Oct. 3d. Cold in the morning. Mercury at zero. Came on very well; some ripples and shoals. Killed three geese andone raccoon [Procyon lotor]; also a brelaw,[II-8] an animal I had never before seen. Distance 15½ miles.[II-9]

Oct. 4th. Rained in the morning; but the wind serving,we embarked, although it was extremely raw and cold.Opposite the mouth of Crow river [present name] we found a bark canoe cut to pieces with tomahawks, and the paddles broken on shore; a short distance higher up we saw five more, and continued to see the wrecks until we found eight. From the form of the canoes my interpreter pronounced them to be Sioux; and some broken arrows to be the Sauteurs. The paddles were also marked with theIndian sign of men and women killed. From all these circumstances we drew this inference, that the canoes had been the vessels of a party of Sioux who had been attacked and all killed or taken by the Sauteurs. Time may develop thistransaction. My interpreter was much alarmed, assuring me that it was probable that at our first re encounter with the Chipeways they would take us for Sioux traders, and fire on us before we could come to an explanation; that they had murdered three Frenchmen whom they found on the shore about this time last spring; but notwithstanding his information,I was on shore all the afternoon in pursuit of elk. Caught a curious little animal on the prairie, which my Frenchman[Rousseau] termed a prairie mole,[II-10] but it is very different from the mole of the States. Killed two geese, one pheasant[ruffed grouse, Bonasa umbellus], and a wolf. Distance 16 miles.[II-11]

Oct. 5th. Hard water and ripples all day. Passed several old Sioux encampments, all fortified. Found five litters in which sick or wounded had been carried. At this place a hard battle was fought between the Sioux and Sauteurs in the year 1800. Killed one goose. Distance 11 miles.[II-12]

Sunday, Oct. 6th. Early in the morning discovered four elk; they swam the river. I pursued them, and wounded one, which made his escape into a marsh; saw two droves of elk. I killed some small game and joined the boats near night. Found a small red capot hung upon a tree; this my interpreter informed me was a sacrifice by some Indians to the bon Dieu. I determined to lie by and hunt next day.Killed three prairie-hens [pinnated grouse, Tympanuchusamericanus] and two pheasants. This day saw the first elk.Distance 12 miles.[II-13]

Oct. 7th. Lay by in order to dry my corn, clothing, etc.,and to have an investigation into the conduct of my sergeant[Kennerman], against whom some charges were exhibited. Sent several of my men out hunting. I went toward evening and killed some prairie-hens; the hunter were unsuccessful. Killed three prairie-hens and six pheasants.

Oct. 8th. Embarked early and made a very good day’smarch; had but three rapids to pass all day. Some oakwood land on the W. side, but the whole bottom covered with prickly-ash. I made it a practice to oblige every man to march who complained of indisposition, by which meansI had some flankers on both sides of the river, who were excellent guards against surprises; they also served as hunters. We had but one raccoon killed by all. Distance 20 miles.[II-14]

Oct. 9th. Embarked early; wind ahead; barrens and prairie. Killed one deer and four pheasants. Distance 3 miles. [Camp between Plum creek and St. Augusta.]

Oct. 10th. Came to large islands and strong water early in the morning. Passed the place at which Mr. [Joseph]Reinville and Mons. Perlier [ — ] wintered in 1797. Passeda cluster of more than 20 islands in the course of four miles; these I called Beaver islands, from the immense sign of those animals; for they have dams on every island and roads from them every two or three rods. I would hereattempt a description of this wonderful animal, and its admirable system of architecture, were not the subject already exhausted by the numerous travelers who have written on this subject. Encamped at the foot of theGrand [Sauk] Rapids. Killed two geese, five ducks, and four pheasants. Distance 16½ miles.[II-15]

Oct. 11th. Both boats passed the worst of the rapids by eleven o’clock, but we were obliged to wade and lift the mover rocks where there was not a foot of water, when at times the next step would be in water over our heads. In consequence of this our boats were frequently in imminent danger of being bilged on the rocks. About five miles above the rapids our large boat was discovered to leak so fast as to render it necessary to unload her, which we did. Stopped the leak and reloaded. Near a war-encampment I found a painted buckskin and a piece of scarlet cloth, suspended by the limb of a tree; this I supposed to be a sacrifice toMatcho Maniton [sic], to render their enterprise successful;but I took the liberty of invading the rights of his diabolical majesty, by treating them as the priests of old have often done — that is, converting the sacrifice to my own use.Killed only two ducks. Distance 8 miles.[II-16]

Oct. 12th. Hard ripples in the morning. Passed a narrow rocky place [Watab rapids], after which we had good water. Our large boat again sprung a leak, and we were again obliged to encamp early and unload. Killed one deer,one wolf, two geese, and two ducks. Distance 12½ miles.[II-17]

Sunday, Oct. 13th. Embarked early and came on well.Passed [first a river on the right, which we named Lake river (now called Little Rock river) and then] a handsome little river on the east, which we named Clear river [nowPlatte]; water good. Killed one deer, one beaver, two minks, two geese, and one duck. Fair winds. Discovered one buffalo sign. Distance 29 miles.[II-18]

Oct. 14th. Ripples a considerable [part of the] way. My hunters killed three deer, four geese, and two porcupines.When hunting discovered a trail which I supposed to have been made by the savages. I followed it with much precaution,and at length started a large bear feeding on thecarcass of a deer; he soon made his escape. Yesterday we came to the first timbered land above the falls. Made the first discovery of bear since we left St. Louis, excepting what we saw three miles below St. Peters. Distance 17 miles.[II-19]

Oct. 15th. Ripples all day. In the morning the large boat came up, and I once more got my party together; they had been detained by taking in the game. Yesterday and this day passed some skirts of good land, well timbered,swamps of hemlock, and white pine. Water very hard. The river became shallow and full of islands. We encamped on a beautiful point on the west, below a fall [Fourth, Knife, orPike rapids] of the river over a bed of rocks, through which we had two narrow shoots to make our way the next day.Killed two deer, five ducks, and two geese. This day’s march made me think seriously of our wintering ground and leaving our large boats. Distance five miles.[II-20]

Oct. 16th. When we arose in the morning found thats now had fallen during the night; the ground was covered,and it continued to snow. This indeed was but poor encouragement for attacking the rapids, in which we were certain to wade to our necks. I was determined, however, if possible,to make la riviere de Corbeau [now Crow Wing river], the highest point ever made by traders in their bark canoes.We embarked, and after four hours’ work became sobenumbed with cold that our limbs were perfectly useless.We put to shore on the opposite side of the river, about two-thirds of the way up the rapids. Built a large fire; and then discovered that our boats were nearly half-full of water, both having sprung such large leaks as to oblige me to keep three hands bailing. My Sergeant Kennerman, one of the stoutest men I ever knew, broke a blood-vessel and vomited nearly two quarts of blood. One of my corporals, Bradley, also evacuated nearly a pint of blood when he attempted to void his urine. These unhappy circumstances, in addition to the inability of four other men, whom we were obliged to leave on shore, convinced me that if I had no regard for my own health and constitution, I should have some for those poor fellows, who were killing themselves to obey my orders.After we had breakfasted and refreshed ourselves, we went down to our boats on the rocks, where I was obliged to leave them. I then informed my men that we would return to the camp, and there leave some of the party and our large boats. This information was pleasing, and the attempt to reach the camp soon accomplished.

My reasons for this step have partly been already stated.The necessity of unloading and refitting my boats, the beauty and convenience of the spot for building huts, the fine pine trees for peroques, and the quantity of game, were additional inducements. We immediately unloaded our boats and secured their cargoes. In the evening I went out upon a small but beautiful creek [i. e., Pine creek of Pike,now Swan river[II-21]] which empties into the falls [on the W.side], for the purpose of selecting pine trees to make canoes.Saw five deer, and killed one buck weighing 137 pounds.By my leaving men at this place, and from the great quantities of game in its vicinity, I was insured plenty of provision for my return voyage. In the party [to be] left behind was one hunter, to be continually employed, who would keep our stock of salt provisions good. Distance 233½[about 111] miles above the falls of St. Anthony.

Oct. 17th. It continued to snow. I walked out in the morning and killed four bears, and my hunter three deers.Felled our trees for canoes and commenced working on them.

Oct. 18th. Stopped hunting and put every hand to work.Cut 60 logs for huts and worked at the canoes. This, considering we had only two felling-axes and three hatchets,was pretty good work. Cloudy, with little snow.

Oct. 19th. Raised one of our houses and almost completed one canoe. I was employed the principal part of this day in writing letters and making arrangements whichI deemed necessary, in case I should never return.

Sunday, Oct. 20th. Continued our labor at the houses and canoes; finished my letters, etc. At night discovered the prairie on the opposite side of the river to be on fire:supposed to have been made by the Sauteurs. I wished much to have our situation respectable [defensible] here, orI would have sent next day to discover them.

Oct. 21st. Went out hunting, but killed nothing, not wishing to shoot at small game. Our labor went on.

Oct. 22d. Went out hunting. About 15 miles up the[Pine] creek saw a great quantity of deer; but from the dryness of the woods and the quantity of brush, only shot one through the body, which made its escape. This day my men neglected their work, which convinced me I must leave off hunting and superintend them. Miller and myself lay out all night in the pine woods.

Oct. 23d. Raised another blockhouse; deposited all our property in the one already completed. Killed a number of pheasants and ducks, while visiting my canoe-makers.Sleet and snow.

Oct. 24th. The snow having fallen one or two inches thick in the night, I sent out one hunter, Sparks, and went out myself; Bradley, my other hunter, being sick. Each of us killed two deer, one goose, and one pheasant.

Oct. 25th. Sent out men with Sparks to bring in his game. None of them returned, and I supposed them to be lost in the hemlock swamps with which the country abounds.My interpreter, however, whom I believe to be a coward,insisted that they were killed by the Sauteurs. Made arrangements for my departure.

Oct. 26th. Launched my canoes and found them verysmall. My hunter killed three deer. Took Miller and remained out all night, but killed nothing.

Sunday, Oct. 27th. Employed in preparing our baggage to depart.

Oct. 28th. My two canoes being finished, launched, and brought to the head of the rapids, I put my provision,ammunition, etc., on board, intending to embark by day.Left them under the charge of the sentinel; in an hour one of them sunk, in which was the ammunition and my baggage;this was occasioned by what is called a wind-shock.[II-22]This misfortune, and the extreme smallness of my canoes,induced me to build another. I had my cartridges spread out on blankets and large fires made around them. At that time I was not able to ascertain the extent of the misfortune,the magnitude of which none can estimate, save only those in the same situation with ourselves, 1,500 miles from civilized society; and in danger of losing the very means of defense — nay, of existence.

Oct. 29th. Felled a large pine and commenced another canoe. I was at work on my cartridges all day, but did not save five dozen out of 30. In attempting to dry the powder in pots I blew it up, and it had nearly blown up a tent and two or three men with it. Made a dozen new cartridges with the old wrapping-paper.

Oct. 30th. My men labored as usual. Nothing extraordinary.

Oct. 31st. Inclosed my little work completely with pickets. Hauled up my two boats, and turned them over on each side of the gateway, by which means a defense was made to the river. Had it not been for various political reasons, I would have laughed at the attack of 800 or 1,000 savages, if all my party were within. For, except accidents,it would only have afforded amusement, the Indians having no idea of taking a place by storm. Found myself powerfullyattacked with the fantastics of the brain called ennui,at the mention of which I had hitherto scoffed; but my books being packed up, I was like a person entranced, and could easily conceive why so many persons who had been confined to remote places acquired the habit of drinking to excess and many other vicious practices, which have been adopted merely to pass time.

Nov. 1st. Finding that my canoe would not be finished in two or three days, I concluded to take six men and go down the river about 12 miles [vicinity of Buffalo cr. (TwoRivers)], where we had remarked great sign of elk and buffalo. Arrived there about the middle of the afternoon.All turned out to hunt. None of us killed anything butSparks, one doe. A slight snow fell.

Nov. 2d. Left the camp with the fullest determination to kill an elk, if it were possible, before my return. I never had killed one of those animals. Took Miller, whose obliging disposition made him agreeable in the woods.I was determined, if we came on the trail of elk, to follow them a day or two in order to kill one. This, to a person acquainted with the nature of those animals, and the extent of the prairies in this country, would appear, what it really was, a very foolish resolution. We soon struck where a herd of 150 had passed. Pursued and came in sight about eight o’clock, when they appeared, at a distance, like an army of Indians moving along in single file; a large buck,of at least four feet between the horns, leading the van, and one of equal magnitude bringing up the rear.We followed until near night, without once being able to get within pointblank shot. I once made Miller fire at them with his musket, at about 400 yards’ distance;it had no other effect than to make them leave us about five miles behind on the prairie. Passed several deer in the course of the day, which I think we could have killed,but did not fire for fear of alarming the elk. Finding that it was no easy matter to kill one, I shot a doe through thebody, as I perceived by her blood where she lay down inthe snow; yet, not knowing how to track, we lost her.Shortly after saw three elk by themselves near a copse of woods. Approached near them and broke the shoulder of one; but he ran off with the other two just as I was about to follow. Saw a buck deer lying on the grass; shot him between the eyes, when he fell over. I walked up to him,put my foot on his horns, and examined the shot; immediately after which he snorted, bounced up, and fell five steps from me. This I considered his last effort; but soon after, to our utter astonishment, he jumped up and ran off.He stopped frequently; we pursued him, expecting him to fall every minute; by which we were led from the pursuit of the wounded elk. After being wearied out in this unsuccessful chase we returned in pursuit of the wounded elk,and when we came up to the party, found him missing from the flock. Shot another in the body; but my ball being small, he likewise escaped. Wounded another deer; when,hungry, cold, and fatigued, after having wounded three deer and two elk, we were obliged to encamp in a point of hemlock woods, on the head of Clear [Platte] river. The large herd of elk lay about one mile from us, in the prairie. Our want of success I ascribe to the smallness of our balls, and to our inexperience in following the track after wounding the game, for it is very seldom a deer drops on the spot you shoot it.

Sunday, Nov. 3d. Rose pretty early and went in pursuit of the elk. Wounded one buck deer on the way. We made an attempt to drive them into the woods; but their leader broke past us, and it appeared as if the drove would have followed him, though they had been obliged to run over us. We fired at them passing, but without effect.Pursued them through the swamp till about ten o’clock,when I determined to attempt to make the river, and for that purpose took a due south course. Passed many droves of elk and buffalo, but being in the middle of an immense prairie, knew it was folly to attempt to shoot them.Wounded several deer, but got none. In fact, I knewI could shoot as many deer as anybody; but neither myself nor company could find one in ten, whereas one experienced hunter would get all. Near night struck a lake about five miles long and two miles wide. Saw immense droves of elk on both banks. About sundown saw a herd crossing the prairie toward us. We sat down. Two bucks, more curious than the others, came pretty close. I struck one behind the fore shoulder; he did not go more than 20 yards before he fell and died. This was the cause of much exultation,because it fulfilled my determination; and, as we had been two days and nights without victuals, it was very acceptable. Found some scrub oak. In about one mile made a fire, and with much labor and pains got our meat to it; the wolves feasting on one half while we were carrying away the other. We were now provisioned, but were still in want of water, the snow being all melted. Finding my drought very excessive in the night, I went in search of water, and was much surprised, after having gone about a mile, to strike the Mississippi. Filled my hat and returned to my companion.

Nov. 4th. Repaired my mockinsons, using a piece of elk’s bone as an awl. We both went to the Mississippi and found we were a great distance from the camp. I left Miller to guard the meat and marched for camp. Having strained my ankles in the swamps, they were extremely sore, and the strings of my mockinsons cut them and made them swell considerably. Before I had gone far I discovered a herd of 10 elk; approached within 50 yards and shot one through the body. He fell on the spot; but rose again and ran off.I pursued him at least five miles, expecting every minute to see him drop. I then gave him up. When I arrived atClear [Platte] river, a deer was standing on the other bank.I killed him on the spot, and while I was taking out the entrails another came up. I shot him also. This was my last ball, and then only could I kill! Left part of my clothes at this place to scare the wolves. Arrived at my camp at dusk, to the great joy of our men, who had beento our little garrison to inquire for me, and receiving no intelligence, had concluded we were killed by the Indians,having heard them fire on the opposite bank. The same night we saw fires on the opposite shore in the prairie; this was likewise seen in the fort, when all the men moved into the works.

Nov. 5th. Sent four of my men with one canoe, loaded with the balance of nine deer that had been killed; with the other two, went down the river for my meat. Stopped for the deer, which I found safe. Miller had just started to march home, but returned to camp with us. Found all the meat safe, and brought it to the river, where we pitched our camp.

Nov. 6th. At the earnest entreaties of my men, and with a hope of killing some more game, I agreed to stay and hunt. We went out and found that all the elk and buffalo had gone down the river from those plains the day before,leaving large roads to point out their course. This would not appear extraordinary to persons acquainted with the nature of those animals, as the prairie had unluckily caught fire. After Miller left the camp for home, Sparks killed two deer, about six miles off; and it being near the river,I sent the three men down with the canoe, to return early in the morning. It commenced snowing about midnight,and by morning was six inches deep.

Nov. 7th. Waited all day with the greatest anxiety for my men. The river became nearly filled with snow, partly congealed into ice. My situation can more easily be imagined than described. Went down the river to where I understood the deer were killed; but discovered nothing of my men. I now became very uneasy on their account, forI was well aware of the hostile disposition of the Indians to all persons on this part of the Mississippi, taking them to be traders — and we had not yet had an opportunity of explaining to them who we were. Snow still continued falling very fast, and was nearly knee-deep. Had great difficulty to procure wood sufficient to keep up a fire all night. Ice in the river thickening.

Nov. 8th. My men not yet arrived. I determined to depart for the garrison, and when the river had frozen, to come down on the ice with a party, or, if the weather became mild, by water, with my other peroques, to search for my poor men. Put up about ten pounds of meat, two blankets, and a bearskin, with my sword and gun, which made for me a very heavy load. Left the meat in as good a situation as possible. Wrote on the snow my wishes, and put my handkerchief up as a flag. Departed. My anxiety of mind was so great that, notwithstanding my load and the depth of the snow, I made into the bottom, above our former hunting-camp, a little before night. Passed several deer and one elk, which I might probably have killed; but not knowing whether I should be able to secure the meat if I killed them, and bearing in mind that they were created for the use and not the sport of man, I did not fire at them.While I was endeavoring to strike fire I heard voices, and looking round, observed Corporal Meek and three men passing. Called them to me, and we embarked together.They were on their march down to see if they could render us any assistance in ascending the river. They were much grieved to hear my report of the other men, CorporalBradley, Sparks, and Miller.

Nov. 9th. Snowed a little. The men carried my pack.I was so sore that it was with difficulty I carried my gun;fortunately they brought with them a pair of mockinsons,sent me by one of my soldiers, Owings, who had rightly calculated that I was bare-foot; also a phial of whisky, sent by the sergeant; were both very acceptable to me. They brought also some tobacco for my lost men. We experienced difficulty in crossing the river, owing to the ice.Moved into the post my command, who were again encamped out, ready to march up the river. Set all hands to making sleds, in order that the moment the river closed I might descend, with a strong party, in search of my lost men. Issued provisions, and was obliged to use six venison hams, being part of a quantity of elegant hams I had preserved115to take down, if possible, to the general and some other friends. Had the two hunters not been found, I must have become a slave to hunting in order to support my party.The ice still ran very thick.

Sunday, Nov. 10th. Continued making sleds. No news of my hunters. Ice in the river very thick and hard. Raised my tent with puncheons, and laid a floor in it.

Nov. 11th. I went out hunting. Saw but two deer.Killed a remarkably large black fox. Bradley and Miller arrived, having understood the writing on the snow, and leftSparks behind at the camp to take care of the meat. Their detention was owing to their being lost on the prairie the first night, and not being able to find their deer.

Nov. 12th. Dispatched Miller and Huddleston to the lower hunting-camp, and Bradley and Brown to hunting in the woods. Made my arrangements in camp. Thawing weather.

Nov. 13th. Bradley returned with a very large buck,which supplied us for the next four days.

Nov. 14th. It commenced raining at 4 o’clock a. m.;lightning and loud thunder. I went down the river in one of my canoes, with five men, in order to bring up the meat from the lower camp; but after descending about 13 miles,found the river blocked up with ice. Returned about two miles and encamped in the bottom where I had my hunting-camp on the 1st inst. Extremely cold toward night.

Nov. 15th. When we meant to embark in the morning,found the river full of ice and hardly moving. Returned to camp and went out to hunt, for we had no provision with us. Killed nothing but five prairie-hens, which afforded us this day’s subsistence; this bird I took to be the same as grouse. Expecting the ice had become hard, we attempted to cross the river, but could not. In the endeavor one man fell through. Freezing.

Nov. 16th. Detached Corporal Meek and one private to the garrison, to order the sleds down. No success in hunting,except a few fowl. I began to consider the life of a huntera very slavish life, and extremely precarious as to support;for sometimes I have myself, although no hunter, killed 600 weight of meat in one day; and I have hunted three days successively without killing anything but a few small birds,which I was obliged to do to keep my men from starving.Freezing.

Sunday, Nov. 17th. One of my men arrived; he had attempted to make the camp before, but lost himself in the prairie, lay out all night, and froze his toes. He informed us that the corporal and the men I sent with him had their toes frost-bitten, the former very badly; that three men were on their way down by land, the river above not being frozen over. They arrived a few hours before night. Freezing.

Nov. 18th. Took our departure down the river on the ice, our baggage on the sled. Ice very rough. Distance 12 miles. Freezing.

Nov. 19th. Arrived opposite our hunting-camp about noon. Had the meat, etc., moved over. They had a large quantity of meat. I went out and killed a very large buck.Thawing.

Nov. 20th. Departed to return to the stockade, part of our meat on the sled and part in the little peroque, the river being open in the middle. Killed four deer. Thawing.Distance five miles.

Nov. 21st. Marched in the morning. Came to a place where the river was very narrow, and the channel blocked up. Were obliged to unload our peroque and haul her over. The river having swelled a good deal at this place the ice gave way with myself and two men on it. We seized the sled that stood by us, with some little baggage on it, and by jumping over four cracks, the last two feet wide, providentially made our passage good without losing an individual thing. Encamped opposite Clear[Platte] river. Killed one deer and one otter. Freezing.

Nov. 22d. Were obliged to leave our canoe at Clear river,the river being closed. Made two trips with our sled.Killed one deer. Distance five miles.

Nov. 23d. Having seen a great deal of buffalo sign, I determined to kill one the next day — forgetting the elk chase. Encamped nearly opposite our camp of the 15th and 16th. Thawing. Distance four miles.

Sunday, Nov. 24th. Took Miller and Boley and went in pursuit of buffalo. Came up with some about ten o’clock.In the afternoon wounded one. Pursued them until night,and encamped on the side of a swamp. Thawing.

Nov. 25th. Commenced again the pursuit of the buffalo,and continued till eleven o’clock, when I gave up the chase.Arrived at the camp about sundown, hungry and weary,having eaten nothing since we left it. My rifle carried too small a ball to kill buffalo; the balls should not be more than 30 to the pound — an ounce ball would be still preferable — and the animal should be hunted on horse-back.I think that in the prairies of this country the bow and arrow could be used to more advantage than the gun;for you might ride immediately alongside, and strike them where you pleased, leaving them to proceed after others.Thawing.

Nov. 26th. Proceeded up the river. The ice getting very rotten, the men fell through several times. Thawing.Distance five miles.

Nov. 27th. Took one man and marched to the post.Found all well. My hunter, Bradley, had killed 11 deer since my departure. Sent all the men down to help the party up. They returned, accompanied by two Indians,who informed me they were two men of a band who resided on Lake Superior, called the Fols Avoins, but spoke the language of the Chipeways. They informed me that Mr.Dickson’s[II-23] and the other trading-houses were establishedabout 60 miles below, and that there were 70 lodges ofSioux on the Mississippi. All my men arrived at the post.We brought from our camp below the balance of 17 deer and 2 elk.

Nov. 28th. The Indians departed, much pleased with their reception. I dispatched Corporal Meek and one private down to Dickson with a letter, which would at least have the effect of attaching the most powerful tribes in this quarter to my interest.

Nov. 29th. A Sioux, the son of a warrior called the Killeur Rouge,[II-24] of the Gens des Feuilles, and a Fols Avoin,came to the post. He said that having struck our trail below and finding some to be shoe-tracks, he conceived it to be the establishment of some traders, took it, and came to the post. He informed me that Mr. Dickson had told the Sioux "that they might now hunt where they pleased, as I had gone ahead and would cause the Chipeways,wherever I met them, to treat them with friendship; that I had barred up the mouth of the St. Peters, so that no liquor could ascend that river; but that if they came on the Mississippi they should have what liquor they wanted;also, that I was on the river and had a great deal of merchandise to give them in presents." This information of Mr. Dickson to the Indians seemed to have self-interest and envy for its motives; for, by the idea of my having prevented liquor from going up the St. Peters he gave the Indians to understand that it was a regulation of my own,and not a law of the United States; by assuring them he would sell to them on the Mississippi, he drew all theIndians from the traders on the St. Peters, who had adhered to the restriction of not selling liquor; and should any of them be killed the blame would all lie on me, as he had without authority assured them they might hunt insecurity. I took care to give the young chief a full explanation of my ideas on the subject. He remained all night. Killed two deer.

Nov. 30th. I made the two Indians some small presents.They crossed the river and departed. Detached Kennerman with 11 men to bring up the two canoes.

STOPPED HERE

Sunday, Dec. 1st. Snowed a little in the middle of the day. Went out with my gun, but killed nothing.

Dec. 2d. Sparks arrived from the party below, and informed me they could not kill any game, but had started up with the little peroque; also, that Mr. Dickson and a Frenchman had passed my detachment about three hours before. He left them on their march to the post. Sparks arrived about ten o’clock at night.

Dec. 3d. Mr. Dickson, with an engagee and a youngIndian, arrived at the fort. I received him with every politeness in my power, and after a serious conversation with him on the subject of the information given me on the 29th ult., was induced to believe it in part incorrect. He assured me that no liquor was sold by him, or by any houses under his direction. He gave me much useful information relative to my future route, which gave me great encouragement as to the certainty of my accomplishing the object of my voyage to the fullest extent. He seemed to be a gentleman of general commercial knowledge, possessing much geographical information of the western country,and of open, frank manners. He gave me many assurances of his good wishes for the prosperity of my undertaking.

Dec. 4th. My men arrived with one canoe only. Calculated on returning them two days later.

Dec. 5th. Mr. Dickson, with his two men, departed for their station [in the vicinity of Thousand Islands, below St.Cloud], after having furnished me with a letter for a young man of his house on Lake de Sable [Sandy lake], andcarte blanche as to my commands on him. Weather mild.

Dec. 6th. I dispatched my men down to bring up the other peroque with a strong sled on which it was intended to put the canoe about one-third, and to let the end drag on the ice. Three families of the Fols Avoins arrived and encamped near the fort; also, one Sioux, who pretended to have been sent to me from the Gens des Feuilles, to inform me that the Yanctongs and Sussitongs,[II-25] two bands of Sioux from the head of the St. Peters and the Missouri, and the most savage of them, had commenced the war-dance and would depart in a few days; in which case he conceived it would be advisable for the Fols Avoins to keep close under my protection; that making a stroke on the Chipeways would tend to injure the grand object of my voyage, etc.Some reasons induced me to believe he was a self-created envoy; however, I offered to pay him, or any young Sioux,who would go to those bands and carry my word. Hepromised to make known my wishes upon his return. My men returned in the evening without my canoe, having been so unfortunate as to split her in carrying her over the rough hilly ice in the ripples below. So many disappointments almost wearied out my patience; notwithstanding,I intended to embark by land and water in a few days.

Dec. 7th. An Indian by the name of Chien Blanche,[II-26]of the Fols Avoin tribe, with his family and connections, arrived and encamped near the stockade. He informed me that he had wintered here for ten years past; that the sugar-camp near the stockade was where he made sugar. He appeared to be an intelligent man. I visited his camp in the afternoon, and found him seated amidst his children and grandchildren, amounting in all to ten. His wife, although of an advanced age, was suckling two children that appeared to be about two years old. I should have taken them to bet wins, had not one been much fairer than the other. Upon inquiry, however, I found that the fairest was the daughter of an Englishman, by one of the Indian’s daughters, lately deceased; since whose death the grandmother had taken it to the breast. His lodge was made of rushes plaited into mats, after the manner of the Illinois. I was obliged to give some meat to all the Indians who arrived at the stockade,at the same time explaining our situation. The Chien Blanche assured me it should be repaid with interest in the course of the winter, but that at that time he was without anything to eat. In fact, our hunters having killed nothing for several days, we were ourselves on short allowance.

Dec. 8th. An invalid Sioux arrived with the information that the bands of the Sussitongs and Yanctongs had actually determined to make war on the Chipeways, and that they had formed a party of 150 or 160 men; but that part of the Sussitongs had refused to go to war, and would be here on a visit to me the next day. This occasioned meto delay crossing the river immediately, on my voyage toLake Sang Sue [Leech lake], as it was possible that by having a conference with them I might still prevent the stroke intended to be made against the Chipeways.

Dec. 9th. Prepared to embark. Expecting the Sioux, I had two large kettles of soup made for them. Had a shooting-match with four prizes. The Sioux did not arrive, and we ate the soup ourselves. Crossed the river and encamped above the [Knife or Pike] rapids.[II-27] Wind changed and it grew cold.

Dec. 10th. After arranging our sleds and peroque we commenced our march. My sleds were such as are frequently seen about farmers’ yards, calculated to hold two barrels or 400 weight, in which two men were geared abreast.The sleds on the prairie and the peroque were towed by three men. Found it extremely difficult to get along, the snow being melted off the prairie in spots. The men who had the canoe were obliged to wade and drag her over the rocks in many places. Shot the only deer I saw; it fell three times, and then made its escape. This was a great disappointment,for upon the game we took now we depended for our subsistence. This evening disclosed to my men the real danger they had to encounter. Distance five miles.[II-28]

Dec. 11th. It having thawed all night, the snow had almost melted from the prairie. I walked on until ten o’clock,and made a fire. I then went back to look for the peroque,and at a remarkable [Little Elk] rapid in the river, opposite a high piny island, made a fire and waited for them to come up, when we partly unloaded. I returned and met the sleds. When we arrived at the place pitched on for our camp, I sent the men down to assist the peroque. In the afternoon, from about three o’clock, we heard the report of not less than 50 guns ahead, and after dusk much shooting on the prairie. I was at a loss to know who they could be,unless they were Sauteaux, and what could be their objectin shooting after dark. Kept a good lookout. Distance five miles.[II-29]

Dec. 12th. The snow having almost entirely left the prairie, we were obliged to take on but one sled at a time and treble man it. In the morning my interpreter came tome with quite a martial air, and requested that he might be allowed to go ahead to discover what Indians we heard fire last evening. I gave him permission and away he went.Shortly after, I went out with Corporal Bradley and a private,and in about an hour overtook my partizan, on a bottom close to the river; he was hunting raccoons, and had caught five. We left him; and after choosing an encampment and sending the private back to conduct the party to it, the corporal and myself marched on, anxious to discover theIndians. We ascended the river about eight miles; saw no Indians, but discovered that the river was frozen over.This pleased me more, for we would now be enabled to walk three times our usual distance in a day.

I was much surprised that we saw no Indians. After our return to camp I was told that a Fols Avoin Indian had met my party and informed them that in the rear of the hills that bordered the prairie there were many small lakes which by portages communicated with Lake Superior; that in one day’s march on that course we would find English trading-houses;that the Chipeways were there hunting; that theSioux who had visited my camp on the 29th ult., on hearingthe firing, had prudently returned with his companions to the west side of the Mississippi, agreeably to my advice.How persons unacquainted with the searching spirit of trade and the enterprise of the people of the northwest would be surprised to find people who had penetrated from LakeSuperior to lakes little more than marshes! It likewise points out the difficulty of putting a barrier on their trade.

All my sleds and peroques did not get up until half-past ten o’clock. Saw a very beautiful fox, with red back, whitetail and breast. My interpreter called them reynard d’argent[silver fox]. I had no opportunity of shooting him.Killed six raccoons and one porcupine [Erethizon dorsatum].Fine day. Distance seven miles.[II-30]

Dec. 13th. Made double trips. Embarked at the upper end of the ripples. It commenced snowing at three o’clock.Bradley killed one deer, another man killed one raccoon.Storm continued until next morning. Distance five miles.[II-31]

Dec. 14th. We departed from our encampment at the usual hour, but had not advanced one mile when the foremost sled, which happened unfortunately to carry my baggage and ammunition, fell into the river. We were all inthe river up to our middle in recovering the things. Halted and made a fire. Came to where the river was frozen over.Stopped and encamped on the west shore, in a pine wood["Pine camp" of Mar. 4th, 1806]. Upon examining my things, found all my baggage wet and some of my books materially injured; but a still greater injury was, that all my cartridges and four pounds of double battle Sussex powder which I had brought for my own use, were destroyed.Fortunately my kegs of powder were preserved dry, and some bottles of common glazed powder, which were so tightly corked as not to admit water. Had this not been the case, my voyage must necessarily have been terminated,for we could not have subsisted without ammunition. During the time of our misfortune, two Fols Avoin Indians came to us, one of whom was at my stockade on the 29th ult., in company with the Sioux. I signified to them by signs the place of our encampment, and invited them to come and encamp with us. They left me and both arrived at my camp in the evening, having each a deer which they presented me; I gave them my canoe to keep until spring,and in the morning at parting made them a small present.Sat up until three o’clock drying and assorting my ammunition,baggage, etc. Killed two deer. Distance four miles.

Sunday, Dec. 15th. Remained at our camp making sleds.Killed two deer. Crossed and recrossed several Indian trails in the woods.

Dec. 16th. Remained at the same camp, employed as yesterday. Killed three deer. I wounded a buffalo in the shoulder, and by a fair race overtook him in the prairie and gave him another shot; but it being near night left him till morning.[II-32]

Dec. 17th. Departed from our agreeable encampment a tan early hour. Found our sleds to be very heavily loaded.Broke one sled-runner and were detained by other circumstances.Bradley, Rosseau the interpreter, and myself killed four deer and wounded five others. Having 11 on hand already, I found it necessary to leave behind some of my other lading. At night we dug a hole, four feet deep, three feet wide, and six feet long, in which we put one barrel of pork and one barrel of flour, after wrapping them up in seven deerskins to preserve them from the damp; we then filled up the hole and built our fire immediately over it.[II-33]

Dec. 18th. Did not get off until eight o’clock, from the delay in bringing in our meat. Ice tolerably good. Began to see the Chipeway encampments very frequently, but had not entirely left the Sioux country on the western shore.Beautiful pine ridges.

Dec. 19th. Were obliged to take to the prairie, from the river’s being open: but the snow was frozen hard and the sleds did not sink deep, so that we made a pretty good day’sjourney. Killed one deer and two otters. River still open.Distance 10 miles.[II-34]

Dec. 20th. Traveled part of the day on the prairie and on the ice. Killed one deer. Heard three reports of guns just at sunset, from the opposite side of the river. Deposited one barrel of flour. Distance seven miles.[II-35]

Dec. 21st. Bradley and myself went on ahead and overtook my interpreter, who had left camp very early in hopes that he would be able to see the river De Corbeau, where he had twice wintered. He was immediately opposite a large island [ — — le de Corbeau[II-36]], which he supposed to havegreat resemblance to an island opposite the mouth of the above river; but finally he concluded it was not the island and returned to camp. But this was actually the [Rivièrede Corbeau or Crow Wing] river, as we discovered when we got to the head of the island, from which we could seethe river’s entrance. This fact exposes the ignorance and inattention of the French and traders, and, with the exception of a few intelligent men, what little confidence is to be placed on their information. We ascended the Mississippi about five miles above the confluence; found it not frozen,but in many places not more than 100 yards over, mild and still; it had indeed all the appearance of a small river of a low country. Returned and found that my party, having broken sleds, etc., had only made good three miles, whileI had marched 35.

Sunday, Dec. 22d. Killed three deer. Owing to the many difficult places we had to pass, made but 4½ miles.

Dec. 23d. Never did I undergo more fatigue, performing the duties of hunter, spy, guide, commanding officer, etc.,sometimes in front, sometimes in the rear, frequently in advance of my party 10 or 15 miles. At night I was scarcely able to make my notes intelligible. Killed two raccoons.From our sleds breaking down, and having to make so many portages on the road, made but four miles.[II-37]

Dec. 24th. Took the latitude of the Isle de Corbeau, and found it to be in 45° 49´ 50´´ N. [It is above 46°.] TheMississippi becomes very narrow above the river De Corbeau;and, as if it were the forks, changes its direction from hardW. [read N.] to N. E. generally.[II-38] Distance 10½ miles.[II-39]

Dec. 25th. Marched, and encamped at eleven o’clock.Gave out two pounds of extra meat, two pounds of extra flour, one gill of whisky, and some tobacco per man, in order to distinguish Christmas Day. Distance three miles. [Not quite to Brainerd yet.]

Dec. 26th. Broke four sleds, broke into the river four times, and had four carrying-places, since we left the riverDe Corbeau. The timber was all yellow and pitch pine, of which there were scarcely any below. Distance three miles.[II-40]

Dec. 27th. After two carrying-places we arrived where the river was completely closed with ice; after which weproceeded with some degree of speed and ease. Killed one bear. The country on both sides presented a dreary and barren prospect of high rocks, with dead pine timber. Snow.Distance 10 miles.[II-41]

Dec. 28th. Two sleds fell through the ice. In the morning passed a very poor country with bare knobs on each side; but toward evening the bottoms became larger and the pine ridges better timbered. Bradley and myself marched 10 miles beyond the sleds. Killed one deer.Distance 12 miles.[II-42]

Sunday, Dec. 29th. Cold, windy day. Met with no material interruptions; passed some rapids. The snow blew from the woods on to the river. The country was full of small lakes, some three miles in circumference. Distance 21 miles.[II-43]

Dec. 30th. The snow having drifted on the ice retarded the sleds. Numerous small lakes and pine ridges continued.A new species of pine, called the French sap pine. Killed one otter [Lutra canadensis]. Distance 12 miles.[II-44]

Dec. 31st. Passed Pine[II-45] river about eleven o’clock. At its mouth there was a Chipeway’s encampment of 15 lodges;this had been occupied in the summer, but was now vacant.By the significations of their marks we understood that they had marched a party of 50 warriors against the Sioux, and had killed four men and four women, which were represented by images carved out of pine or cedar. The four men were painted and put in the ground to the middle,leaving above ground those parts which are generally concealed; by their sides were four painted poles, sharpened at the end to represent the women. Near this were poles with deerskins, plumes, silk handkerchiefs, etc.; also, a circular hoop of cedar with something attached, representing a scalp.Near each lodge they had holes dug in the ground, and boughs ready to cover them, as a retreat for their women and children if attacked by the Sioux.

Wednesday, Jan. 1st, 1806. Passed on the bank of the river [1 m. above Dean brook] six very elegant bark canoes,which had been laid up by the Chipeways; also, a camp which we conceived to have been evacuated about ten days.My interpreter came after me in a great hurry, conjuring me not to go so far ahead, and assured me that the Chipeways,encountering me without an interpreter, party, or flag,would certainly kill me. Notwithstanding this I went on several miles further than usual, in order to make any discoveries that were to be made; conceiving the savages not so barbarous or ferocious as to fire on two men (I had one with me) who were apparently coming into their country,trusting to their generosity; and knowing that if we met only two or three we were equal to them, I having my gunand pistols and he his buck-shot. Made some extra presents for New Year’s Day.

Jan. 2d. Fine warm day. Discovered fresh sign ofIndians. Just as we were encamping at night, my sentinel informed us that some Indians were coming full speed upon our trail or track. I ordered my men to stand by their guns carefully. They were immediately at my camp, and saluted the flag by a discharge of three pieces; when fourChipeways, one Englishman, and a Frenchman of theN. W. Company, presented themselves. They informed us that some women, having discovered our trail, gave the alarm, and not knowing but it was their enemies, they had departed to make a discovery. They had heard of us and revered our flag. Mr. [Cuthbert — ] Grant, the Englishman,had only arrived the day before from Lake De Sable [Sandylake], from which he had marched in one day and a half.I presented the Indians with half a deer, which they received thankfully, for they had discovered our fires some days ago, and believing it to be the Sioux, they dared not leave their camp. They returned, but Mr. Grant remained all night.

Jan. 3d. My party marched early, but I returned with Mr. Grant to his establishment on [Lower] Red CedarLake, having one corporal with me. When we came insight of his house I observed the flag of Great Britain flying. I felt indignant, and cannot say what my feelings would have excited me to do, had he not informed me that it belonged to the Indians. This was not much more agreeable to me. After explaining to a Chipeway warrior called Curly Head [Curleyhead in text of 1807, p. 33[II-46]] theobject of my voyage, and receiving his answer that he would remain tranquil until my return, we ate a good breakfast for the country, departed, and overtook my sleds just at dusk. Killed one porcupine. Distance 16 miles.[II-47]

Jan. 4th. We made 28 points[II-48] in the river; broad, good bottom, and of the usual timber. In the night I was awakened by the cry of the sentinel, calling repeatedly to the men; at length he vociferated, "G — d d — n your souls,will you let the lieutenant be burned to death — " This immediately aroused me. At first I seized my arms, but looking round I saw my tents in flames. The men flew to my assistance and we tore them down, but not until they were entirely ruined. This, with the loss of my leggins,mockinsons, socks, etc., which I had hung up to dry, was not rivial misfortune, in such a country and on such a voyage.But I had reason to thank God that the powder, three small casks of which I had in my tent, did not take fire; if it hadI must certainly have lost all my baggage, if not my life.

Sunday, Jan. 5th. Mr. Grant promised to overtake me yesterday, but has not yet arrived. I conceived it would be necessary to attend his motions with careful observation.Distance 27 miles.[II-49]

Jan. 6th. Bradley and myself walked up 31 points, in hopes to discover Lake De Sable [Sandy lake]; but finding a near cut of 20 yards for 10 [two — ] miles, and being fearful the sleds would miss it, we returned 23 points before we found our camp. They had made only eight points. Met two Frenchmen of the N. W. Company with about 180[qu. 80 — ] pounds on each of their backs, with rackets [snowshoes]on; they informed me that Mr. Grant had gone on with the Frenchman. Snow fell all day and was three feet deep. Spent a miserable night.

Jan. 7th. Made but 11 miles, and then were obliged to send ahead and make fires every three miles; notwithstanding which the cold was so intense that some of the men hadtheir noses, others their fingers, and others their toes frozen,before they felt the cold sensibly. Very severe day’s march.

Jan. 8th. Conceiving I was at no great distance fromSandy Lake, I left my sleds, and with Corporal Bradley took my departure for that place, intending to send him back the same evening. We walked on very briskly until near night,when we met a young Indian, one of those who had visited my camp near [Lower] Red Cedar Lake. I endeavored to explain to him that it was my wish to go to Lake De Sable that evening. He returned with me until we came to a trail that led across the woods; this he signified was a near course. I went this course with him, and shortly after found myself at a Chipeway encampment, to which I believe the friendly savage had enticed me with an expectation thatI would tarry all night, knowing that it was too late for us to make the lake in good season. But upon our refusing to stay, he put us in the right road. We arrived at the place where the track left the Mississippi, at dusk, when we traversed about two leagues of a wilderness, without any very great difficulty, and at length struck the shore of Lake De Sable,over a branch of which our course lay. The snow having covered the trail made by the Frenchmen who had passed before with the rackets, I was fearful of losing ourselves on the lake; the consequence of which can only be conceived by those who have been exposed on a lake, or naked plain,a dreary night of January, in latitude 47° and the thermometer below zero. Thinking that we could observe the bank of the other shore, we kept a straight course, some time after discovered lights, and on our arrival were not a little surprised to find a large stockade. The gate being open,we entered and proceeded to the quarters of Mr. Grant,where we were treated with the utmost hospitality.

Jan. 9th. Marched the corporal [back] early, in order that our men should receive assurances of our safety and success. He carried with him a small keg of spirits, a present from Mr. Grant. The establishment of this place was formed 12 years since by the N. W. Company, and was formerly under the charge of a Mr. Charles Brusky [Bousquai[II-50]].It has attained at present such regularity as to permit the superintendent to live tolerably comfortable. They have horses procured from Red river of the Indians; raise plenty of Irish potatoes; catch pike, suckers, pickerel, andwhite-fish in abundance. They have also beaver, deer, and moose; but the provision they chiefly depend upon is wild oats, of which they purchase great quantities from the savages,giving at the rate of about $1.50 per bushel. But flour, pork, and salt are almost interdicted to persons not principals in the trade. Flour sells at 50 cts.; salt, $1; pork,80 cts.; sugar, 50 cts.; coffee, — — , and tea, $4.50 per pound. The sugar is obtained from the Indians, and is made from the maple tree.

Jan. 10th. Mr. Grant accompanied me to the Mississippi to mark the place for my boats to leave that river. This was the first time I marched on rackets. I took the course of [Sandy] Lake river, from its mouth to the lake. Mr.Grant fell through the ice with his rackets on, and could not have got out without assistance.

Jan. 11th. Remained all day within quarters.

Sunday, Jan. 12th. Went out and met my men about 16 miles. A tree had fallen on one of them and hurt him very much, which induced me to dismiss a sled and put the lading on the others.

Jan. 13th. After encountering much difficulty, we [the main party] arrived at the establishment of the N. W. Company on Lake de Sable, a little before night. The ice being very bad on [Sandy] Lake river, owing to the many springs and marshes, one sled fell through. My men had an excellent room furnished them, and were presented with potatoes and fille (cant term for a dram of spirits). Mr. Grant had gone to an Indian lodge to receive his credits.

Jan. 14th. Crossed the lake to the north side, that I might take an observation; found the lat. 46° 9´ 20´´ N. [it is about 46° 46´]. Surveyed that part of the lake. Mr. Grant returned from the Indian lodges. They brought a quantity of furs and 11 beaver carcases.

Jan. 15th. Mr. Grant and myself made the tour of the lake, with two men whom I had for attendants. Found it to be much larger than could be imagined at a view. My men sawed stocks for the sleds, which I found it necessaryto construct after the manner of the country. On our march met an Indian coming into the fort; his countenance expressed no little astonishment when told who I was and whence I came; for the people in this country themselves acknowledge that the savages hold the Americans in greater veneration than any other white people. They say of us,when alluding to warlike achievements, that we "are neitherFrenchmen nor Englishmen, but white Indians."

Jan. 16th. Laid down Lake De Sable, etc. A young Indian whom I had engaged to go as a guide to Lake SangSue [Leech Lake], arrived from the woods.

Jan. 17th. Employed in making sleds, or traineaux deglace, after the manner of the country. Those sleds are made of a single plank turned up at one end like a fiddle head,and the baggage is lashed on in bags and sacks. Two other Indians arrived from the woods. Engaged in writing.

Jan. 18th. Busy in preparing my baggage for my departure for Leech Lake, reading, etc.

Sunday, Jan. 19th. Employed as yesterday. Two men of the N. W. Company arrived from Fond du Lac Superior with letters, one of which was from their establishment inAthapuscow [Athapasca], and had been since last May on the route. While at this post I ate roasted beavers, dressed in every respect as a pig is usually dressed with us; it was excellent. I could not discern the least taste of Des Bois[i. e., of the wood on which beavers feed]. I also ate boiled moose’s head: when well boiled, I consider it equal to the tail of the beaver; in taste and substance they are much alike.

Jan. 20th. The men with the sleds took their departure about two o’clock. Shortly after I followed them. We encamped at the portage between the Mississippi and LeechLake [i. e., Willow[II-51]] river. Snow fell in the night.

Jan. 21st. Snowed in the morning, but we crossed [Willowportage] about nine o’clock. I had gone on a few points when I was overtaken by Mr. Grant, who informed me that the sleds could not get along, in consequence of water being on the ice [of Willow river]; he sent his men forward. We returned and met the sleds, which had scarcely advanced one mile. We unloaded them and sent eight men back to the post [on Sandy lake] with whatever might be denominated extra articles; but in the hurry sent my salt and ink. Mr. Grant encamped with me and marched early in the morning [of the 22d].

Jan. 22d. Made a pretty good day’s journey. My Indian came up about noon. Distance 20 miles.

Jan. 23d. Marched about 18 miles. Forgot my thermometer,having hung it on a tree; sent Boley back five miles for it. My young Indian and myself killed eight partridges; took him to live with me.

Jan. 24th. At our encampment this night Mr. Grant had encamped on the night of the same day he left me; it was three days’ march for us. In the evening the father of his girl came to my camp and stayed all night; he appeared very friendly and was very communicative; but having no interpreter, we made but little progress in conversation. It was late before the men came up.

Jan. 25th. Traveled almost all day through the lands,and found them much better than usual. Boley lost theSioux pipe stem which I carried along for the purpose of making peace with the Chipeways; I sent him back for it;he did not return until eleven o’clock at night. It was very warm; thawing all day. Distance 44 points.

Sunday, Jan. 26th. I left my party in order to proceed to a house or lodge of Mr. Grant’s on the Mississippi [oppositeGrand Rapids], where he was to tarry until I overtook him. Took with me my Indian, Boley, and some trifling provision; the Indian and myself marched so fast that we left Boley on the route about eight miles from the lodge.Met Mr. Grant’s men on their return to Lake De Sable,they having evacuated the house this morning, and Mr.Grant having marched [thence] for Leech Lake. TheIndian and I arrived before sundown [at Grant’s house[II-52]].Passed the night very uncomfortably, having nothing to eat,not much wood, nor any blankets. The Indian slept sound.I cursed his insensibility, being obliged to content myself over a few coals all night. Boley did not arrive. In the night the Indian mentioned something about his son, etc.

Monday, Jan. 27th. My Indian rose early, mended his mockinsons, then expressed by signs something about his sonand the Frenchman we met yesterday. Conceiving that he wished to send some message to his family, I suffered him to depart. After his departure I felt the curse of solitude,although he truly was no company. Boley arrived about ten o’clock. He said that he had followed us until some time in the night; when, believing that he could not overtake us, he stopped and made a fire; but having no ax to cut wood, he was near freezing. He met the Indians, who made him signs to go on. I spent the day in putting my gun in order,mending my mockinsons, etc. Provided plenty of wood;still found it cold, with but one blanket.

I can only account for the gentlemen of the N. W. Company contenting themselves in this wilderness for 10, 15,and some of them for 20 years, by the attachment they contract for the Indian women. It appears to me that the wealth of nations would not induce me to remain secluded from the society of civilized mankind, surrounded by a savage and unproductive wilderness, without books or other sources of intellectual enjoyment, or being blessed with the cultivated and feeling mind of a civilized fair [one].

Tuesday, Jan. 28th. [My party joined Boley and myself at Grant’s house to-day. Wednesday, Jan. 29th.[II-53] TookMiller and proceeded ahead of my party; reached Pakagama falls about one o’clock; proceeded to three desertedChipeway lodges; found a fine parcel of firewood split;cut down three sap pines and wove the branches into one of the lodges to protect ourselves from the storm; had a tolerable night. Thursday, Jan. 30th. Miller and myself]left our encampment at a good hour; unable to find any trail, passed through one of the most dismal cypress swampsI ever saw, and struck the Mississippi at a small lake. ObservedMr. Grant’s tracks going through it; found his mark of a cut-off, agreed on between us; took it, and proceeded very well until we came to a small lake where the trail was entirely hid. But after some search on the other side, found it; when we passed through a dismal swamp, on the other side of which we found a large lake at which I was entirely at a loss; no trail was to be seen. Struck a [White Oak[II-54]]point about three miles, where we found a Chipeway lodge of one man, his wife, five children, and one old woman.They received us with every mark that distinguished theirbarbarity, such as setting their dogs on ours, trying to thrust their hands into our pockets, etc. But we convinced them that we were not afraid, and let them know we were Chewockomen[II-55](Americans), when they used us more civilly.

After we had arranged a camp as well as possible, I went into the lodge; they presented me with a plate of dried meat. I ordered Miller to bring about two gills of liquor, which made us all good friends. The old squaw gave me more meat, and offered me tobacco, which, not using, I did not take. I gave her an order upon my corporal for one knife and half a carrot of tobacco. Heaven clothes the lilies and feeds the ravens, and the same almightyProvidence protects and preserves these creatures. After I had gone out to my fire, the old man came out and proposed to trade beaver-skins for whisky; meeting with a refusal, he left me; when presently the old woman came out with a beaver-skin; she also being refused, he returned to the charge with a quantity of dried meat, which, or any other,I should have been glad to have had. I gave him a peremptory refusal; then all further application ceased. It really appeared that with one quart of whisky I might have bought all they possessed. Night remarkably cold; was obliged to sit up nearly the whole of it. Suffered much with cold and from want of sleep.

Friday, Jan. 31st. Took my clothes into the Indian’s lodgeto dress, and was received very coolly; but by giving him adram unasked, and his wife a little salt, I received fromthem directions for my route. Passed the lake or morass,and opened on meadows through which the Mississippiwinds its course of nearly 15 miles long. Took a straightcourse through them to the head, when I found we hadmissed the river; made a turn of about two miles andregained it. Passed a fork which I supposed to be [thatcoming from] Lake Winipie [or Winipeque, i. e., themain Mississippi river coming from Lake Winnibigoshish],making the course N. W. The branch we took was LeechLake branch, course S. W. and W. Passed a very largemeadow or prairie, course W.[II-56] The [Leech Lake branchof the] Mississippi is only 15 yards wide. Encampedabout one mile below the traverse of the meadow.

Saw a very large animal which, from its leaps, I supposed to have been a panther; but if so, it was twice as large as those on the lower Mississippi. He evinced some dispositionto approach. I lay down (Miller being in the rear) in order to entice him to come near, but he would not. The night was remarkably cold. Some spirits which I had in a small keg congealed to the consistency of honey.

CHAPTER III.

ITINERARY, CONCLUDED: LEECH LAKE TO ST. LOUIS,FEBRUARY 1ST-APRIL 30TH, 1806.

Saturday, Feb. 1st. Left our camp pretty early.Passed a continued train of prairie, and arrived atLake La Sang Sue [Leech lake] at half-past two o’clock. I will not attempt to describe my feelings on the accomplishment of my voyage, for this is [what was then mistaken to be] the main source of the Mississippi.[III-1] The Lake Winipiebranch is navigable thence to [Upper] Red Cedar [nowCass] lake, for the distance of five leagues, which is [very far from being] the extremity of the navigation. Crossed the lake 12 miles to the establishment of the N. W. Company,where we arrived about three o’clock [10 o’clock,p. m.]; found all the gates locked, but upon knocking were admitted, and received with marked attention and hospitality by Mr. Hugh M’Gillis. Had a good dish of coffee,biscuit, butter, and cheese for supper.

Sunday, Feb. 2d. Remained all day within doors. In the evening sent an invitation to Mr. [George] Anderson, who was an agent of Dickson, and also for some young Indian sat his house, to come over and breakfast in the morning.

Feb. 3d. Spent the day in reading Volney’s Egypt,[III-2]proposing some queries to Mr. Anderson, and preparing my young man [Miller] to return with a supply of provisions to my party.

Feb. 4th. Miller departed this morning. Mr. Anderson returned to his quarters. My legs and ankles were so much swelled that I was not able to wear my own clothes and was obliged to borrow some from Mr. M’Gillis.

Feb. 5th. One of Mr. M’Gillis’ clerks [Roussand or Boussant[III-3]] had been sent to some Indian lodges and expected to return in four days, but had now been absent nine. Mr. Grant was dispatched in order to find out what had become of him.

Feb. 6th. My men arrived at the fort about four o’clock.[III-4]Mr. M’Gillis asked if I had any objections to his hoisting their [British] flag in compliment to ours. I made none, asI had not yet explained to him my ideas. In making a traverse of the lake, some of my men had their ears, some their noses, and others their chins frozen.

Feb. 7th. Remained within doors, my limbs being still very much swelled. Addressed a letter to Mr. M’Gillis on the subject of the N. W. Company trade in this quarter.[III-5]

Feb. 8th. Took the latitude and found it to be 47° 16´ 13´´.Shot with our rifles.

Sunday, Feb. 9th. Mr. M’Gillis and myself paid a visit toMr. Anderson, an agent of Mr. Dickson of the Lower Mississippi,who resided at the west end of the lake.[III-6] Foundhim eligibly situated as to trade, but his houses bad. I rode in a cariole for one person, constructed in the following manner: Boards planed smooth, turned up in front about two feet, coming to a point, and about 2½ feet wide behind; on which is fixed a box covered with dressed skins painted; this box is open at the top, but covered in front about two-thirds of the length. The horse is fastened between the shafts. The rider wraps himself up in a buffalo-robe and sits flat down, having a cushion to lean his back against. Thus accoutered, with a fur cap, etc., he may bid defiance to the wind and weather. Upon our return we found that some of the Indians had already returned from the hunting-camps; also, Monsieur Roussand [Mr. M’Gillis’clerk of Feb. 5th], the gentleman supposed to have been killed by the Indians. His arrival with Mr. Grant diffused a general satisfaction through the fort.

Feb. 10th. Hoisted the American flag in the fort. TheEnglish yacht [Jack] still flying at the top of the flagstaff,I directed the Indians and my riflemen to shoot at it.They soon broke the iron pin to which it was fastened, and brought it to the ground. Reading Shenstone, etc.

Feb. 11th. The Sweet, Buck, Burnt, etc., arrived, all chiefs of note, but the former in particular, a venerable old man.[III-7] From him I learned that the Sioux occupied thisground when, to use his own phrase, "he was a made man and began to hunt; that they occupied it the year that theFrench missionaries were killed at the river Pacagama."The Indians flocked in.

Feb. 12th. Bradley and myself, with Mr. M’Gillis and two of his men, left Leech Lake at ten o’clock, and arrived at the house at [Upper] Red Cedar [now Cass[III-8]] Lake, atsunset, a distance of 30 miles. My ankles were very muchswelled and I was very lame. From the entrance of theMississippi to the streight is called six miles, S. W. course.Thence to the south end, S. 30 E. four miles. The bay atthe entrance extends nearly E. and W. six miles; it is about2½ from the north side to a large point. This may becalled the upper source of the Mississippi, being 15 miles above Little Lake Winipie [i. e., Lake Winnibigoshish];and the extent of canoe navigation only two leagues to some of the Hudson’s Bay waters.

Feb. 13th. Were favored with a beautiful day. Took the latitude, and found it to be 47° 42´ 40´´ N. At this place itwas that Mr. Thompson[III-9] made his observations in 1798,from which he determined that the source of the Mississippiwas in 47° 38´. I walked about three miles back in the country, at two-thirds water. One of our men marched toLake Winepie [i. e., Lake Winnibigoshish] and returned by one o’clock, for the stem of the Sweet’s pipe, a matter ofmore consequence in his affairs with the Sioux than the diploma of many an ambassador. We feasted on whitefish[Coregonus sp.], roasted on two iron grates fixed horizontally in the back of the chimney; the entrails left in the fish.

Feb. 14th. Left the house at nine o’clock. It becomes me here to do justice to the hospitality of our hosts: oneRoy, a Canadian, and his wife, a Chipeway squaw. They relinquished for our use the only thing in the house that could be called a bed, attended us like servants, nor could either of them be persuaded to touch a mouthful until we had finished our repasts. We made the [Leech Lake] garrison about sundown, having been drawn at least 10 miles in a sleigh by two small dogs. They were loaded with 200 pounds, and went so fast as to render it difficult for the men with snowshoes to keep up with them. The chiefs asked my permission to dance the calumet-dance, which I granted.

Feb. 15th. The Flat Mouth,[III-10] chief of the Leech Lakevillage, and many other Indians arrived. Received a letterfrom Mr. M’Gillis.[III-11] Noted down the heads of my speech,and had it translated into French, in order that the interpreter should be perfectly master of his subject.

Sunday, Feb. 16th. Held a council with the chiefs and warriors of this place and of Red Lake; but it required much patience, coolness, and management to obtain the objects I desired, viz.: That they should make peace with the Sioux; deliver up their [British] medals and flags; and that some of their chiefs should follow me to St. Louis.[III-12]As a proof of their agreeing to the peace, I directed that they should smoke out of the [Sioux chief] Wabasha’s pipe,which lay on the table; they all smoked, from the head chief to the youngest soldier. They generally delivered up their flags with a good grace, except Flat Mouth, who said he had left both at his camp, three days’ march, and promised to deliver them up to Mr. M’Gillis to be forwarded.With respect to their returning with me, old Sweet thought it most proper to return to the Indians of Red lake, Red river, and Rainy Lake river. Flat Mouth said it was necessary for him to restrain his young warriors, etc. The other chiefs did not think themselves of sufficient consequence to offer any reason for not following me to St. Louis, a journeyof between 2,000 and 3,000 miles through hostile tribes ofIndians. I then told them, "that I was sorry to find that the hearts of the Sauteurs of this quarter were so weak;that the other nations would say, ’What! were there no soldier sat Leech, Red, and Rainy Lakes who had the hearts to carry the calumet of their chief to their father — ’" This had the desired effect. The Bucks and Beaux [sic — both pl.],two of the most celebrated young warriors, rose and offered themselves to me for the embassy; they were accepted,adopted as my children, and I was installed their father.Their example animated the others, and it would have been no difficult matter to have taken a company; two, however,were sufficient. I determined that it should be my care never to make them regret the noble confidence placed in me; for I would have protected their lives with my own.Beaux is brother to Flat Mouth. Gave my new soldiers a dance and a small dram. They attempted to get more liquor, but a firm and peremptory denial convinced them I was not to be trifled with.

Feb. 17th. The chief of the land[III-13] brought in his flag and delivered it up. Made arrangements to march my party the next day. Instructed Sweet how to send the parole to the Indians of Red river, etc. Put my men through the manual, and fired three blank rounds, all of which not a little astonished the Indians. I was obliged to give my two new soldiers each a blanket, pair of leggins,scissors, and looking-glass.

Feb. 18th. We[III-14] marched for [Lower] Red Cedar Lake about eleven o’clock, with a guide provided for me by Mr.M’Gillis; were all provided with snowshoes. Marched off amid the acclamations and shouts of the Indians, who generally had remained to see us take our departure. Mr.Anderson promised to come on with letters; he arrived about twelve o’clock and remained all night. He concluded to go down with me to see Mr. Dickson.

Feb. 19th. Bradley, Mr. L’Rone [ — ], the two youngIndians [Buck and Beau], and myself, left Mr. M’Gillis’ at ten o’clock; crossed Leech Lake in a S. E. direction 24 miles. Mr. M’Gillis’ hospitality deserves to be particularly noticed; he presented me with his dogs and cariole, valued in this country at $200. One of the dogs broke out of his harness, and we were not able during that day to catch him again; the other poor fellow was obliged to pull the whole load — at least 150 pounds. This day’s march was from lake to lake.[III-15]

Feb. 20th. I allowed my men to march at least three hours before me; notwithstanding which, as it was cold and the road good, my sleigh dogs brought me ahead of all by one o’clock. Halted for an encampment at half past two o’clock. Our courses this day were S. E. six miles, thenS. 18 miles, almost all the way over lakes, some of which were six miles across. Encamped on the bank of a lake called Sandy Lake.[III-16] Indians were out hunting.

Feb. 21st. Traveled this day generally S. Passed but two lakes; Sandy Lake, which is of an oblong form, N. andS. four miles, and one other small one. The Indians, at the instigation of Mr. L’Rone, applied for him to accompany us. I consented that he should go as far as [Lower] RedCedar Lake. I then wrote a note to M’Gillis upon the occasion.After Reale had departed with it, L’Rone disclosed to me that it was his wish to desert the N. W. Company entirely, and accompany me. To have countenanced for a moment anything of this kind, I conceived would have been inconsistent with every principle of honor; I therefore obliged him to return immediately. We then had no guide,our Indians not knowing the road. Our course was through woods and bad brush, 15 miles.

Feb. 22d. Our course a little to the S. of E., through woods not very thick. Arrived at White Fish Lake[III-17] at eleven o’clock, and took an observation. My party crossed this lake and encamped between two lakes. This may be called the source of Pine river. At this place has been one of the N. W. Company’s establishments at the N. E. andS. side. It was a square stockade of about 50 feet, but at this time nearly all consumed by fire. Also one standing over the point on the E. side.

Sunday, Feb. 23d. My two Indians, Boley, and myself,with my sleigh and dogs, left the party under an idea that we should make [Lower] Red Cedar lake. We marched hard all day, without arriving at the Mississippi. Our coursewas nearly due east until near night, when we changed more south. Took no provision or bedding. My Indians killed 15 partridges, some nearly black, with a red mark over their eyes, called the savanna partridge [Canada grouse or spruce partridge, Dendragapus canadensis]. Overtaken about noon by two of Mr. Anderson’s men, named Brurie and[Blank], Mr. Anderson himself not being able to come.Distance 30 miles.

Feb. 24th. We started early, and after passing over one of the worst roads in the world, found ourselves on a lake about three o’clock; took its outlet [Dean creek] and struck the Mississippi about one mile below the [Chippewa]canoes mentioned on Jan. 1st, by which I knew where we were. Ascended the Mississippi about four miles, and encamped on the west side [about the mouth of Hay creek[III-18]].Our general course this day was nearly S., when it shouldhave been S. E. My young warriors were still in good heart, singing and showing every wish to keep me so. The pressure of my racket-strings brought the blood through my socks and mockinsons, from which the pain I marched in may be imagined.

Feb. 25th. We marched and arrived at [Lower Red] Cedar lake before noon; found Mr. Grant and De Breche, chief ofSandy lake [Chippewas[III-19]] at the house. This gave me much pleasure, for I conceive Mr. Grant to be a gentleman of as much candor as any with whom I made an acquaintance in this quarter, and the chief, De Breche, is reputed to be a man of better information than any [other] of the Sauteurs.

Feb. 26th. Sent one of Mr. Grant’s men down with a bag of rice to meet my people; he found them encamped onthe Mississippi. Wrote a letter[III-20] to Mr. Dickson on the subject of the Fols Avoins [Folle Avoine or MenomoneeIndians]; also, some orders to my sergeant [Kennerman, at the stockade on Swan river]. This evening I had a long conversation with De Breche; he informed me that a string of wampum had been sent among the Chipeways, he thought by the British commanding officer at St. Joseph. He appeared to be a very intelligent man.

Feb. 27th. The chief called the White Fisher and sevenIndians arrived at the house. My men also arrived about twelve o’clock.

Feb. 28th. We left [Lower] Red Cedar lake about eleveno’clock, and went to where the canoes were [near Deancreek], mentioned in my journal of Jan. 1st. My young Indians[Buck and Beau] remained behind under the pretense of waiting for the chief De Breche, who returned to SandyLake for his [British] flag and medals, and was to render himself at my post with Mr. Grant about the 15th of the following month.

Mar. 1st. Departed early. Passed our encampment ofDec. 31st at nine o’clock. Passed Pine river at twelve o’clock. Passed our encampment of Dec. 30th at three o’clock. Passed our encampment of Dec. 29th just before we came to our present, which we made on the point of thePine Ridge below. Distance 43 miles.[III-21]

Sunday, Mar. 2d. Passed our encampment of Dec. 28 that ten o’clock, that of Dec. 27th at one o’clock, and encamped at that of Dec. 26th [Brainerd]. Found wood nearly sufficient for our use. This morning dispatched Bradley to the last place we had buried a barrel of flour [Dec. 20th, a short distance below Crow Wing river], to thaw the ground and hunt. This day a party of Indians struck the river behindBradley and before us, but left it 10 miles above Raven[Crow Wing] river.

Mar. 3d. Marched early; passed our Christmas encampment at sunrise. I was ahead of my party in my cariole.Soon afterward I observed a smoke on the W. shore.I hallooed, and some Indians appeared on the bank. I waited until my interpreter came up; we then went to the camp. They proved to be a party of Chipeways, who had left the encampment the same day we left it. They presented me with some roast meat, which I gave my sleigh dogs. They then left their camp and accompanied us down the river. We passed our encampment of Dec. 24that nine o’clock, of the 23d at ten o’clock, and of the 22d at eleven o’clock; here the Indians crossed over to the W.shore; arrived at the encampment of Dec. 21st at twelve o’clock, where we had a barrel of flour [cached Dec. 20th,short of Crow Wing river].

I here found Corporal Meek and another man from the post [on Swan river], from whom I heard that the men were all well; they confirmed the account of a Sioux having fired on a sentinel; and added that the sentinel had first made him drunk and then turned him out of the tent; upon which he fired on the sentinel and ran off, but promised to deliver himself up in the spring. The corporal informed me that the sergeant [Kennerman] had used all the elegant hams and saddles of venison which I had preserved to present to the commander-in-chief and other friends; that he had made away with all the whisky, including a keg I had for my own use, having publicly sold it to the men, and a barrel of pork; that he had broken open my trunk and sold some things out of it, traded with the Indians, gave them liquor, etc.; and this, too, contrary to my most pointed and particular directions. Thus, after I had used in going up the river with my party the strictest economy,living upon two pounds of frozen venison a day, in order that we might have provision to carry us down in the spring,this fellow was squandering the flour, pork, and liquor during the winter, while we were starving with hunger and cold. I had saved all our corn, bacon, and the meat of six deer, and left it at Sandy Lake, with some tents, my mess-boxes,salt, tobacco, etc., all of which we were obliged to sacrifice by not returning the same route we went; we had consoled ourselves at this loss by the flattering idea that we should find at our little post a handsome stock preserved — how mortifying the disappointment!

We raised our barrel of flour and came down to the mouth of the little [Nokasippi] river, on the E., which we had passed on Dec. 21st. The ice covered with water.

Mar. 4th. Proceeded early. Passed our encampment ofDec. 20th at sunrise. Arrived at that of the 19th [read 17th] at nine o’clock; here we had buried two barrels.[III-22]Made a large fire to thaw the ground. Went on the prairie and found Sparks, one of my hunters, and brought him to the river at the Pine Camp [of Dec. 14th, 15th, 16th, vicinity of Olmsted’s bar]. Passed on opposite our encampment of Dec. 13th [at or near Topeka], and encamped whereSparks and some men had an old hunting-camp, and whereFresaie, a Chipeway chief, surrounded them.

Mar. 5th. Passed all the encampments [Dec. 12th, 11th,10th, 9th] between Pine creek and the post, at which we arrived about ten o’clock.[III-23] I sent a man on ahead toprevent the salute I had before ordered by letter [of Feb.28th]; this I had done from the idea that the Sioux chiefs would accompany me. Found all well. Confined my sergeant.About one o’clock Mr. Dickson arrived, with KilleurRouge, his son, and two other Sioux men, with two women who had come up to be introduced to the Sauteurs they expected to find with me. Received a letter from[Joseph] Reinville.

Mar. 6th. Thomas [Carron[III-24]], the Fols Avoin’s first chief, arrived with ten others of his nation. I made a serious and authoritative expostulative representation to him of my opinion of the conduct of Shawonoe, another chief of his nation, who had behaved ill. Had also a conference with Killeur Rouge and his people. At night wrote to Messrs. Grant, M’Gillis, and Anderson.

Mar. 7th. Held conversations with the Indians. Thomas[Carron], the Fols Avoin chief, assured me that he would interest himself in obliging the Puants to deliver up the men who had recently committed murders on the Ouiscousing and Rock rivers; and if necessary he would make it a national quarrel, on the side of the Americans. ThisThomas is a fine fellow, of a very masculine figure, noble and animated delivery, and appears to be very much attached to the Americans. The Sioux informed me that they would wait until I had determined my affairs in this country, and then bear my words to the St. Peters.

Mar. 8th. The Fols Avoin chief presented me with his pipe to give to the Sauteurs on their arrival, with assurances of their safety on their voyage, and his wish for them to descend the river. The Fils de Killeur Rouge also presented me with his pipe to present to the Sauteur Indians on theirarrival, to make them smoke, and assure them of his friendly disposition, and that he would wait to see them at Mr.Dickson’s. Thomas made a formal complaint against aFrenchman, by name Greignor,[III-25] who resided in Green bay,and who he said abused the Indians, beat them, etc., without provocation. I promised to write to the commanding officer or Indian agent at Michilimackinac upon the occasion.The Indians with Mr. Dickson all took their departure.Hitched my dogs in the sleigh, which drew one of theIndian women down the ice, to the no little amusement of the others. Went some distance down the river in order to cut a mast. Cut a pine mast 35 feet long for my big boat at the prairie [Prairie du Chien]. This day my little boy broke the cock of my gun; few trifling misfortunes could have happened which I should have regretted more, as the wild fowl just began to return on the approach of spring.

Sunday, Mar. 9th. I examined into the conduct of my sergeant, and found that he was guilty; punished him by reduction, etc. Visited the Fols Avoin lodges and received a present of some tallow. One of my men arrived from the hunting-camp with two deer.

Mar. 10th. Was visited by the Fols Avoin chief and several others of his nation. This chief was an extraordinary hunter; to instance his power, he killed 40 elk and a bear in one day, chasing the former from dawn to eve. We were all busied in preparing oars, guns, mast, etc., by the time the ice broke up, which was opening fast.

Mar. 11th. In a long conversation with a Reynard, he professed not to believe in an hereafter; but he believed that the world would all be drowned by water at some future period; he asked how it was to be repeopled. In justice tohis nation, however, I must observe that his opinion was singular.[III-26]

Mar. 12th. Made preparations; had a fine chase with deer on the ice; killed one. Since our return I have received eight deer from our camp.

Mar. 13th. Received two deer from my hunting-camp.Went out with my gun on the opposite side of the river.Ascended the mountain which borders the prairie. On the point of it I found a stone on which the Indians had sharpened their knives, and a war-club half finished. From this spot you may extend the eye over vast prairies with scarcely any interruption but clumps of trees, which at a distance appeared like mountains, from two or three of which the smoke rising in the air denoted the habitation of the wandering savage, and too often marked them out as victims to their enemies; from whose cruelty I have had the pleasure in the course of the winter and through a wilderness of immense extent to relieve them, as peace has reigned through my mediation from the prairie Des Cheins to the lower Red river. If a subaltern with but 20 men, at so great a distance from the seat of his government, could effect so important a change in the minds of those savages,what might not a great and independent power effect, if,instead of blowing up the flames of discord, they exerted their influence in the sacred cause of peace —

When I returned to the fort, I found the Fols Avoinchief, who intended to remain all night. He told me that near the conclusion of the Revolutionary War his nation began to look upon him as a warrior; that they received a parole from Michilimackinac, on which he was dispatched with 40 warriors; and that on his arrival he was requested to lead them against the Americans. To which he replied:"We have considered you and the Americans as one people.You are now at war; how are we to decide who has justice on their side — Besides, you white people are like the leaves on the trees for numbers. Should I march with my 40 warriors to the field of battle, they with their chief would be unnoticed in the multitude, and would be swallowed up as the big water embosoms the small rivulets which discharge themselves into it. No, I will return to my nation, where my countrymen may be of service against our red enemies, and their actions renowned in the dance of our nation."

Mar. 14th. Took the latitude by an artificial horizon,and measured the river. Received one deer and a half from my hunting-camp. Ice thinner.

Mar. 15th. This was the day fixed upon by Mr. Grant and the Chipeway warriors for their arrival at my fort. I was all day anxiously expecting them, for I knew that should they not accompany me down, the peace partially effected between them and the Sioux would not be on a permanent footing. Upon this I take them to be neither so brave or generous as the Sioux, who in all their transactions appear to be candid and brave, whereas the Chipeways are suspicious, consequently treacherous and of course cowards.

Sunday, Mar. 16th. Received three deer from our hunting-camp.Examined trees for canoes.

Mar. 17th. Left the fort with my interpreter [Rousseau]and [Private Alexander] Roy, in order to visit Thomas, theFols Avoin chief, who was encamped, with six lodges of his nation, about 20 miles below us, on a little [Wolf creek ofPike, now Spunk] river which empties into the Mississippi on the W. side, a little above Clear river [of Pike, now thePlatte]. On our way down killed one goose, wounded another, and a deer that the dogs had driven into an air-hole;hung our game on the trees. Arrived at the creek;took out on it; ascended three or four miles on one bank,and descended on the other [missing Carron’s camp both ways]. Killed another goose. Struck the Mississippi below[Spunk river]. Encamped at our encampment of the [13th]of October, when we ascended the river. Ate our goose for supper. It snowed all day, and at night a very severe storm arose. It may be imagined that we spent a very disagreeable night without shelter, and but one blanket each.

Mar. 18th. We marched [up Spunk river], determined to find the [Menomonee] lodges. Met an Indian whose track we pursued through almost impenetrable woods for about 2½ miles to the camp. Here there was one of the finest sugar-camps I almost ever saw, the whole of the timber being sugar-tree. We were conducted to the chief’s lodge,who received us in patriarchal style. He pulled off myleggings and mockinsons, put me in the best place in his lodge, and offered me dry clothes. He then presented us with syrup of the maple to drink, and asked whether I preferred eating beaver, swan, elk, or deer; upon my giving the preference to the first, a large kettle was filled by his wife,in which soup was made; this being thickened with flour, we had what I then thought a delicious repast. After we had refreshed ourselves, he asked whether we would visit his people at the other lodges, which we did, and in each were presented with something to eat; by some, with a bowl of sugar; by others, a beaver’s tail, etc. After making this tour we returned to the chief’s lodge, and found a berth provided for each of us, of good soft bearskins nicely spread,and on mine there was a large feather pillow.

I must not here omit to mention an anecdote which serves to characterize more particularly their manners.This in the eyes of the contracted moralist would deform my hospitable host into a monster of libertinism; but by a liberal mind would be considered as arising from the hearty generosity of the wild savage. In the course of the day, observing a ring on one of my fingers, he inquired if It was gold; he was told it was the gift of one with whomI should be happy to be at that time; he seemed to think seriously, and at night told my interpreter, "That perhaps his father" (as they all called me) "felt much grieved for the want of a woman; if so, he could furnish him with one."He was answered that with us each man had but one wife,and that I considered it strictly my duty to remain faithful to her. This he thought strange, he himself having three,and replied that "He knew some Americans at his nation who had half a dozen wives during the winter." The interpreter observed that they were men without character; but that all our great men had each but one wife. The chiefacquiesced, but said he liked better to have as many as he pleased. This conversation passing without any appeal tome, as the interpreter knew my mind on those occasions and answered immediately, it did not appear as an immediaterefusal of the woman. Continued snowing very hard all day. Slept very warm.

Mar. 19th. This morning purchased two baskets of sugar, for the amount of which I gave orders on Mr. Dickson.After feasting upon a swan, took our leave for [theSwan river] camp; still snowing. Finding my two companions[the interpreter and Private Roy] unable to keep up, I pushed on and arrived at the [Mississippi] river.When I arrived at the place where I had hung up my first goose [Mar. 17th], I found that the ravens and eagles had not left a feather; and feasting upon the deer was a band sufficient to have carried it away, which had picked its bones nearly clean; what remained I gave my dogs. Stopped at the place where I expected to find the last goose, but could see nothing of it; at length I found it hid under the grass and snow, where some animal had concealed it, after eating off its head and neck. I carried it to the fort, whereI arrived about an hour before sundown. Dispatched immediately two men with rackets to meet the interpreter and Le Roy [Private A. Roy]. They arrived about two hours after dark. Some men also arrived at [from — ] the hunting-camp with three deer. The snow ceased falling about one hour after dark; it was nearly two feet deep on a level, the deepest that had fallen so low down this winter.

Mar. 20th. Dispatched nine men to my hunting-camp,whence received two deer. Cloudy almost all day; but the water rose fast over the ice.

Mar. 21st. Received a visit from the Fols Avoin chief called the Shawonoe, and six young men. I informed him without reserve of the news I had heard of him at [Lower]Red Cedar Lake, and the letter I wrote to Mr. Dickson.He denied it in to to, and on the contrary said that he presented his flag and two medals to the Chipeways, as an inducement for them to descend in the spring; and gave them all the encouragement in his power. His party was much astonished at the language I held with him. But from his firm protestations we finally parted friends. Heinformed me that a camp of Sauteurs were on the river,waiting for the chiefs to come down; from which it appeared they were still expected. At night, after the others had gone, Thomas arrived and stayed all night. We agreed upon a hunting-party; also promised to pay old Shawonoea visit. He informed me that he set out the other day to follow me, but finding the storm so very bad returned to his wigwam. The thermometer lower than it has been at any time since I commenced my voyage.

Mar. 22d. Ten of my men arrived from the hunting-camp with 4½ deer. Thomas departed; I sent a man with him to his camps, from which he sent me two beavers.

Sunday, Mar. 23d. Agreeably to promise, after breakfastI departed with Miller and my interpreter to pay a visit to the old chief Shawonoe. We arrived at his camp in about two hours. On our way we met the Fols Avoin calledChein Blanche [Chien Blanc], who had visited my post[Dec. 7th] previously to my starting up the river, and at whose house we stopped when passing. We were received by old Shawonoe at his lodge with the usual Indian hospitality,but very different from the polite reception given us by Thomas.

Charlevoix and others have all borne testimony to the beauty of this nation. From my own observation, I had sufficient reason to confirm their information as respected the males; for they were all straight and well-made, about the middle size; their complexions generally fair for savages, their teeth good, their eyes large and rather languishing;they have a mild but independent expression of countenance, that charms at first sight; in short, they would be considered anywhere as handsome men. But their account of the women I never before believed to be correct.In this lodge there were five very handsome women when we arrived; and about sundown a married pair arrived,whom my interpreter observed were the handsomest couple he knew; and in truth they were, the man being about 5 feet 11 inches, and possessing in an eminent manner allthe beauties of countenance which distinguish his nation.His companion was 22 years old, having dark brown eyes,jet hair, an elegantly proportioned neck, and her figure by no means inclined to corpulency, as they generally are after marriage. He appeared to attach himself particularly tome, and informed that his wife was the daughter of anAmerican who, passing through the nation about 23 years before, remained a week or two possessed of her mother,and that she was the fruit of this amour; but his name they were unacquainted with. I had brought six biscuits with me, which I presented her on the score of her being my countrywoman; this raised a loud laugh, and she was called "the Bostonian"[III-27] during the rest of my stay.

I found them generally extremely hard to deal with.My provision being only a little venison, I wished to procure some bear’s oil, for a few gallons of which I was obliged to pay $1 per gallon, and then they wanted to mix tallow with the oil. They also demanded $10 for a bearskin,the most beautiful I ever saw, which I wanted to mount a saddle. Indeed I was informed that traders in this country sometimes give as much as $16 [apiece] for bearskins, for they are eminently superior to anything of the kind on the lower Mississippi, and sell in Europe for double the price.In the evening we were entertained with the calumet and dog dance; also the dance of the — — . Some of the men struck the post and told some of their war exploits;but as they spoke in Menomene, my interpreter could not explain it. After the dance, we had the feast of the dead,as it is called, at which each two or three were served with a pan or vessel full of meat, and when all were ready there was a prayer, after which the eating commenced. Then it was expected we should eat up our portion entirely, being careful not to drop a bone, but to gather all up and put them in the dish. We were then treated with soup. After the eating was finished the chief again gave an exhortation,which finished the ceremony. I am told they then gather up all the fragments, and throw them in the water, lest the dogs should get them. Burning them is considered as sacrilegious. In this lodge were collected at one time 41 persons, great and small, 17 of whom were capable of bearing arms, besides dogs without number.

Mar. 24th. Rose early and with my dog-sled arrived at the fort before ten o’clock. In the afternoon Mr. Grant arrived with De Breche [Brèche-dent] and some of his young men. Saluted him with 14 rounds. Found my two young warriors [Buck and Beau] of Leech Lake were brave enough to return to their homes. Mr. Grant and myself sat up late talking.

Mar. 25th. Sent an Indian to Thomas’ lodge, and a letter to Mr. Dickson. It snowed and stormed all day. Gave the chief the news.

Mar. 26th. Thomas, the Fols Avoin chief, arrived with seven of his men, and old Shawonoe and six of his party. I had them all to feed as well as my own men. At night I gave them leave to dance in the garrison, which they did until ten o’clock; but once or twice told me that if I was tired of them the dance should cease. Old Shawonoe andWhite Dog [Chien Blanc] of the Fols Avoins told their exploits,which we could not understand; but De Breche arose and said, "I once killed a Sioux and cut off his head with such a spear as I now present to this Winebago" — at the same time presenting one to a Winebago present, with whom the Chipeways were at war; this was considered by the former as a great honor. My hunters went out but killed nothing.

Mar. 27th. In the morning the Chipeway chief made a speech and presented his peace pipe to me to bear to theSioux, on which were seven strings of wampum, as authority from seven bands of the Chipeways either to conclude peace or to make war. As he had chosen the former, he sent his pipe to the Sioux and requested me to inform them that he and his people would encamp at the mouth of theRiviere De Corbeau the ensuing summer, where he would see the United States flag flying. As a proof of his pacific disposition, the Fols Avoin chief then spoke and said: "His nation was rendered small by its enemies; only a remnant was left, but they could boast of not being slaves; for that always in preference to their women and children being taken, they themselves killed them. But that their father(as they called me) had traveled far, and had taken much pains to prevent the Sioux and Chipeways from killing one another; that he thought none could be so ungenerous as to neglect listening to the words of their father; that he would report to the Sioux the pacific disposition of the Sauteurs,and hoped the peace would be firm and lasting." I then ina few words informed De Breche "that I would report tothe Sioux all he had said, and that I should ever feelpleased and grateful that the two nations had laid aside the tomahawk at my request. That I thanked the Fols Avoin chief for his good wishes and parole which he had given theSauteurs." After all this, each chief was furnished with a kettle of liquor, to drink each other’s health; and DeBreche’s flag which I had presented him was displayed in the fort. The Fols Avoins then departed, at which I was by no means displeased; for they had already consumed all the dry meat I had laid aside for my voyage, and I was apprehensive that my hunters would not be able to lay up another supply.

Mar. 28th. Late in the afternoon Mr. Grant and theSauteurs took their departure, calculating that the Sioux had left the country. Took with me one of my soldiers and accompanied them to the Fols Avoins lodge, called theShawonese, where we ten stayed all night. The Fols Avoins and Sauteurs had a dance, at which I left them and went to sleep. Feasted on elk, sugar, and syrup. Previously to the Indians’ departing from my post, I demanded the chief’s medal and flags; the former he delivered, but with a bad grace; the latter he said were in the lands when I leftLake De Sable (as instructed by the traders I suppose), and that he could not obtain them. It thundered and lightened.

Mar. 29th. We all marched in the morning, Mr. Grant and party for Sandy Lake, and I for my hunting-camp. I gave him my spaniel dog. He joined me again after we had separated about five miles. Arrived at my hunting-camp about eight o’clock in the morning, and was informed that my hunters had gone to bring in a deer; they arrived with it, and about eleven o’clock we all went out hunting.Saw but few deer, out of which I had the good fortune to kill two. On our arrival at camp found one of my men at the garrison with a letter from Mr. Dickson. The soldier informed me that one Sioux had arrived with Mr. Dickson’s men. Although much fatigued, as soon as I had eaten somethingI took one of my men and departed for the garrison one hour before sundown. The distance was 21 miles, and the ice very dangerous, being rotten, with water over it nearly a foot deep; we had sticks in our hands, and in many places ran them through the ice. It thundered and lightened,with rain. The Sioux, not finding the Sauteurs, had returned immediately.

Sunday, Mar. 30th. Wrote to Mr. Dickson, and dispatched his man. Considerably stiff from my yesterday’s march. Calked our boats, as the ice had every appearance of breaking up in a few days. Thus while on the wing of eager expectation, every day seemed an age. Received 2½deer from our hunting-camp.

Mar. 31st. Finished calking my boats; the difficulty then was with me, what I should get to pitch the seams.We were all this day and next as anxiously watching the ice as a lover would the arrival of the priest who was tounite him to his beloved. Sometimes it moved a little, but soon closed. An Indian and his woman crossed it when the poles which they held in their hands were forced through in many places. The provision to which I was obliged to restrict myself and men, viz., two pounds of fresh venison per day, was scarcely sufficient to keep us alive. Though I had not an extraordinary appetite, yet I was continually hungry.

[Apr. 1st. No entry.]

Apr. 2d. Went out and killed one deer and two partridges.The ice began to move opposite the fort at the foot of the rapids, but dammed up below. Received half a dozen bears from my hunting-camp. Launched our canoe and brought her down.

Apr. 3d. Sent one man down to see the river, another to the camp, and took two men myself over the hills on the other side of the Mississippi to hunt. In the course of the day I killed a swan and a goose, and we certainly would have killed one or two elk had it not been for the sleigh-dogs;for we lay concealed on the banks of Clear river when four came and threw themselves into it opposite, and were swimming directly to us when our dogs bounced into the water, and they turned. We then fired on them, but they carried off all the lead we gave them, and we could not cross the river unless we rafted (it being bank-full), which would have detained us too long a time. In the evening it became very cold, and we passed rather an uncomfortable night.

Apr. 4th. Took our course home. I killed one large buck and wounded another. We made a fire and ate breakfast.Arrived at the fort at two o’clock. Was informed that the river was still shut below, at the cluster of [Beltrami’sArchipelago, Pike’s Beaver, and now the Thousand]islands. Received some bear-meat and one deer from the camp.

Apr. 5th. In the morning dispatched two men down the river in order to see if it was open. My hunters arrived from the camps. Tallowed my boats with our candles andlaunched them; they made considerable water. The young[son of] Shawonoe arrived in my canoe from above, with about 1,000 lbs. of fur, which he deposited in the fort. The men returned and informed me that the river was still shut about 10 miles below.

Sunday, Apr. 6th. Sailed my peroque with SergeantBradley [promoted, vice Kennerman reduced] and two men,to descend the river and see if it was yet open below. They returned in the afternoon and reported all clear. I had previously determined to load and embark the next day, and hoped to find it free by the time I arrived. The Fols Avoincalled the Shawonoe arrived and encamped near the stockade.He informed me that his nation had determined to send his son down in his place, as he declined the voyage toSt. Louis. All hearts and hands were employed in preparing for our departure. In the evening the men cleared out their room, danced to the violin, and sang songs until eleven o’clock,so rejoiced was every heart at leaving this savage wilderness.

Apr. 7th. Loaded our boats and departed at 40 minutes past ten o’clock. At one o’clock arrived at Clear river,where we found my canoe and men. Although I had partly promised the Fols Avoin chief to remain one night, yet time was too precious, and we put off; passed the Grand [Sauk]Rapids, and arrived at Mr. Dickson’s[III-28] just before sun-down.We were saluted with three rounds. At night he treated allmy men with a supper and a dram. Mr. Dickson, Mr.Paulier, and myself sat up until four o’clock in the morning.

Apr. 8th. Were obliged to remain this day on account of some information to be obtained here. I spent the day in making a rough chart of St. Peters, notes on the Sioux, etc.,and settling the affairs of the Indian department with Mr.Dickson, for whose communications and those of Mr. PaulierI am infinitely indebted. Made every necessary preparation for an early embarkation.

Apr. 9th. Rose early in the morning and commenced my arrangements. Having observed two Indians drunk during the night, and finding upon inquiry that the liquor had been furnished by a Mr. Greignor or Jennesse [La Jeunesse], I sent my interpreter to them to request they would not sell any strong drink to the Indians; upon which Mr. Jennesse demanded the restrictions in writing, which were given to him.[III-29]On demanding his license it amounted to no more than merely a certificate that he had paid the tax required by a law of the Indiana territory on all retailers of merchandise,and was by no means an Indian license; however, I did not think proper to go into a more close investigation. Last night was so cold that the water was covered with floating cakes of ice, of a strong consistence. After receiving every mark of attention from Messrs. Dickson and Paulier, I took my departure at eight o’clock. At 4 p. m. arrived at the house of Mr. Paulier, 25 leagues, to whose brother I had a letter. Was received with politeness by him and a Mr.Veau [Vean of 1807 text, p. 56] who had wintered alongside of him, on the very island at which we had encamped on the night of the [4th — ] of October in ascending.

After having left this place some time, we discovered a bark canoe ahead; we gained on it for some time, when it turned a point about 300 yards before, and on our turning it also, it had entirely disappeared. This excited my curiosity;I stood up in the barge, and at last discovered it turned up in the grass of the prairie; but after we had passed a good gunshot, three savages made their appearance from under it,launched it in the river, and followed, not knowing of my other boats, which had just turned the point immediately upon them. They then came on; and on my stopping for the night at a vacant trading-house, they also stopped, and addressed me, "Saggo, Commandant," or "Your servant,Captain." I directed my interpreter to inquire their motives for concealing themselves. They replied that their canoe leaked, and that they had turned her up to discharge the water. This I did not believe; and as their conduct was equivocal I received them rather sternly; I gave them, however,a small dram and piece of bread. They then re-embarked and continued down the river.

Their conduct brought to mind the visit of Fils de Pinchow to Mr. Dickson, during the winter; one principal cause of which was that he wished to inform me that the seven men, whom I mentioned to have met [Sept. 28th]when crossing the portage of St. Anthony, had since declared that they would kill him for agreeing to the peace between the Sioux and the Sauteurs; me for being instrumentalin preventing them from taking their revenge for relations killed by Sauteurs in August, 1805; and Thomas,the Fols Avoin chief, for the support he seemed disposed to give me. This information had not made the impression it ought to have made, coming from so respectable a source as the first chief of the village; but the conduct of those fellows put me to the consideration of it. And I appeal toGod and my country, if self-preservation would not have justified me in cutting those scoundrels to pieces whereverI found them — This my men would have done, if ordered,amid a thousand of them, and I should have been supported by the chiefs of the St. Peters, at the mouth of which were 300 warriors, attending my arrival; also [I should have been justified in cutting to pieces], the rascal who fired on my sentinel last winter [see Mar. 3d, p. 178]. I dreaded the consequences of the meeting, not for the present, but for fear the impetuosity of my conduct might not be approved of by my government, which did not so intimately know the nature of those savages.

This day, for the first time, we saw the commencement of vegetation; yet the snow was a foot deep in some places.

Apr. 10th. Sailed at half past five o’clock; about seven passed Rum river, and at eight were saluted by six or seven lodges of Fols Avoins, among whom was a Mr. [Blank],a clerk of Mr. Dickson’s. Those people had wintered onRum river, and were waiting for their chiefs and traders to descend in order to accompany them to the Prairie DesChiens. Arrived at the Falls of St. Anthony at ten o’clock.Carried over all our lading and the canoe to the lower end of the portage, and hauled our boats up on the bank. I pitched my tents at the lower end of the encampment,where all the men encamped except the guard, whose quarters were above.

The appearance of the Falls was much more tremendous than when we ascended; the increase of water occasioned the spray to rise much higher, and the mist appeared likeclouds. How different my sensations now, from what theywere when at this place before! At that time, not having accomplished more than half my route, winter fast approaching,war existing between the most savage nations in the course of my route, my provisions greatly diminished and but a poor prospect of an additional supply, many of my men sick and the others not a little disheartened, our success in this arduous undertaking very doubtful, just upon the borders of the haunts of civilized men, about to launch into an unknown wilderness — for ours was the first canoe that had ever crossed this portage — were reasons sufficient to dispossess my breast of contentment and ease. But now we have accomplished every wish, peace reigns throughout the vast extent, we have returned thus far on our voyage without the loss of a single man, and hope soon to be blessed with the society of our relations and friends.

The river this morning was covered with ice, which continued floating all day; the shores were still barricaded with it.

Apr. 11th. Although it snowed very hard, we brought over both boats and descended the river to the [Pike’s] island at the entrance of the St. Peters. I sent to the chiefs and informed them I had something to communicate to them.Fils de Pinchow immediately waited on me, and informed me that he would provide a place for the purpose. About sundown I was sent for and introduced into the council-house,where I found a great many chiefs of the Sussitongs,Gens des Feuilles, and Gens du Lac. The Yanctongs had not yet come down. They were all waiting for my arrival.There were about 100 lodges, or 600 people; we were saluted on our crossing the river with ball, as usual. The council-house was two large lodges, capable of containing 300 men.In the upper were 40 chiefs, and as many pipes set against the poles, alongside of which I had the Sauteur’s pipes arranged. I then informed them in short detail of my transactions with the Sauteurs; but my interpreters were not capable of making themselves understood. I was thereforeobliged to omit mentioning every particular relative to therascal who fired on my sentinel, and to the scoundrel who broke the Fols Avoins’ canoes and threatened my life. The interpreters, however, informed them that I wanted some of their principal chiefs to go to St. Louis; and that those who thought proper might descend to the prairie [Prairie duChien], where we would give them more explicit information.They all smoked out of the Sauteurs’ pipes, excepting three, who were painted black and who were some of those who lost their relations last winter. I invited Fils de Pinchow and the son of Killeur Rouge to come over and sup with me; when Mr. Dickson and myself endeavored to explain what I intended to have said to them, could I have made myself understood; that at the Prairie we would have all things explained; that I was desirous of making a better report of them than Capt. [Meriwether] Lewis could do from their treatment of him. The former of those savages was the person who remained around my post all last winter,and treated my men so well; they endeavored to excuse their people, etc.

Apr. 12th. Embarked early. Although my interpreter had been frequently up the river, he could not tell me where the cave spoken of by Carver could be found; we carefully sought for it, but in vain.[III-30] At the Indian village a fewmiles above [read below: see note⁷², p. 74] St. Peters we were about to pass a few lodges, but on receiving a very particular invitation to come on shore, we landed and were received in a lodge kindly; they presented us sugar, etc. I gave the proprietor a dram, and was about to depart, when he demanded a kettle of liquor; on being refused, and afterI had left the shore, he told me that he did not like the arrangements and that he would go to war this summer. I directed the interpreter to tell him that if I returned to theSt. Peters with the troops I would settle that affair with him. On our arrival at the St. Croix, I found Petit Corbeau[Little Raven: see note², p. 85] with his people, andMessrs. Frazer and Wood. We had a conference, whenPetit Corbeau made many apologies for the misconduct of his people; he represented to us the different manners inwhich his young warriors had been inducing him to go to war; that he had been much blamed for dismissing his party last fall, but that he was determined to adhere as far as lay in his power to our instructions; that he thought it most prudent to remain here and restrain the warriors. He then presented me with a beaver robe and pipe, and his message to the general, that he was determined to preserve peace,and make the road clear; also, a remembrance of his promised medal. I made him a reply calculated to confirm him in his good intentions, and assured him that he should not be the less remembered by his father, although not present.

I was informed that not withstanding the instruction of his license and my particular request, Murdoch Cameron[see note⁶⁴, p. 66] had taken liquor and sold it to the Indians on the river St. Peters, and that his partner below had been equally imprudent. I pledged myself to prosecute them according to law; for they have been the occasion of great confusion and of much injury to the other traders.

This day we met a canoe of Mr. Dickson’s loaded with provision, under the charge of Mr. Anderson, brother ofMr. [George] Anderson at Leech Lake. He politely offered me any provision he had on board, for which Mr. Dickson had given me an order; but not now being in want I did not accept of any. This day, for the first time, I observed the trees beginning to bud, and indeed the climate seemed to have changed very materially since we passed the Falls of St. Anthony.

Sunday, Apr. 13th. We embarked after breakfast.Messrs. Frazer and Wood accompanied me. Wind strong ahead. They out rowed us — the first boat or canoe we met with on the voyage able to do it; but then they were double-manned and light. Arrived at the band of AileRouge [Red Wing: see note⁶⁷, p. 69] at two o’clock, where we were saluted as usual.

We had a council, when he spoke with more detestation of the conduct of the rascals at the mouth of the St. Peters than any man I had yet heard. He assured me, speakingof the fellow who had fired on my sentinel and threatened to kill me, that if I thought it requisite, he should be killed;but as there were many chiefs above with whom he wished to speak, he hoped I would remain one day, when all theSioux would be down, and I might have the command of a thousand men of them; that I would probably think it no honor, but that the British used to flatter them they were proud of having them for soldiers. I replied in general terms, and assured him it was not for the conduct of two or three rascals that I meant to pass over all the good treatment I had received from the Sioux nation; but that in general council I would explain myself. That as to the scoundrel who fired at my sentinel, had I been at home the Sioux nation would never have been troubled with him, for I would have killed him on the spot; but that my young men did not do it, apprehensive that I would be displeased.I then gave him the news of the Sauteurs, etc.;that as to remaining one day, it would be of no service;that I was much pressed to arrive below, as my general expected me, my duty called me, and the state of my provision demanded the utmost expedition; that I would be happy to oblige him, but my men must eat. He replied that, Lake Pepin being yet shut with ice, if I went on and encamped on the ice it would not get me provision; that he would send out all his young men the next day; and that if the other bands did not arrive he would depart the day after with me. In short, after much talk, I agreed to remain one day, knowing that the lake was closed and that we could proceed only nine miles if we went.

This appeared to give general satisfaction. I was invited to different feasts, and entertained at one by a person whose father had been enacted a chief by the Spaniards.At this feast I saw a man called by the French RomanNose [Nez de Corbeau[III-31]], and by the Indians Wind thatWalks, who was formerly the second chief of the Sioux;but being the cause of the death of one of the traders, seven years since, he voluntarily relinquished that dignity, and has frequently requested to be given up to the whites. But he was now determined to go to St. Louis and deliver himself up, where he said they might put him to death. His long repentance and the great confidence of the nation in him would perhaps protect him from a punishment which the crime merited. But as the crime was committed long before the United States assumed its authority, and as no law of theirs could affect it, unless it were ex post facto and had a retrospective effect, I conceived it would certainly be dis punishable[III-32] now. I did not think proper, however, to so inform him. I here received a letter from Mr. Rollett,[III-33]partner of Mr. Cameron, with a present of some brandy,coffee, and sugar. I hesitated about receiving those articles from the partner of the man I intended to prosecute: their amount being trifling, however, I accepted of them, offering him pay. I assured him that the prosecution arose from a sense of duty, and not from any personal prejudice. Mycanoe did not come up, in consequence of the head wind.Sent out two men in a canoe to set fishing-lines; the canoe overset, and had it not been for the timely assistance of the savages, who carried them into their lodges, undressed them, and treated them with the greatest humanity and kindness, they must inevitably have perished. At this place I was informed that the rascal spoken of as having threatened my life had actually cocked his gun to shoot me from behind the hills, but was prevented by the others.

Apr. 14th. Was invited to a feast by Roman Nose. His conversation was interesting, and shall be detailed hereafter.The other Indians had not yet arrived. Messrs. Wood,Frazer, and myself ascended a high hill called the Barn [orLa Grange; see note⁶⁸, p. 70], from which we had a view ofLake Pepin, of the valley through which the Mississippi by numerous channels wound itself to the St. Croix, the Cannon river, and the lofty hills on each side.

Apr. 15th. Arose very early and embarked about sunrise,much to the astonishment of the Indians, who were entirely prepared for the council when they heard I had put off.However, after some conversation with Mr. Frazer, they acknowledged that it was agreeably to what I had said, thatI would sail early, and that they could not blame me. I was very positive in my word, for I found it by far the best way to treat the Indians. Aile Rouge had a beaver robe and pipe prepared to present, but was obliged for the present to retain it. Passed through Lake Pepin with my barges; the canoe being obliged to lie by, did not come on.Stopped at a prairie on the right bank, descending about nine miles below Lake Pepin. Went out to view some hills which had the appearance of the old fortifications spoken of [by Carver: see note of the Grand Encampment, p.59]; but I will speak more fully of them hereafter. In these hollows I discovered a flock of elk; took out 15 men,but we were not able to kill any. Mr. Frazer came up and passed on about two miles. We encamped together.Neither Mr. Wood’s nor my canoe arrived. Snowed considerably.

Apr. 16th. Mr. Frazer’s canoes and my boats sailed about one hour by the sun. We waited some time, expecting Mr.Wood’s barges and my canoe; but hearing a gun fired just above our encampment, we were induced to make sail.Passed Aile Prairie [Winona: note⁵⁷, p. 54], also La Montagnequi Trompe a [Trempe à] L’eau, the prairie De Cross [LaCrosse], and encamped on the W. shore [at Brownsville], a few hundred yards below where I had encamped on the[11th] day of September, in ascending. Killed a goose flying.Shot at some pigeons at our camp, and was answered from behind an island with two guns; we returned them,and were replied to by two more. This day the trees appeared in bloom. Snow might still be seen on the sides of the hills. Distance 75 miles.

Apr. 17th. Put off pretty early and arrived at Wabasha’sband at eleven o’clock, where I [was] detained all day for him [at Upper Iowa river]; but he alone of all the hunters remained out all night. Left some powder and tobacco for him. The Sioux presented me with a kettle of boiled meat and a deer. I here received information that thePuants had killed some white men below. Mr. Wood’sand my canoe arrived.

Apr. 18th. Departed from our encampment very early.Stopped to breakfast at the Painted Rock. Arrived atPrairie Des Cheins at two o’clock, and were received by crowds on the bank. Took up my quarters at Mr. Fisher’s.My men received a present of one barrel of pork fromMr. Campbell, a bag of biscuit, 20 loaves of bread, and some meat from Mr. Fisher. A Mr. Jearreau, from Cahokia,is here, who embarks to-morrow for St. Louis. I wrote toGeneral Wilkinson by him.[III-34] I was called on by a number of chiefs, Reynards, Sioux of the Des Moyan [Des Moinesriver], etc. The Winebagos were here intending, as I wasinformed, to deliver some of the murderers to me. Received a great deal of news from the States and Europe, both civil and military.

Apr. 19th. Dined at Mr. Campbell’s in company withMessrs. Wilmot, Blakely, Wood, Rollet, Fisher, Frazer, andJearreau. Six canoes arrived from the upper part of St.Peters, with the Yanctong chiefs from the head of that river.Their appearance was indeed savage, much more so than any nation I have yet seen. Prepared my boat for sail.Gave notice to the Puants that I had business to do with them the next day. A band of the Gens Du Lac arrived.Took into my pay as interpreter Mr. Y. [read J.] Reinville.

Sunday, Apr. 20th. Held a council with the Puant chiefs,and demanded of them the murderers of their nation;[III-35]they required till to-morrow to consider it. I made a written demand of the magistrates to take depositions concerning the late murders.[III-36] Had a private conversation withWabasha.

This afternoon they had a great game of the cross on the prairie, between the Sioux on the one side, and the Puants and Reynards on the other. The ball is made of some hard substance and covered with leather; the cross-sticks are round and net-work, with handles of three feet long. The parties being ready, and bets agreed upon, sometimes to the amount of some thousand dollars, the goals are set upon the prairie at the distance of half a mile. The ball is thrown up in the middle, and each party strives to drive it to the opposite goal; when either party gains the first rubber,which is driving it quick round the post, the ball is again taken to the center, the ground changed, and the contest renewed; and this is continued until one side gains four times, which decides the bet. It is an interesting sight tosee two or three hundred naked savages contending on theplain who shall bear off the palm of victory; as he who drives the ball round the goal is much shouted at by his companions. It sometimes happens that one catches the ball in his racket, and depending on his speed endeavors to carry it to the goal; when he finds himself too closely pursued he hurls it with great force and dexterity to an amazing distance, where there are always flankers of both parties ready to receive it; it seldom touches the ground, but is sometimes kept in the air for hours before either party can gain the victory. In the game which I witnessed the Sioux were victorious — more, I believe, from the superiority of their skill in throwing the ball than by their swiftness,for I thought the Puants and Reynards the swiftest runners.

Apr. 21st. Was sent for by La Feuille, and had a long and interesting conversation with him, in which he spoke of the general jealousy of his nation toward their chiefs;and said that although he knew it might occasion some of the Sioux displeasure, he did not hesitate to declare that he looked on Nez Corbeau [otherwise Raven Nose andRoman Nose] as the man of most sense in their nation, and he believed it would be generally acceptable if he was reinstated in his rank. Upon my return I was sent for byRed Thunder,[III-37] chief of the Yanctongs, the most savage band of the Sioux. He was prepared with the most elegant pipes and robes I ever saw, and shortly declared, "That white blood had never been shed in the village of theYanctongs, even when rum was permitted; that Mr. MurdochCameron arrived at his village last autumn; that he invited him to eat, gave him corn as a bird; that Cameron informed him of the prohibition of rum, and was the only person who afterward sold it in the village." After this I had a council with the Puants. Spent the evening with Mr.Wilmot, one of the best informed and most gentlemanly men in the place.

Apr. 22d. Held a council with the Sioux and Puants,the latter of whom delivered up their [British] medals and flags. Prepared to depart to-morrow.

Apr. 23d. After closing my accounts, etc., at half past twelve o’clock we left the Prairie; at the lower end of it were saluted by 17 lodges of the Puants. Met a barge, by which I received a letter from my lady. Further on met one batteau and one canoe of traders. Passed one trader’scamp. Arrived at Mr. Dubuque’s at [mouth of CatfishCreek, at] ten o’clock at night; found some traders encamped at the entrance with 40 or 50 Indians; obtained some information from Mr. D., and requested him to write me on certain points. After we had boiled our victuals, I divided my men into four watches and put off, wind ahead. Observed for the first time the half-formed leaves on the trees.

Apr. 24th. In the morning we used our oars until ten o’clock, and then floated while breakfasting. At this time two barges, one bark, and two wooden canoes passed us under full sail; by one of which I sent back a letter to Mr.Dubuque that I had forgotten to deliver. Stopped at dark to cook supper; after which, rowed under the windward shore, expecting we could make headway with four oars;but were blown on the lee shore in a few moments, when all hands were summoned, and we again with difficulty made to windward, came-to, placed one sentry on my bow,and all hands beside went to sleep. It rained, and before morning the water overflowed my bed in the bottom of the boat, having no cover or any extra accommodations, as it might have retarded my voyage. The wind very hard ahead.

Apr. 25th. Obliged to unship our mast to prevent its rolling overboard with the swell. Passed the first Reynardvillage [near head of Rock River rapids on the Iowan side]at twelve o’clock; counted 18 lodges. Stopped at the prairie in descending on the left, about the middle of therapids, where there is a beautiful cove or harbor [Watertown,Rock Island Co., Ill.]. There were three lodges ofIndians here, but none of them came near us. Shortly after we had left this, observed a barge under sail, with theUnited States flag, which upon our being seen put to shore on the Big [now Rock] Island, about three miles aboveStony [Rock] river, where I also landed. It proved to beCapt. Many[III-38] of the Artillerists, who was in search of someOsage prisoners among the Sacs and Reynards. He informed me that at the [large Sac] village of Stony Point[near the mouth of Rock river] the Indians evinced a strong disposition to commit hostilities; that he was met at the mouth of the river by an old Indian, who said that all the inhabitants of the village were in a state of intoxication,and advised him to go up alone. This advice, however,he had rejected. That when they arrived there they were saluted by the appellation of the bloody Americans who had killed such a person’s father, such a person’smother, brother, etc. The women carried off the guns and other arms, and concealed them. That he then crossed the river opposite the village, and was followed by a number of Indians with pistols under their blankets. That they would listen to no conference whatever relating to the delivery of the prisoners, but demanded insolently why he wore a plume in his hat, declared that they looked on it asa mark of war, and immediately decorated themselves with their raven’s feathers, worn only in cases of hostility. We regretted that our orders would not permit of our punishingthe scoundrels, as by a coup de main we might easily havecarried the village. Gave Capt. Many a note of introduction to Messrs. Campbell, Fisher, Wilmot, and Dubuque,and every information in my power. We sat up late conversing.

Apr. 26th. Capt. Many and myself took breakfast and embarked; wind directly ahead, and a most tremendous swell to combat, which has existed ever since we left the prairie. Capt. Many under full sail. Descended by all the sinuosity of the shore, to avoid the strength of the wind and force of the waves. Indeed I was confident I could sail much faster up than we could possibly make down.Encamped on Grant’s prairie, where we had encamped Aug.25th when ascending. There was one Indian and family present, to whom I gave some corn.

Sunday, Apr. 27th. It cleared off during the night. We embarked early and came from eight or ten leagues above the river Iowa to the [U. S. agricultural] establishment at the lower Sac village [at Nauvoo, Ill., see Aug. 20th,1805] by sundown, a distance of nearly 48 leagues. HereI met with Messrs. Maxwell and Blondeau; took the deposition of the former on the subject of the Indians’intoxication at this place, for they were all drunk. They had stolen a horse from the establishment, and offered to bring him back for liquor, but laughed at them when offered a blanket and powder. Passed two canoes and two barges. At the establishment received two letters fromMrs. Pike. Took with us Corporal Eddy and the other soldier whom Capt. Many had left. Rowed with four oars all night. A citizen took passage with me.

Apr. 28th. In the morning passed a wintering-ground where, from appearance, there must have been at least seven or eight different establishments. At twelve o’clock arrived at the French house [Hurricane Settlement] mentioned in our voyage up, Aug. 16th [see note¹³, that date].Here we landed our citizen; his name was [Blank], and he belonged to the settlement on Copper river. He informed me there were about 25 families in the settlement.

Stopped at some islands [note¹², Aug. 15th] about ten miles above Salt river, where there were pigeon-roosts, and in about 15 minutes my men had knocked on the head and brought on board 298. I had frequently heard of the fecundity of this bird [Ectopistes migratorius[III-39]], and never gave credit to what I then thought inclined to the marvelous;but really the most fervid imagination cannot conceive their numbers. Their noise in the woods was like the continued roaring of the wind, and the ground may be said to have been absolutely covered with their excrement. The young ones which we killed were nearly as large as the old;they could fly about ten steps, and were one mass of fat; their craws were filled with acorns and the wild pea. They were still reposing on their nests, which were merely small bunches of sticks joined, with which all the small trees were covered.

Met four canoes of the Sacs, with wicker baskets filled with young pigeons. They made motions to exchange them for liquor, to which I returned the back of my hand.Indeed those scoundrels had become so insolent, through the instigation of the traders, that nothing but the lenity of our government and humanity for the poor devils could have restrained me on my descent from carrying some of their towns by surprise, which I was determined to have done had the information of their firing on Capt. Many proved to have been correct.

Put into the mouth of Salt river to cook supper, after which, although raining, we put off and set our watches;but so violent a gale and thunderstorm came on about twelve o’clock that we put ashore. Discovered that one of my sleigh-dogs was missing.

Apr. 29th. In the morning still raining, and wind up the river; hoisted sail and returned to the mouth of the river,but neither here nor on the shore could we find my dog.This was no little mortification, as it broke the match,whose important services I had already experienced, after having brought them so near home. We continued on until twelve o’clock, when it ceased raining for a little time, and we put ashore for breakfast. Rowed till sundown, when I set the watch. Night fine and mild.

Apr. 30th. By daylight found ourselves at the Portagede Sioux. I here landed Captain Many’s two men, and ordered them across by land to the cantonment [Belle Fontaine,on the Missouri]. As I had never seen the village, I walked up and through it; there are not more than 21 houses at furthest, which are built of square logs. Met Lieut.Hughes[III-40] about four miles above St. Louis,[III-41] with morethan 20 Osage prisoners, conveying them to the cantonmenton the Missouri; he informed me my friends were all well.Arrived about twelve o’clock at the town, after an absence of eight months and 22 days.

CHAPTER IV.

WEATHER DIARY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.[IV-1]

Meteorological Observations made by Lieutenant Pike, on theMississippi, in 1805 and 1806.

Note. — These observations are very imperfect, my mode of traveling being such as to prevent my making regular references to the thermometer; and during the intense cold which prevailed some part of the winter, the mercury of the barometer sank into the bulb. I was also frequently obliged to be absent from my party, when it was impossible for me to carry instruments. Those different circumstances occasioned the omissions which appear in the table. The instrument employed was Reaumer’s, but the observations made have been adapted to the scale of Fahrenheit. — Z. M. Pike, 1st lieutenant.

Date.	Thermometer (degrees).			Sky.	Wind.		N. Lat.	W. Long.	Var.	Barometer (inches).
	sunrise.	3 p.m.	sunset.		Course.	Force.
Aug.
6	....	....	....	clear	S S E	fresh	39° 1´	15° 20´ Ph.	7° 54´	28.5
7	....	90	....	thunderstorm	N W	very hard	....	....	....	28
8	....	75	....	rain	N W	do.	....	....	....	28.5
9	....	83	....	cloudy	S by E	light	....	....	....	28.8
10	....	97	....	flying clouds	W	squally	....	....	....	28
11	....	108½	....	do.	W by S	....	....	....	....	20
12	....	101¾	....	rain	S by W	fresh	....	....	....	29.2
13	....	83¾	....	hard rain	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
14	....	81½	....	do.	S by E	do.	....	....	....	28.5
15	....	88¼	....	rainy	N W	do.	40° 31´	16° 41´	....	29
16	....	90½	....	clear	N W	gentle	....	....	....	30
17	....	88¼	....	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	30.2
18	....	81½	....	cloudy	N W	strong	....	....	....	28.5
19	....	99½	....	clear	N W	gentle	....	....	....	30
20	....	90½	....	do.	E	do.	....	....	....	30
21	....	88¼	....	cloudy	S E	fresh	40° 32´ 12´´	....	....	29
22	....	90½	....	clear	N by W	strong	....	....	....	29.5
23	....	106¼	....	do.	....	....	....	....	....	30
24	....	82¾	....	clear	....	....	....	....	....	30
25	....	81¼	....	cloudy	N by W	strong	....	....	....	2
26	61¼	72½	....	rain	N by W	gale	....	....	....	....
27	54½	63½	....	do.	N by W	do.	....	....	....	....
28	52¼	61¼	....	do.	S by E	hard	....	....	....	....
29	52¼	72½	....	cloudy	S by E	fresh	....	....	....	28.5
30	61¼	88¼	....	clear	S by W	do.	....	....	....	28
31	....	92¾	....	do.	S by W	gentle	....	....	....	28.5
Sept.
1	....	88¼	....	clear	S E	fresh	....	....	....	30
2	....	95	....	do.	S	gentle	....	....	....	29.3
3	....	79¼	....	cloudy	N W	do.	....	....	....	28.8
4	....	77	....	do.	S W	do.	43° 44´ 8´´	....	....	29
5	....	88¼	....	rain	S W	fresh	....	....	....	27
6	....	95	....	clear	S by E	do.	....	....	....	27
7	....	86	....	cloudy	S by E	do.	....	....	....	28
8	....	99½	....	do.	S by E	do.	....	....	....	29.5
9	....	92¾	....	do.	S	gentle	....	....	....	28.8
10	....	72½	....	rain	N by W	fresh	....	....	....	....
11	....	59	....	do.	N by E	hard	....	....	....	....
12	....	52¼	....	do.	N by E	do.	....	....	....	....
13	....	50	....	do.	N	gentle	....	....	....	....
14	....	43¼	....	clear	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
15	....	65¾	....	rain	S E	do.	....	....	....	28
16	....	77	....	rising clouds	S E	fresh	....	....	....	28.5
17	....	65¾	....	rain	N W	hard	....	....	....	....
18	....	77	....	cloudy	N W	gentle	45° 44´ 8´´	....	....	....
19	....	65¾	....	do.	S E	fresh	....	....	....	....
20	....	72½	....	clear	N W	do.	....	....	....	28.5
21	41	77	....	do.	S E	gentle	....	....	....	29
22	....	77	....	do.	N W	fresh	....	....	....	....
23	....	81½	....	cloudy	N W	do.	....	....	....	28.5
24	....	86	....	do.	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
25	....	77	....	flying clouds	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
26	....	65¾	....	cloudy	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
27	....	65¾	....	do.	S E	....	....	....	....	....
28	....	65¾	....	rain	S by E	hard	....	....	....	28
29	....	72½	....	cloudy	S by E	fresh, hard	....	....	....	....
30	....	65¾	....	do.	N E	....	....	....	....	....
Oct.
1	50	65¾	....	cloudy	N W	fresh	45°	....	....	28.5
2	50	72½	....	rain	N W	...	....	....	....	28
3	32	50	....	clear	N W		....	....	....	28.4
4	32	50	....	cloudy, hail	N W		....	....	....	29
5	32	23	....	clear	N W	hard	....	....	....	29.5
6	32	23	....	do.	N W	do.	....	....	....	29.5
7	36½	50	....	do.	N W	do.	....	....	....	29
8	26	50	....	do.	S E	fresh	....	....	....	29.5
9	41	54½	....	do.	W by N	....	....	....	....	29.5
10	50	88¼	65¾	do.	S by W	do.	....	....	....	29.5
11	36½	65¾	54½	do.	N by W	do.	....	....	....	29
12	36½	59	36½	do.	N by W	hard	....	....	....	29.5
13	36	72½	59	do.	S by W	fresh	....	....	....	36.2
14	36	65¾	50	do.	N W	gentle	....	....	....	29
15	43¼	54½	41	cloudy, rain	N by W	fresh	....	....	....	28.5
16	50	65¾	54½	snow	do.	do.	45° 33´ 3´´	....	....	28.5
17	41	50	52	do.	do.	do.	....	....	....	28
18	43¼	54½	50	cloudy	S by W	do.	....	....	....	29.5
19	45½	59	54½	clear, cloudy	do.	gentle	....	....	....	29.8
20	43¼	54	43¼	do.	do.	do.	....	....	....	29.5
21	23	14	20	clear	do.	do.	....	....	....	29
22	29	45	32	cloudy, snow	N by W	do.	....	....	....	28.5
23	20	27	23	do.	N W	do.	....	....	....	29.3
24	20	27	23	do.	N W	do.	....	....	....	29
25	16	23	43	cloudy	....	do.	....	....	9° 10´	29
26	11	20	32	clear	W	do.	....	....	....	29.5
27	20	32	43¼	do.	W	do.	....	....	....	30
28	20	43	47	do.	N E	do.	45° 33´ 3´´	....	9° 10´ S	29.5
29	27	50	43	cloudy, rain	N E	do.	....	....	....	29
30	50	52	50	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	28.5
31	32	43	47	cloudy	N	do.	....	....	9° 10´ S	28
Nov.
1	36	....	....	rain	....	....	45° 33´ 3´´	....	....	28
2	....	....	....	snow	....	....	....	....	....	....
3	....	warm	....	fair	....	....	....	....	....	....
4	....	fresh	....	do.	N E	gentle	....	....	....	....
5	....	warm	....	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
6	....	cool	....	snow	N W	....	....	....	....	....
7	....	warm	....	hail, rain	do.	....	....	....	....	....
8	....	do.	....	light snow	do.	....	....	....	....	....
9	....	cold	27	do.	do.	....	....	....	....	....
10	14	20	20	clear	N W	gentle	....	....	....	28
11	20	25	25	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
12	27	25	27	cloudy	S W	do.	....	....	....	28.5
13	38	36	38	do.	....	do.	....	....	....	28.5
14	41	....	....	rain	....	....	....	....	....	....
15	47	38	41	cloudy	....	....	....	....	....	....
16	54	36	47	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
17	47	36	32	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
18	36	34	32	clear	....	....	....	....	....	....
19	38	36	23	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
20	38	36	41	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
21	41	36	45	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
22	41	36	38	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
23	41	32	27	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
24	38	34	32	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
25	41	38	38	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
26	38	32	34	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
27	38	38	34	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
28	29	43	41	clear	N W	fresh	....	....	....	....
29	23	32	36	do.	N	gentle	....	....	....	....
30	16	27	25	do.	N by W	do.	....	....	....	....
Dec.
1	25	32	32	snow	S W	gentle	45° 33´ 9´´	....	....	....
2	7	27	16	clear	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
3	16	32	20	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
4	20	32	27	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
5	23	32	32	cloudy	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
6	25	32	32	clear	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
7	20	27	25	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
8	16	25	27	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
9	20	25	23	do.	N E	fresh	....	....	....	....
10	23	27	29	cloudy	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
11	27	....	43	do.	S E	gentle	....	....	....	....
12	29	....	32	do.	N W	fresh	....	....	....	....
13	38	....	32	snow	N W	hard	....	....	....	....
14	29	....	7	....	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
15	7	....	11	cloudy	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
16	9	....	43	clear	S	gentle	....	....	....	....
17	20	....	32	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
18	36	....	36	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
19	36	....	25	cloudy	SE, NW	fresh	....	....	....	....
20	25	....	32	do.	N E	gentle	....	....	....	....
21	18	....	27	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
22	2	....	5	clear	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
23	2	....	32	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
24	5	....	27	do.	N E	do.	45° 49´ 50´´	....	....	....
25	27	....	27	cloudy	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
26	23	....	29	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
27	23	....	29	snow	E	do.	....	....	....	....
28	23	....	32	cloudy	S W	do.	....	....	....	....
29	20	....	11	clear	N W	hard	....	....	....	....
30	9	....	11	do.	W	do.	....	....	....	....
31	9	....	20	do.	W	do.	....	....	....	....
Jan.
1	17-4/10	....	11	cloudy, snow	N E	fresh	....	....	....	....
2	2	....	20	clear	E	do.	....	....	....	....
3	20	....	25	do.	W	....	....	....	....	....
4	23	....	25	do.	W	....	....	....	....	....
5	33-5/10	....	20	do.	E	....	....	....	....	....
6	20	....	9	snow	W	hard	46° 9´ 20´´	....	....	....
7	15-2/10	....	1	clear	....	....	....	....	....	....
8	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
9	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
10	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
11	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
12	....	....	2	clear	S E	....	....	....	....	....
13	28-5/10	....	6	do.	....	....	46° 9´ 20´´	22° 13´	....	....
14	24	| ....	1	do.	N	....	46° 9´ 20´´	....	3° 41´ W	....
15	33-5/10	....	6	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
16	19-8/10	....	5	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
17	6	23	20	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
18	9	25	20	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
19	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
20	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
21	....	....	23	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
22	14	....	27	clear	N W	....	....	....	....	....
23	27	| ....	27	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
24	27	29	32	cloudy	S by E	....	....	....	....	....
25	....	27	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
26	....	5	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
27	....	5	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
28	4	2	5	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
29	5	14	11	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
30	1	14	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
31	8	14	....	....	....	....	....	....	....	....
Feb.
1	10	7	5	clear	....	....	47° 16´ 13´´	....	....	....
2	5	9	14	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
3	7	27	23	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
4	1	9	1	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
5	10	14	7	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
6	5	27	11	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
7	2	23	20	do.	W	fresh	....	....	....	....
8	8	1	9	do.	W	hard	....	....	....	....
9	17-5/10	1	8	snow	....	....	....	....	....	....
10	17-5/10	1	5	do.	N E	gentle	....	....	....	....
11	1	7	1	clear	S E	....	....	....	....	....
12	5	16	1	do.	N E	....	....	....	....	....
13	23	36	32	hail, clouds	S by E	fresh	....	....	....	....
14	11	36	32	clear	N W	....	....	....	....	....
15	5	20	16	do.	N W	....	....	....	....	....
16	2	23	16	do.	S W	....	....	....	....	....
17	5	32	32	sleet, snow	....	....	....	....	....	....
18	14	32	....	clear	....	....	....	....	....	....
19	....	....	20	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
20	1	....	27	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
21	14	....	27	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
22	16	....	27	do.	....	....	46° 32´ 32´´	....	....	....
23	14	....	23	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
24	16	....	20	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
25	11	....	25	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
26	23	....	36	do.	S W	....	....	....	....	....
27	16	....	11	....	N W	....	....	....	....	....
28	16	....	....	....	N W	....	....	....	....	....
Mar.
1	16	....	16	clear	S E	....	....	....	....	....
2	16	....	20	cloudy	S E	....	....	....	....	....
3	20	....	43	clear	E	....	....	....	....	....
4	20	....	27	do.	E	....	....	....	....	....
5	25	....	29	do.	....	....	45° 33´ 3´´	....	....	....
6	36	....	27	do.	....	....	....	....	....	....
7	29	41	27	clear, warm	....	....	....	....	....	....
8	29	25	23	cloudy	S E	hard	....	....	....	....
9	36	43	41	clear	S E	....	....	....	....	....
10	25	25	27	do.	N E	....	....	....	....	....
11	32	36	38	cloudy	S E	fresh	....	....	....	....
12	34	47	38	clear	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
13	33	43	27	do.	N W	....	45° 14´ 8´´	....	....	....
14	38	43	34	do.	N W	fresh	....	....	....	....
15	50	41	36	do.	N	do.	....	....	....	....
16	38	43	36	do.	E	do.	....	....	....	....
17	32	32	32	snow	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
18	32	32	32	do.	N	do.	43° 44´ 8´´	....	....	....
19	32	32	29	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
20	29	38	29	cloudy	N by E	do.	....	....	....	....
21	9	32	20	clear	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
22	1	9	14	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
23	7	32	32	do.	E	do.	....	....	....	....
24	5	25	32	cloudy	N E	....	....	....	....	....
25	25	32	32	snow	S E	....	....	....	....	....
26	11	25	27	clear	E	fresh	....	....	....	....
27	38	54	43	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
28	36	41	43	do.	S W	do.	....	....	....	....
29	29	70	54	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
30	52	56	43	cloudy	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
31	32	61	43	clear	N E	....	....	....	....	....
Apr.
1	29	61	43	clear	N E	fresh	....	....	....	....
2	34	74	63	do.	S	hard	....	....	....	....
3	45	70	43	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
4	20	45	41	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
5	29	45	38	cloudy	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
6	27	43	36	do.	N E	do.	....	....	....	....
7	23	....	32	snow	N E	....	....	....	....	....
8	41	....	34	cloudy	N	....	....	....	....	....
9	5	18	32	clear	N E	....	....	....	....	....
10	5	54	25	do.	N E	....	....	....	....	....
11	18	32	32	snow	S E	....	....	....	....	....
12	10	54	43	clear	S E	....	....	....	....	....
13	32	50	45	do.	S E	hard	....	....	....	....
14	38	50	45	cloudy, rain	S E	....	....	....	....	....
15	34	52	32	snow	S E	....	....	....	....	....
16	34	50	41	do.	N W	fresh	....	....	....	....
17	34	70	43	clear	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
18	45	92	63	do.	N W	do.	....	....	....	....
19	50	99	81	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
20	59	95	79	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
21	54	92	63	cloudy	N W	....	....	....	....	....
22	43	63	52	clear	N W	fresh	....	....	....	....
23	36	72	63	do.	S E	....	....	....	....	....
24	43	70	61	cloudy	S E	hard	....	....	....	....
25	43	54	47	cloudy, rain	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
26	43	50	....	do.	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
27	43	95	77	clear	N E	gentle	....	....	....	....
28	43	81	72	cloudy	S E	do.	....	....	....	....
29	38	59	....	rain	N W	....	....	....	....	....

Remarks.

• Sept. 1st, The [Dubuque] Mines.
• Sept. 5th, Prairie De Chien.
• Sept. 10th,Barometer below 28.
• Sept. 18th, Lake Pepin.
• Sept. 22d, River St. Peter’s.
• Sept. 27th, Falls of St. Anthony.
• Oct. 16th, Pine Creek Rapids.
• Oct. 28th, Pine Creek.
• Nov. 2d, Absent from camp.
• Nov. 6th, Thunder and lightning.
• Nov. 9th,Return to camp.
• Nov. 11th-12th, Thawing.
• Nov. 13th, Smoky.
• Nov. 14th, Thunder and lightning.
• Nov. 16th-19th, Freezing.
• Nov. 20th-21st, Thawing.
• Nov. 22d, Freezing.
• Nov.23d-27th, Thawing.
• Dec. 11th, Thawing.
• Dec. 12th, Slight snow.
• Dec. 13th, Storm.
• Dec. 14th, Stormy.
• Dec. 17th-18th, Thawing.
• Dec. 19th-25th, Freezing.
• Dec. 28th, Very cold.
• Dec. 31st, Very cold.
• Jan. 6th, Lake Sable.
• Jan. 7th, Absent for six days.
• Feb. 1st, Leech Lake.
• Feb. 22d, White Fish Lake.
• Mar. 1st, Lower Red Cedar Lake.
• Mar. 6th, Snow at night.
• Mar. 7th, PineCreek.
• Mar. 9th, Very warm; ice melting fast.
• Mar. 11th, Raw and disagreeable.
• Mar.12th, Ice melting fast.
• Mar. 15th, Small snow in the night.
• Mar. 17th, Sleet and snow.
• Mar.18th-19th, Heavy snow.
• Mar. 20th, Thawing at noon; water rising.
• Mar. 21st, Cold.
• Mar. 22d, Extraordinary cold.
• Mar. 24th, Sauteurs.
• Mar. 25th, Very stormy.
• Mar. 26th,Moderate.
• Mar. 27th, Warm.
• Mar. 28th, Warm, thunder, lightning.
• Mar. 29th, Warm,thunder, lightning, rain.
• Apr. 1st, Ice breaking up by degrees.
• Apr. 2d-3d, Ice commenced running.
• Apr. 5th, Snow.
• Apr. 6th, River entirely breaks up.
• Apr. 8th, Snow, hail.
• Apr. 9th, Remarkably cold.
• Apr. 11th, Snow falls three inches.

CHAPTER V.

CORRESPONDENCE AND CONFERENCES.[V-1]

Art. 1. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 1, pp. 1, 2.)

Head of the Rapids de Moyen, Aug. 20th, 1805.

Dear General:

I arrived here this day, after what I have considered as rather an unfortunate voyage, having had a series of rainy weather for the first six days, by which means all our biscuit was more or less damaged, they being in very bad and open barrels; and our having got twice so fast on forked sawyers or old trees as to oblige me partly to unload, and staving in a plank on another [sawyer], which nearly sunk our boat before we got on shore and detained us one whole day. These all occasioned unavoidable detentions of two days, and the innumerable islands and sand-bars which,without exaggeration, exceed those of the river below theOhio, have been the cause of much unexpected delay. ButI calculate on getting to Prairie de Chien in at least the same time I was in coming [from St. Louis] here.

We were met yesterday on the Rapids by Mr. William Ewing, who is sent here by the government of the UnitedStates to teach the savages agriculture; and who, I perceive in Governor Harrison’s instructions, is termed an agent of the United States, under the instructions of P. Choteau,with, he says, a salary of $500 per annum. I conceived you did not know of this functionary, else you would have mentioned him to me. He was accompanied by Monsieur LouisTisson Houire [Tesson Honoré[V-2]], who informed me he had calculated on going with me as my interpreter; he said that you had spoken to him on the occasion, and appeared much disappointed when I told him I had no instructions to that effect. He also said he had promised to discover mines,etc., which no person knew but himself; but, as I conceive him much of a hypocrite, and possessing great gasconism, I am happy he was not chosen for my voyage. They brought with them three peroques of Indians, who lightened my barge and assisted me up the Rapids. They expressed great regret at the news of two men having been killed on the river below, which I believe to be a fact, as I have it from various channels, and were very apprehensive they would be censured by our government as the authors [of these murders], though from every inquiry they conceive it not to be the case, and seem to ascribe the murders to the Kickapoos. They strongly requested I would hear what they had to say on the subject; this, with an idea that this place would be a central position for a trading establishment for the Sacs, Reynards, Iowas of the de Moyen, Sioux from the head of said [Des Moines] river, and Paunte [Puants]of the de Roche [Rock river], has induced me to halt part of the day to-morrow. I should say more relative to Messrs.Ewing and Houire, only that they propose visiting you with the Indians who descend, as I understand by your request, in about 30 days, when your penetration will give you le tout ensemble of their characters [note¹⁸, p. 15].

I have taken the liberty of inclosing a letter to Mrs. Piketo your care. My compliments to Lieutenant Wilkinson,and the tender of my highest respects for your lady, with the best wishes for your health and prosperity.

I am, General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

General Wilkinson.

---

Art. 2. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 2, pp. 2-4.)

Prairie du Chien, Sept. 5th, 1805.

Dear General:

I arrived here day before yesterday, and found my interpret ergone in the employ of Mr. Dickson. I then endeavored to gain information relative to crossing the falls; and amidst the ignorance of the Canadians, and all the contradiction in the world, I have learned it is impossible to carry my large barge round the shoot [chute]. I have therefore hired two Schenectady barges, in which I shall embark day after to-morrow, with some expectation and hope of seeing the head of the Mississippi and the town of St. Louis yet this winter.

I have chosen three places for military establishments.The first is on a hill about 40 miles above the river deMoyen rapids, on the W. side of the river, in about 41° 2´N. latitude. The channel of the river runs on that shore;the hill in front is about 60 feet perpendicular, nearly level on the top; 400 yards in the rear is a small prairie fit for gardening; over on the E. side of the river you have an elegant view on an immense prairie, as far as the eye can extend, now and then interrupted by clumps of trees; and,to crown all, immediately under the hill is a limestonespring, sufficient for the consumption of a regiment. The landing is good and bold, and at the point of the hill a road could be made for a wagon in half a day. This place I conceive to be the best to answer the general’s instructions relative to an intermediate post between Prairie de Chien and St. Louis; but if its being on the W. bank is a material objection, about 30 miles above the second Sac village at the third yellow bank on the E. side is a commanding place,on a prairie and most elegantly situated; but it is scarce of timber, and no water but that of the Mississippi. When then thinking of the post to be established at the Ouiscousing[mouth of Wisconsin river], I did not look at the general’s instructions. I therefore pitched on a spot on the top of the hill on the W. side of the Mississippi [at or near McGregor, Clayton Co., Ia.], which is — — feet high, level on the top, and completely commands both rivers, the Mississippi being only one-half mile wide and the Ouiscousing about 900 yards when full. There is plenty of timber in the rear, and a spring at no great distance on the hill. If this position is to have in view the annoyance of any European power who might be induced to attack it with cannon, it has infinitely the preference to a position called the PetitGris on the Ouiscousing, which I visited and marked the next day. This latter position is three miles up the Ouiscousing, on a prairie hill on the W. side, where we should be obliged to get our timber from the other side of the river, and our water out of it; there is likewise a small channel which runs on the opposite side, navigable in high water, which could not be commanded by the guns of the fort, and a hill about three-quarters of a mile in the rear, from which it could be cannonaded.These two positions I have marked by blazing trees, etc. Mr. Fisher of this place will direct any officer who may be sent to occupy them. I found the confluence of the Ouiscousing and Mississippi to be in lat. 43° 28´ 8´´ N.

The day of my arrival at the lead mines, I was taken with a fever which, with Monsieur Dubuque’s having no horses about his house, obliged me to content myself with proposing to him the inclosed queries [Art. 3]; the answers seem to carry with them the semblance of equivocation.

Messrs. Dubuque and Dickson were about sending a number of chiefs to St. Louis, but the former confessing he was not authorized, I have stopped them without in the least dissatisfying the Indians.

Dickson is at Michilimackinac. I cannot say I have experienced much spirit of accommodation from his clerks,when in their power to oblige me; but I beg leave tore commend to your attention Mr. James Aird, who is now in your country, as a gentleman to whose humanity and politeness I am much indebted; also Mr. Fisher of this place, the captain of militia and justice of the peace.

A band of Sioux between here and the Mississippi have applied for two medals, in order that they may have their chiefs distinguished as friends of the Americans: if the general thinks proper to send them here to the care of Mr.Fisher, with any other commands, they may possibly meet me here, or at the falls of St. Anthony, on my return.

[Lacuna here, indicating suppression of certain Spanish privacies.]

The above suggestion would only be acceptable under the idea of our differences with Spain being compromised;as should there be war, the field of action is the sphere foryoung men, where they hope, or at least aspire, to gather laurels or renown to smooth the decline of age, or a glorious death. You see, my dear general, I write to you like a person addressing a father; at the same time I hope you will consider me, not only in a professional but a personal view, one who holds you in the highest respect and esteem.My compliments to Lieutenant Wilkinson, and my highest respects to your lady.

I am, General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

General Wilkinson.

---

Art. 3. The Dubuque Interrogation.[V-3] Queries proposed toMr. Dubuque, with his answers.

1. What is the date of your grant of the mines from the savages —

Ans. The copy of the grant is in Mr. [Antoine Pierre]Soulard’s [Surveyor-general’s] office at St. Louis.

2. What is the date of the confirmation by the Spaniards —

Ans. The same as to query first.

3. What is the extent of your grant —

Ans. The same as above.

4. What is the extent of the mines —

Ans. Twenty-eight or twenty-seven leagues long, and from one to three broad.

5. Lead made per annum —

Ans. From 20,000 to 40,000 pounds.

6. Quantity of lead per cwt. of mineral —

Ans. Seventy-five per cent.

7. Quantity of lead in pigs —

Ans. All we make, as we neither manufacture bar, sheet-lead,nor shot.

8. If mixed with any other mineral —

Ans. We have seen some copper, but having no person sufficiently acquainted with chemistry to make the experiment properly, cannot say as to the proportion it bears to the lead.

[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

Dubuque Lead Mines, Sept. 1st, 1805.

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Art. 4. Speech, Pike to the Sioux[V-4] (Part of Orig. No. 3, pp.6-8), delivered at the entrance of the river St. Peter’s,Sept. 23d, 1803.

Brothers: I am happy to meet you here at this council fire, which your father has sent me to kindle, and to takeyou by the hands as our children, we having lately acquired from the Spanish [read French] the extensive territory ofLouisiana. Our general has thought proper to send out a number of his young warriors to visit all his red children, to tell them his will, and to hear what request they may have to make of their father. I am happy the choice has fallen on me to come this road; as I find my brothers, the Sioux,ready to listen to my words.

Brothers: It is the wish of our government to establish military posts on the Upper Mississippi, at such places as may be thought expedient. I have therefore examined the country, and have pitched on the mouth of the St. Croix, this place [mouth of the Minnesota river], and the Falls of St. Anthony. I therefore wish you to grant to the United States nine miles square at St. Croix; and at this place,from a league below the confluence of St. Peter’s and the Mississippi to a league above St. Anthony, extending three leagues on each side of the river. As we are a people who are accustomed to have all our acts written down, in order to have them handed down to our children, I have drawn up a form of an agreement which we will both sign in the presence of the traders now present. After we know the terms we will fill it up, and have it read and interpreted to you.

Brothers: Those posts are intended as a benefit to you. The old chiefs now present must see that their situation improves by communication with the whites. It is the intention of the United States to establish factories at those posts, in which the Indians may procure all their things at a cheaper and better rate then they do now, or than your traders can afford to sell them to you, as they are single men who come far in small boats. But your fathers are many and strong; they will come with a strong arm, in large boats. There will also be chiefs here, who can attend to the wants of their brothers, without your sending or going all the way to St. Louis; they will see the traders that go up your rivers, and know that they are good men.

Brothers: Another object your father has at heart, is to endeavor to make peace between you and the Chipeways.You have now been a long time at war, and when will you stop — If neither side will lay down the hatchet, your paths will always be red with blood; but if you will consent to make peace, and suffer your father to bury the hatchet between you, I will endeavor to bring down some of the Chipeway chiefs with me to St. Louis, where the good work can be completed under the auspices of your mutual father. I am much pleased to see that the young warriors have halted to hear my words this day; and as I know it is hard for a warrior to be struck and not strike again, I will send word to the chiefs by the first Chipeway I meet, that, if they have not yet felt your tomahawk, it is not because you have not the legs or the hearts of men, but because you have listened to the voice of your father.

Brothers: If their chiefs do not listen to the voice of their father, and continue to commit murders on you and our traders, they will call down the vengeance of the Americans;for they are not like a blind man walking into the fire. They were once at war with us, and joined to all the northern Indians; they were defeated at Roche De Boeuf,and were obliged to sue for peace; that peace we granted them. They know we are not children, but, like all wise people, are slow to shed blood.

Brothers: Your old men probably know that about 30 years ago we were subject to and governed by the king of the English; but he not treating us like children, we would no longer acknowledge him as father; and after ten years’ war, in which he lost 100,000 men, he acknowledged us a free and independent nation. They know that not many years since we received Detroit, Michilimackinac, and all the posts on the lakes from the English; and now — but the other day — Louisiana from the Spanish [French]; so that we put one foot on the sea at the east and the other on the sea at the west; and if once children, are now men. Yet, I think the traders who come from Canada are bad birds amongst the Chipeways, and instigate them to make war on their red brothers the Sioux, in order to prevent our traders from going high up the Mississippi. This I shall inquire into, and if it be so, shall warn those persons of their ill conduct.

Brothers: Mr. Choteau was sent by your father to the Osage nation, with one of his young chiefs.[V-5] He sailed some days before me, and had not time to procure the medals which I am told he promised to send up; but they will be procured.

Brothers: I wish you to have some of your head chiefs ready to go down with me in the spring. From the head of the St. Pierre also, such other chiefs as you may think proper,to the number of four or five. When I pass here on my wayI will send you word at what time you will meet me at the Prairie des Chiens.

Brothers: I expect that you will give orders to all your young warriors to respect my flag, and its protection whichI may extend to the Chipeway chiefs who may come down with me in the spring; for were a dog to run to my lodge for safety, his enemy must walk over me to hurt him.

Brothers: Here is a flag, which I wish to send to the Gens de Feuilles, to show them they are not forgotten by their father. I wish the comrade of their chief to take it on himself to deliver it with my words.

Brothers: I am told that hither to the traders have made a practice of selling rum to you. All of you in your right senses must know that it is injurious, and occasions quarrels, murders, etc., amongst yourselves. For this reason your father has thought proper to prohibit the traders from selling you any rum. Therefore, I hope my brothers the chiefs, when they know of a trader who sells an Indian rum,will prevent that Indian from paying his [that trader’s] credit. This will break up the pernicious practice and oblige your father. But I hope you will not encourage your young men to treat our traders ill from this circumstance, or from a hope of the indulgence formerly experienced; but make your complaints to persons in this country, who will be authorized to do you justice.

Brothers: I now present you with some of your father’s tobacco and other trifling things, as a memorandum of my good will; and before my departure I will give you some liquor to clear your throats.

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Art 5. The Sioux Treaty[V-6] of Sept. 23d, 1805. (Part ofOrig. No. 3, pp. 8, 9.)

Whereas, at a conference held between the United States of America and the Sioux nation of Indians: lieutenant Z. M. Pike, of the army of the United States, and the chiefs and the warriors of said tribe, have agreed to the following articles, which, when ratified and approved of by the proper authority, shall be binding on both parties.

Art. 1. That the Sioux nation grant unto the UnitedStates, for the purpose of establishment of military posts, nine miles square at the mouth of the St. Croix,[*] also from below the confluence of the Mississippi and St. Peters up the Mississippi to include the falls of St. Anthony, extending nine miles on each side of the river, that the Sioux nation grants to the United States the full sovereignty and power over said district for ever.

[*]My demand was one league below: their reply was " from below." — I imagine (without iniquity) they may be made to agree. [Orig. Note.]

Art. 2. That, in consideration of the above grants, theUnited States shall pay (filled up by the senate with 2000dollars.)

Art. 3. The United States promise, on their part, to permit the Sioux to pass and repass, hunt, or make other use of the said districts as they have formerly done without any other exception than those specified in article first.

In testimony whereof we, the undersigned,have hereunto set our hands and seals, at the mouth of the river St. Peters, on the23d day of September, 1805.

Z. M. Pike, 1st lieut. and agent at the above conference.		(L. S.)
Le Petit Corbeau,	his X mark	(L. S.)
Way Ago Enagee,	his X mark	(L. S.)

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Art. 6. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 4, pp. 9-13.)

St. Peters, Nine Miles below the Falls
of St. Anthony, Sept. 23d, 1805.

Dear General:

I arrived here two days since, but shall not be able to depart before day after to-morrow. Three of my men have been up to view the falls, but their reports are so contradictory that no opinion can be formed from them.

All the young warriors of the two villages of Sioux near this place, and many chiefs, had marched against the Chipeways,to revenge a stroke made on their people, the very day after their return from their visit to the Illinois; ten persons were then killed on this ground. I yesterday saw the mausoleum in which all their bodies are deposited, and which is yet daily marked with the blood of those who swear to revenge them. But a runner headed them, andyesterday they all arrived — about 250 persons, in company with those who were in the ponds gathering rice. Amidstthe yelling of the mourners and the salutes of the warriorsthere was a scene worthy the pen of a Robertson [qu. Rev.Wm. Robertson, the Scottish historian, b. 1721, d. 1793 — ]

To-day I held a council on the beach, and made them aspeech, in which I touched on a variety of subjects; but the principal points were, obtaining the lands as specified in the within articles,[V-7] making peace with the Chipeways, and granting such [Chipeway] chiefs as might accompany me down to visit you a safe conduct through their [Sioux]country. These ends were accomplished. You will perceive that we have obtained about 100,000 acres for a song. You will please to observe, General, that the 2d article, relative to consideration, is blank. The reasons for it were as follows: I had to fee privately two of the chiefs, and beside that to make them presents at the council of articles which would in this country be valued at $200, and the others about $50; part of these things were private property purchased here, such as a few scarlet shrouds [strouds], etc. These I was not furnished by the United States; and although the chiefs in the council presented me with the land,yet it is possible your Excellency may think proper to insert the amount of those articles as the considerations to be specified in Article 2d. They have bound me up to many assurances that the posts shall be established; also, that if the Chipeways are obstinate, and continue to kill the Indians who bear our flags (the Chipeways on the Upper Mississippi bearing the English flag) and our traders, we will take them in hand and teach them to lay down the hatchet,as we have once already done. This I was the rather induced to say, as there were some persons present who,although trading under your licenses, I know to be British subjects. A chief by the name of Elan Levie [ — ‰lan Levé[V-8]], then told me to look round on those young warriors on the beach; that not only they, but those of six villages more, were at our command. If possible, I will endeavor to note down their several speeches, and show them you on my return.

I have not a doubt of making Lake Sable [Sandy lake] in pretty good season; but they inform me the source of the river is in Lake La Sang Sue [Leech lake], about 60 leagues further. This I must also see, and hope the General approves of my determination. At those two lakes there are establishments of the N. W. Company. These are both in our country, and time and circumstances only can determine in what manner I shall conduct myself toward them.[*]Mr.[Hugh] M’ Gillis, whose father was a refugee and had his estate confiscated by the Americans, has charge of those factories. He, they say, is a sworn enemy of the UnitedStates. This was told me by a man who I expect was a friend of the N. W. Company; but it had quite a contrary effect to what he intended it to have, as I am determined,should he attempt anything malicious toward me — open force he dare not — to spare no pains to punish him. In fact, the dignity and honor of our government requires that they should be taught to gather their skins in quiet, but even then not in a clandestine manner. Added to this, they are the very instigators of the war between the Chipeways and Sioux, in order that they may monopolize the trade of the Upper Mississippi.

[*] Incorrect — he being a Scotchman, a gentleman, and a man of honor; but this was the information I received at the St. Peters. [Orig. Note.]

The chiefs who were at Saint Louis this spring gave up their English medals to Mr. Chouteau. He promised them to obtain American medals in return, and send them up by some officer. They applied to me for them, and said they were their commissions — their only distinguishing mark from the other warriors. I promised them that I would write you on the occasion, and that you would remedy the evil. The chiefs were very loath to sign the articles relative to the land, asserting that their word of honor for the giftwas sufficient, that it was an impeachment of their probity to require them to bind themselves further, etc. This is a small sample of their way of thinking.

I must mention something to your Excellency relative to the man recommended to me by Mr. Chouteau as interpreter.At the time he solicited this employ he was engaged to Mr. [Robert] Dickson, and on my arrival at the Prairie [du Chien] was gone up the St. Peters. I understand he is to be recommended for the appointment of interpreter to the United States in this quarter. On the contrary, I beg leave to recommend for that appointment Mr. Joseph Reinville,who served as interpreter for the Sioux last spring at the Illinois, and who has gratuitously and willingly, by permission of Mr. [James] Frazer, to whom he is engaged,served as my interpreter in all my conferences with theSioux. He is a man respected by the Indians, and I believe an honest one. I likewise beg leave to recommend to your attention Mr. Frazer, one of the two gentlemen who dined with you, and was destined for the Upper Mississippi. He waited eight or ten days at Prairie [du Chien] for me,detained his interpreter, and thenceforward has continued to evince a zeal to promote the success of my expedition by every means in his power. He is a Vermonter born, and,although not possessing the advantages of a polished education,inherits that without which an education serves but to add to frivolity of character — candor, bravery, and that amorpatria which distinguishes the good of every nation, from Nova Zembla to the [Equatorial] line.

Finding that the traders were playing the devil with their rum, I yesterday in council informed the Indians that their father had prohibited the selling of liquor to them, and that they would oblige him and serve themselves if they would prevent their young men from paying the credits of any trader who sold rum to them, at the same time charging the chiefs to treat them well; as their father, although good,would not again forgive them, but punish with severity any injuries committed on their traders. This, I presume, General, is agreeable to the spirit of the laws. Mr. Frazer immediately set the example, by separating his spirits from the merchandise in his boats, and returning it to the Prairie, although it would materially injure him if the other traders retained and sold theirs. In fact, unless there are some persons at our posts here, when established, who have authority effectually to stop the evil by confiscating the liquors, etc., it will still be continued by the weak and malevolent.

I shall forbear giving you a description of this place until my return, except only to observe that the position for this post is on the point [where Fort Snelling now stands],between the two rivers, which equally commands both; and for that at the St. Croix, on the hill on the lower side of the entrance, on the E. bank of the Mississippi [now Prescott,Pierce Co., Wis.]. Owing to cloudy weather, etc., I have taken no observation here; but the head of Lake Pepin is in 44° 58´ 8´´ N., and we have made very little northing since. The Mississippi is 130 yards wide, and the St. Peters 80 yards at their confluence.

Sept. 24th. This morning Little Corbeau came to see me from the village, he having recovered an article which I suspected had been taken by the Indians. He told me many things which the ceremony of the council would not permit his delivering there; and added, he must tell me that Mr.Roche, who went up the river St. Peters, had in his presence given two kegs of rum to the Indians. The chief asked him why he did so, as he knew it was contrary to the orders of his father, adding that Messrs. Mareir and Tremer[V-9] had left their rum behind them, but that he alone had rum, contrary to orders. Roche then gave the chief 15 bottles of rum,as I suppose to bribe him to silence. I presume he should be taught the impropriety of his conduct when he applies for his license next year.

Above the Falls of St. Anthony, Sept. 26th.

The cloudy weather still continues, and I have not been able to take the latitude. Mr. Frazer has been kind enough to send two of his people across from the Sioux town on theSt. Peters for my dispatches, and the place being dangerous for them, I must haste to dispatch them. Of course, General,the following short sketch of the falls will merely be from le coup d’ — uil. The place where the river falls over the rocks appears to be about 15 feet perpendicular, the sheet being broken by one large island on the E. and a small one on the W., the former commencing below the shoot and extending 500 yards above; the river then falls through a continued bed of rocks, with a descent of at least 50 feet perpendicular in the course of half a mile. Thence to theSt. Peters, a distance of 11 miles by water, there is almost one continued rapid, aggravated by the interruption of 12 small islands. The carrying-place has two hills, one of 25 feet, the other of 12, with an elevation of 45°, and is about three-fourths of a mile in length. Above the shoot, the river is of considerable width; but below, at this time, I can easily cast a stone over it. The rapid or suck continues about half a mile above the shoot, when the water becomes calm and deep. My barges are not yet over, but my trucks are preparing, and I have not the least doubt of succeeding.

The general, I hope, will pardon the tautologies and egotisms of my communications, as he well knows Indian affairs are productive of such errors, and that in a wilderness,detached from the civilized world, everything, even if of little import, becomes magnified in the eyes of the beholder. When I add that my hands are blistered inworking over the rapids, I presume it will apologize for the manner and style of my communications.

I flatter myself with hearing from you at the Prairie, on my way down.

I am, General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

General Wilkinson.

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Art. 7.[V-10] Instructions, Pike to Sergeant Henry Kennerman.(Orig. No. 16, pp. 33, 34.)

Pine Creek Rapids, Oct. 1st, 1805.

You are to remain here with the party under your command,subject to the following instructions: Your guards to consist of one non-commissioned officer and three privates,yourself mounting in regular rotation, making one sentinel by day and by night; until your position is inclosed by pickets, every man is to be employed on that object;after which Sparks is to be employed in hunting; but this will by no means excuse him from his tour of guard at night when in the stockade, but he must be relieved during the day by another man.

Should any Indians visit you previous to having your works complete, divide your men between the two blockhouses,and on no conditions suffer a savage to enter the one where the stores are, and not more than one or two into the other; but should you be so fortunate as not to be discovered until your works are completed, you may admit three, without arms, and no more, to enter at once, at the same time always treating them with as much friendship as is consistent with your own safety.

You are furnished with some tobacco to present them with, but on no condition are you ever to give them one drop of liquor; inform them that I have taken it all with me.From the arrangements I have made with the Sioux it is presumable they will treat you with friendship; but the Chipeways may be disposed to hostilities, and, should you be attacked, calculate on surrendering only with your life. Instruct your men not to fire at random, nor ever, unless the enemy is near enough to make him a point-blank shot. This you must particularly attend to, and punish the first man found acting in contradiction thereto. The greatest economy must be used with the ammunition and provisions. Of the latter I shall furnish Sparks his proportion; and at anytime should a man accompany him for a day’s hunt, furnish him with four or five balls and extra powder, and on his return take what is left away from him. The provisions must be issued agreeably to the following proportion: For four days N. 80 lbs. of fresh venison, elk, or buffalo, or 60 lbs. fresh bear meat, with one quart of salt for that period.The remainder of what is killed keep frozen in the open air as long as possible, or salt and smoke it, so as to lay up meat for my party and us all to descend the river with. If you are obliged, through the failure of your hunter, to issue out of our reserved provisions, you will deliver, for four days, 18 lbs. of pork or bacon, and 18 lbs. of flour only. This will be sufficient, and must in no instance be exceeded. No whisky will be issued after the present barrel is exhausted, at half a gill per man per day.

Our boats are turned up near your gate. You will make a barrel of pitch, and give them a complete repairing to be ready for us to descend in.

I have delivered to you my journals and observations to this place, with a letter accompanying them to his Excellency,General James Wilkinson, which, should I not return by the time hereafter specified, you will convey to him and deliver personally, requesting his permission to deliver the others committed to your charge.

You will observe the strictest discipline and justice in your command. I expect the men will conduct themselves in such a manner that there will be no complaints made on my return, and that they will be ready to account to a higher tribunal. The date of my return is uncertain; but let no information or reports, except from under my own hand,induce you to quit this place until one month after the ice has broken up at the head of the river; when, if I am not arrived, it will be reasonable to suppose that some disastrousevents detain us, and you may repair to St. Louis. You are taught to discriminate between my baggage and UnitedStates’ property. The latter deliver to the assistant military agent at St. Louis, taking his receipts for the same; the former, if in your power, to Mrs. Pike.

Your party is regularly supplied with provisions, to include the 8th of December only, from which time you are entitled to draw on the United States.

[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

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Art. 8. Letter, Pike to Hugh M’Gillis. (Orig. No. 5,pp. 14-16.)

N. W. Establishment on Leech Lake,Feb. [6th], 1805.

Sir:

As [you are] a proprietor of the N. W. Company and director of the Zond [Fond] du Lac department, I conceive it my duty as an officer of the United States, in whose territory you are, to address you solely on the subject of the many houses under your instructions. As a member of the greatest commercial nation in the world, and of a company long renowned for their extent of connections and greatness of views, you cannot be ignorant of the rigor of the laws of the duties on imports of a foreign power.

Mr. Jay’s treaty, it is true, gave the right of trade with the savages to British subjects in the United States territories,but by no means exempted them from paying the duties,obtaining licenses, and subscribing unto all the rules and restrictions of our laws. I find your establishments at every suitable place along the whole extent of the south side ofLake Superior to its head, thence to the source of the Mississippi,and down Red River, and even extending to the center of our newly acquired territory of Louisiana, in which it will probably yet become a question between the two governments,whether our treaties will authorize British subjects to enter into the Indian trade on the same footing asin the other parts of our frontiers, this not having been an integral part of the United States at the time of said treaty.Our traders to the south, on the Lower Mississippi, complain to our government, with justice, that the members of the N. W. Company encircle them on the frontiers of ourN. W. territory, and trade with the savages upon superior terms to what they can afford, who pay the duties on their goods imported from Europe, and subscribe to the regulations prescribed by law.

These representations have at length attracted the attention of our government to the object in question, and, with an intention to do themselves as well as citizens justice, they last year took some steps to ascertain the facts and make provision against the growing evil. With this, and also with some geographical and local objects in view, was I dispatched with discretionary orders, with a party of troops, to the source of the Mississippi. I have found, Sir, your commerce and establishments extending beyond our most exaggerated ideas; and in addition to the injury done our revenue by evasion of the duties, other acts done which are more particularly injurious to the honor and dignity of our government.The transactions alluded to are the presenting medals of his Britannic Majesty, and flags of the said government,to the chiefs and warriors resident in the territory of the United States. As political subjects are strictly prohibited to our traders, what would be the ideas of the executive to see foreigners making chiefs, and distributing flags,the standard of an European power — The savages being accustomed to look on that standard, which was the only prevailing one for years, as that which alone has authority in the country, it would not be in the least astonishing to see them revolt from the United States’ limited subjection which is claimed over them by the American government, and thereby be the cause of their receiving a chastisement which, although necessary, yet would be unfortunate, as they would have been led astray by the policy of the traders of your country.

I must likewise observe, Sir, that your establishments, if properly known, would be looked on with an eye of dissatisfaction by our government, for another reason, viz., there being so many furnished posts, in case of a rupture between the two powers the English government would not fail to make use of those as places of deposit of arms, ammunition,etc., to be distributed to the savages who joined their arms,to the great annoyance of our territory, and the loss of the lives of many of our citizens. Your flags, Sir, when hoisted in inclosed works, are in direct contradiction of the law of nations, and their practice in like cases, which only admits of foreign flags being expanded on board of vessels, and at the residences of ambassadors or consuls. I am not ignorant of the necessity of your being in such a position as to protect yourself from the sallies of drunken savages,or the more deliberate plans of intending plunderers;and under those considerations have I considered your stockades.

You, and the company of which you are a member, must be conscious from the foregoing statement that strict justice would demand, and I assure you that the law directs, under similar circumstances, a total confiscation of your property,personal imprisonment, and fines. But having discretionary instructions and no reason to think the above conduct to be dictated through ill-will or disrespect to our government,and conceiving it in some degree departing from the character of an officer to embrace the first opportunity of executing those laws, I am willing to sacrifice my prospect of private advantage, conscious that the government looks not to its interest, but to its dignity in the transaction. I have therefore to request of you assurances on the following heads which, setting aside the chicanery of law, as a gentleman you will strictly adhere to:

1st. That you will make representations to your agents,at your headquarters on Lake Superior, of the quantity of goods wanted the ensuing spring for your establishments in the territory of the United States, in time sufficient (or asearly as possible) for them to enter them at the C. H. of Michilimackinac, and obtain a clearance and license to trade in due form.

2d. That you will give immediate instructions to all the posts in said territory under your direction, at no time and under no pretense whatever to hoist, or suffer to be hoisted,the English flag. If you conceive a flag necessary, you may make use of that of the United States, which is the only one which can be admitted.

3d. That you will on no further occasion present a flag or medal to an Indian, or hold councils with any of them on political subjects, or others foreign from that of trade;but that, on being applied to on those heads, you will refer them to the American agents, informing them that these are the only persons authorized to hold councils of a political nature with them.

There are many other subjects, such as the distribution of liquor, etc., which would be too lengthy to be treated of in detail. But the company will do well to furnish themselves with our laws regulating commerce with the savages,and regulate themselves in our territories accordingly.

I embrace this opportunity to acknowledge myself and command under singular obligations to yourself and agents for the assistance which you have rendered us, and the polite treatment with which we have been honored. With sentiments of high respect for the establishment and yourself,

I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Z. M. Pike.

Hugh M’Gillis, Esq.,
Proprietor and Agent of the N. W. Company
established at Zond [Fond] Du Lac.

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Started Here - Strickland

Art. 9. Letter, Hugh M’Gillis to Pike. (Orig. No. 6,pp. 17-19.)

Leech Lake, Feb. 15th, 1806.

Sir:

Your address presented on the 6th inst. has attracted my most serious consideration to the several objects of duties on importations; of presents made to, and our consultations with, Indians; of inclosing our stores and dwelling-houses;and finally, of the custom obtaining to hoist the British flag in the territory belonging to the United States of America. I shall at as early a period as possible present the agents of the N. W. Company with your representations regarding the paying duties on the importation of goods to be sent to our establishments within the bounds of the territory of the United States, as also their being entered at the custom house of Michilimackinac; but I beg to be allowed to present for consideration, that the major part of the goods necessary to be sent to the said establishments for the trade of the ensuing year, are now actually in our store sat Kamanitiguia, our headquarters on Lake Superior, and that it would cause us vast expense and trouble to be obliged to convey those goods back to Michilimackinac to be entered at the custom-house office. We therefore pray that the word of gentlemen with regard to the quantity and quality of the said goods, to be sent to said establishment,may be considered as equivalent to the certainty of a custom-house register. Our intention has never been to injure your traders, paying the duties established by law. We hope those representations to your government respecting our concerns with the Indians may have been dictated with truth, and not exaggerated by envy to prejudice our interests and to throw a stain on our character which may require time to efface from the minds of a people to whom we must ever consider ourselves indebted for that lenity of procedure of which the present is so notable a testimony. The inclosures to protect our stores and dwelling-houses from theinsults and barbarity of savage rudeness, have been erected for the security of my property and person in a country,till now, exposed to the wild will of the frantic Indians. We never formed the smallest idea that the said inclosures might ever be useful in the juncture of a rupture between the two powers, nor do we now conceive that such poor shifts will ever be employed by the British government in a country overshadowed with wood so adequate to every purpose. Forts might in a short period of time be built far superior to any stockades we may have occasion to erect.

STOPPED HERE ENGL 303

We were not conscious, Sir, of the error I acknowledgewe have been guilty of committing, by exhibiting to viewon your territory any standard of Great Britain. I will pledge myself to your government, that I will use myutmost endeavors, as soon as possible, to prevent the futuredisplay of the British flag, or the presenting of medals, orthe exhibiting to public view any other mark of Europeanpower, throughout the extent of territory known to belongto the dominion of the United States. The custom has long been established and we innocently and inoffensively,as we imagined, have conformed to it till the presentday.

Be persuaded that on no consideration shall any Indian be entertained on political subjects, or on any affairs foreign to our trade; and that reference shall be made to the American agents, should any application be made worthysuch reference. Be also assured that we, as a commercialcompany, must find it ever our interests to interfere as littleas possible with affairs of government in the course oftrade, ignorant as we are in this rude and distant countryof the political views of nations.

We are convinced that the inestimable advantages arisingfrom the endeavors of your government to establish a more peaceful course of trade in this part of the territory belonging to the United States are not acquired through the mereliberality of a nation, and we are ready to contribute to theexpense necessarily attending them. We are not averse topaying the common duties established by law, and will everbe ready to conform ourselves to all rules and regulationsof trade that may be established according to commonjustice.

I beg to be allowed to say that we have reason to hopethat every measure will be adopted to secure and facilitate the trade with the Indians; and these hopes seem to be confirmed beyond the smallest idea of doubt, when we seea man sent among us who, instead of private considerationsto pecuniary views, prefers the honor, dignity, and lenity ofhis government, and whose transactions are in every respectso conformable to equity. When we behold an armedforce ready to protect or chastise as necessity or policy maydirect, we know not how to express our gratitude to thatpeople whose only view seems to be to promote the happinessof all, the savages that rove over the wild confines oftheir domains not excepted.

It is to you, Sir, we feel ourselves most greatly indebted, whose claim to honor, esteem, and respect will ever be heldin high estimation by myself and associates. The dangerand hardships, by your fortitude vanquished and by yourperseverance overcome, are signal, and will ever be preservedin the annals of the N. W. Company. Were it solely fromconsideration of those who have exposed their lives in along and perilous march through a country where they hadevery distress to suffer, and many dangers to expect, — andthis with a view to establish peace in a savage country, — weshould think ourselves under the most strict obligation toassist them. But we know we are in a country where hospitalityand gratitude are to be considered above everyother virtue, and therefore have offered for their relief whatour poor means will allow: and, Sir, permit me to embracethis opportunity to testify that I feel myself highly honoredby your acceptance of such accommodations as my humbleroof could afford.

With great consideration and high respect for the governmentof the United States, allow me to express my esteemand regard for yourself.

I am, Sir,
Your obedient humble servant,
[Signed] H. M’Gillis,
Of N. W. Company

Lieut. Pike,
1st. Regt. United States Infantry.

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Art. 10. Speech, Pike to the Sauteaux, in a Council at LeechLake, Feb. 16th, 1806. (Orig. No. 7, pp. 19-22.)

Brothers: A few months since the Spaniards shut up the mouth of the Mississippi, and prevented the Americans from floating down to the sea. This your father, the Presidentof the United States, would not admit of. He thereforetook such measures as to open the river, remove theSpaniards from both sides of the Mississippi to a great distanceon the other side of the Missouri, and open the roadfrom the ocean of the east to that of the west. The Americansbeing then at peace with all the world, your greatfather, the President of the United States, began to lookround on his red children, in order to see what he could doto render them happy and sensible of his protection. Forthat purpose he sent two of his Captains, Lewis and Clark,up the Missouri, to pass on to the west sea, in order to seeall his new children, to go round the world that way, andreturn by water. They stayed the first winter at the Mandane’s[V-11]village, where you might have heard of them. Thisyear your great father directed his great war-chief (GeneralWilkinson) at St. Louis, to send a number of his youngwarriors up the Missouri, Illinois, Osage River, and othercourses, to learn the situation of his red children, to encouragethe good, punish the bad, and make peace between themall by persuading them to lay by the hatchet and follow theyoung warriors to St. Louis, where the great war-chief willopen their ears that they may hear the truth, and their eyes,to see what is right.

Brothers: I was chosen to ascend the Mississippi, tobear to his red children the words of their father; and theGreat Spirit has opened the eyes and ears of all the nationsthat I have passed to listen to my words. The Sauks andReynards are planting corn and raising cattle. The Winnebagoscontinue peaceable, as usual, and even the Sioux havelaid by the hatchet at my request. Yes, my brothers,the Sioux, who have so long and so obstinately waged waragainst the Chipeways, have agreed to lay by the hatchet,smoke the calumet, and become again your brothers, as theywere wont to be.[V-12]

Brothers: You behold the pipe of Wabasha as a proofof what I say. Little Corbeau, Tills [Fils] De Pinchow, andL’Aile Rouge had marched 250 warriors to revenge theblood of their women and children, slain last year at the St.Peters. I sent a runner after them, stopped their march,and met them in council at the mouth of the St. Peters,where they promised to remain peaceable until my return;and if the Ouchipawah [Chippewa] chiefs accompanied me,to receive them as brothers and accompany us to St. Louis,there to bury the hatchet and smoke the pipe in the presenceof our great war-chief; and to request him to punishthose who first broke the peace.

Brothers: I sent flags and a message up the St. Petersto the bands of Sioux on that river, requesting them toremain quiet, and not to go to war. The People of theLeaves [Gens des Feuilles] received my message and sentme word that they would obey; but the Yanctongs andSussitongs had left the St. Peters previous to my messagearriving, and did not receive it. When I left my fort theyhad appointed a day for 50 of their chiefs and warriors tocome and see me, but I could not wait for them; so that,as to their dispositions for peace or war, I cannot answerpositively.

Brothers: I have therefore come to fetch some of your approved chiefs with me to St. Louis.

Brothers: In speaking to you I speak to brave warriors.It is therefore not my intention to deceive you. Possiblywe may meet with some bad people who may wish to do usill; but if so, we will die together, certain that our fathers,the Americans, will settle with them for our blood.

Brothers: I find you have received from your traders English medals and flags. These you must deliver up, andyour chiefs who go with me shall receive others from theAmerican government, in their room.

Brothers: Traders have no authority to make chiefs; and in doing this they have done what is not right. It isonly great chiefs, appointed by your fathers, who have thatauthority. But at the same time you are under considerableobligations to your traders, who come over large waters,high mountains, and up swift falls, to supply you withclothing for your women and children, and ammunition foryour hunters, to feed you, and keep you from perishing withcold.

Brothers: Your chiefs should see your traders done justice, oblige your young men to pay their credits, andprotect them from insults; and your traders, on their part,must not cheat the Indians, but give them the value oftheir skins.

Brothers: Your father is going to appoint chiefs of hisown to reside among you, to see justice done to his whiteand red children, who will punish those who deserve punishment,without reference to the color of their skin.

Brothers: I understand that one of your young men killed an American at Red Lake last year, but the murderer is far off. Let him keep so — send him where wenever may hear of him more; for were he here I would be obliged to demand him of you, and make my young men shoot him. My hands on this journey are yet clear of blood — maythe Great Spirit keep them so!

Brothers: We expect, in the summer, soldiers to cometo the St. Peters. Your chiefs who go with me may eithercome up with them, or some traders who return sooner.They may make their selection.

Brothers: Your father finds that the rum with whichyou are supplied by the traders is the occasion of quarrels,murders, and bloodshed; and that, instead of buyingclothing for your women and children, you spend your skinsin liquor, etc. He has determined to direct his youngwarriors and chiefs to prohibit it, and keep it from amongyou. But I have found the traders here with a great dealof rum on hand. I have therefore given them permissionto sell what they have, that you may forget it by degrees,against next year, when none will be suffered to come in thecountry.

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Art. 11. Speeches, Chippewa Chiefs[V-13] to Pike, at Leech Lake,Feb. 16th, 1806. (Orig. No. 8, pp. 22, 23.)

1st. Sucre of Red lake (Wiscoup).

My father: I have heard and understood the words ofour great father. It overjoys me to see you make peaceamong us. I should have accompanied you had my familybeen present, and would have gone to see my father, thegreat war-chief.

My father: This medal I hold in my hands I receivedfrom the English chiefs. I willingly deliver it up to you.Wabasha’s calumet, with which I am presented, I receivewith all my heart. Be assured that I will use my bestendeavors to keep my young men quiet. There is my calumet.I send it to my father the great war-chief. Whatdoes it signify that I should go to see him — Will not mypipe answer the same purpose —

My father: You will meet with the Sioux on yourreturn. You will make them smoke my pipe, and tell themthat I have let fall my hatchet.

My father: Tell the Sioux on the upper part of theriver St. Peters to mark trees with the figure of a calumet,that we of Red Lake who may go that way, should we seethem, may make peace with them, being assured of theirpacific disposition when we see the calumet marked on thetrees.

2d. The Chief de la Terre of Leech lake (Obigouitte).

My father: I am glad to hear that we and the Siouxare now brothers, peace being made between us. If I havereceived a medal from the English traders, it was not asa mark of rank or distinction, as I considered it, but merelybecause I made good hunts and paid my debts. Had Sucrebeen able to go and see our father, the great war-chief,I should have accompanied him; but I am determined togo to Michilimackinac next spring to see my brothers theAmericans.

3d. Geuelle Platte of Leech lake (Eskibugeckoge).

My father: My heart beat high with joy when I heardthat you had arrived, and that all the nations through whichyou passed had received and made peace among them.

My father: You ask me to accompany you to meet ourfather, the great war-chief. This I would willingly do, butcertain considerations prevent me. I have sent my calumetto all the Sauteaux who hunt round about, to assemble toform a war-party; should I be absent, they, when assembled,might strike those with whom we have made peace, andthus kill our brothers. I must therefore remain here toprevent them from assembling, as I fear that there aremany who have begun already to prepare to meet me. Ipresent you with the medal of my uncle here present. Hereceived it from the English chiefs as a recompense for hisgood hunts. As for me, I have no medal here; it is at mytent, and I will cheerfully deliver it up. That medal wasgiven me by the English traders, in consideration of somethingthat I had done; and I can say that three-fourths ofthose here present belong to me.

My father: I promise you, and you may confide inmy word, that I will preserve peace; that I bury myhatchet; and that even should the Sioux come and strikeme, for the first time I would not take up my hatchet; butshould they come and strike me a second time, I would digup my hatchet and revenge myself.

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Art. 12. Extract of a letter, Pike to Robert Dickson, LowerRed Cedar Lake, Feb. 26th, 1806. (Orig. No. 9, pp. 23, 24.)

Mr. Grant was prepared to go on a trading voyage amongthe Fols Avoins; but that was what I could not by anymeans admit of, and I hope that, on a moment’s reflection,you will admit the justice of my refusal. For what couldbe a greater piece of injustice than for me to permit you tosend goods, illegally brought into the country, down intothe same quarter, to trade for the credits of men who havepaid their duties, regularly taken out licenses, and in otherrespects acted conformably to law — They might exclaimwith justice, "What! Lt. Pike, not content with sufferingthe laws to slumber when it was his duty to have executedthem, has now suffered the N. W. Company’s agents to comeeven here to violate them, and injure the citizens of theUnited States — certainly he must be corrupted to admit this."

This, Sir, would be the natural conclusion of all persons.

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Art. 13. Letter, Pike to La Jeunesse. (Orig. No. 10, p. 24.)

Grand Isle, Upper Mississippi, Apr. 9th, 1806.

Sir:

Being informed that you have arrived here with an intentionof selling spirituous liquors to the savages of thisquarter, together with other merchandise under your charge,I beg leave to inform you that the sale of spirituous liquorson the Indian territories, to any savages whatsoever, is contraryto a law of the United States for regulating trade withthe savages and preserving peace on the frontiers; and thatnotwithstanding the custom has hitherto obtained on theUpper Mississippi, no person whatsoever has authoritytherefor. As the practice may have a tendency to occasionbroils and dissensions among the savages, thereby occasioningbloodshed and an infraction of the good understandingwhich now, through my endeavors, so happily exists, I have,at your particular request, addressed you this note in writing,informing you that in case of an infraction I shall conceiveit my duty, as an officer of the United States, to prosecuteaccording to the pains and penalties of the law.

I am, Sir,
With all due consideration,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

Mr. La Jennesse.

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Art. 14. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 11, pp. 25, 26.)

Prairie De Chien, Apr. 18, 1806.

Dear General:

I arrived here within the hour, and as Mr. Jearreau, ofCahokia, embarks for St. Louis early to-morrow morning, Iembrace this opportunity to give a slight sketch of theevents of my expedition. Being obliged to steal the hoursfrom my repose, I hope the General will pardon the concisenessof my epistle.

I pushed forward last October with all eagerness, in hopesto make Lake De Sable, and return to St. Louis in theautumn. The weather was mild and promising until themiddle of the month, when a sudden change took place andthe ice immediately commenced running. I was then consciousof my inability to return, as the falls and other obstacleswould retain me until the river would close. I thenconceived it best to station part of my men, and push mydiscovery with the remainder on foot. I marched with 11soldiers and my interpreter, 700 miles, to the source of theMississippi, through (I may without vanity say) as manyhardships as almost any party of Americans ever experienced,by cold and hunger. I was on the communication of Redriver and the Mississippi, the former being a water of Hudson’sbay.[V-14] The British flag, which was expanded on somevery respectable positions, has given place to that of theUnited States wherever we passed; likewise, we have thefaith and honor of the N. W. Company for about $13,000duties this year; and by the voyage peace is establishedbetween the Sioux and Sauteurs. These objects I havebeen happy enough to accomplish without the loss of oneman, although once fired on. I expect hourly the Sussitongs,Yanctongs, Wachpecoutes, and three other bands ofSioux; some are from the head of the St. Peters, and somefrom the plains west of that river. From here I bring withme a few of the principal men only, agreeably to your orders;also, some chiefs of the Fols Avoins or Menomones, andWinebagos, the latter of whom have murdered three mensince my passing here last autumn. The murderers I shalldemand, and am in expectation of obtaining two, for whomI now have irons making, and expect to have them with meon my arrival. Indeed, Sir, the insolence of the savages inthis quarter is unbounded; and unless an immediate exampleis made, we shall certainly be obliged to enter into ageneral war with them.

My party has been some small check to them this winter,as I was determined to preserve the dignity of our flag, ordie in the attempt.

I presume, General, that my voyage will be productive ofmuch new, useful, and interesting information for our government,although detailed in the unpolished diction of asoldier of fortune.

The river broke up at my stockade, 600 miles above here,on the 7th inst., and Lake Pepin was passable for boats onlyon the 14th. Thus you may perceive, Sir, I have not beenslow in my descent, leaving all the traders behind me.From the time it will take to make my arrangements, andthe state of the water, I calculate on arriving at the cantonment[Belle Fontaine] on the 4th of May; and hope myGeneral will be assured that nothing but the most insurmountableobstacles shall detain me one moment.

N. B. I beg leave to caution the General against attendingto the reports of any individuals relating to this country,as the most unbounded prejudices and party rancor pervadealmost generally.

I am, dear Sir,
With great consideration,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

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Art. 15.[V-15] Speech, Pike to the Puants at Prairie Du Chien,Apr. 20th, 1806. (Part of Orig. No. 12, pp. 26, 27.)

Brothers: When I passed here last autumn I requestedto see you on my return. I am pleased to see you havelistened to my words. It pleased the Great Spirit to openthe ears of all the nations through which I passed, to hearand attend to the words of their father. Peace has beenestablished between two of the most powerful nations inthis quarter.

Not withstanding all this, some of your nation have beenbold enough to kill some of the white people. Not contentwith firing on the canoes descending the Ouiscousing lastautumn, they have killed a man on Rock river, when sittingpeaceably in his tent. They have also recently murdered ayoung man near this place, without any provocation whatever.As an officer of the United States, it is my duty todemand the murderers; and I do now demand them.

Brothers: In this action I am not influenced or urgedby any individual of this place, or the people generally; nomore than as it is my duty to give all our citizens all theprotection in my power. I will not deceive you. If theprisoners are delivered to me, I shall put them in irons,under my guards, and in all instances treat them as menguilty of a capital crime; on their arrival below, they willbe tried for their lives; and if it be proved they have killedthese people without provocation, in all probability theywill be put to death. If, on the contrary, it is proved thatthe whites were the aggressors, and it was only self-defence,it will be deemed justifiable, and they will be sent back totheir nation.

It becomes you to consider well whether in case of arefusal you are sufficiently powerful to protect these menagainst the power of the United States, which have always,since the treaty of 1795, treated all the savages as theirchildren; but if they are obliged to march troops to punishthe many murders committed on their citizens, then theinnocent will suffer with the guilty.

My demand will be reported in candor and truth below;when the general will take such steps as he may deemproper. But I hope, for the sake of your innocent womenand children, you will do us and yourselves justice. I wasdirected to invite a few chiefs down with me to St. Louis.Many of different bands are about to descend with me. Inow give an invitation to two or three of your principalmen to descend with me. Whatever are your determinations,I pledge the faith of a soldier for a safe conduct backto your nation. At present, I am not instructed to act byforce to procure those men, therefore you will consideryourselves as acting without restraint, and under free deliberations.

They replied that they thanked me for the generous andcandid manner in which I had explained myself, and thatthey would give me an answer to-morrow.

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Art. 16. Further Conferences with Indians at Prairie duChien, Apr. 21st, 1806. (Part of Orig. No. 12, pp. 27-29.)

The Puants met me in council, agreeably to promise.Karamone, their chief, addressed me, and said they hadcome to reply to my demand of yesterday. He requestedthat I, with the traders, would listen. A soldier calledLittle Thunder then arose and said: "The chiefs were forgiving up the murderer present; but it was the opinion ofthe soldiers that they should themselves take him with theothers to their father. But if I preferred their taking onedown now, they would do it; if, on the contrary, I expectedall three, they would immediately depart in pursuit of theothers, and bring them all together to their father. That ifhe did not bring them he would deliver himself up to theAmericans." I replied: "He must not attempt to deceive.That I had before told him that I was not authorized toseize their men by force of arms, but that I wished to knowexplicitly the time when we might expect them at St. Louis,in order that our general should know what steps to takein case they did not arrive. That the consequence of a non-compliancewould be serious to themselves and their children.Also that they had recently hoisted a British flagnear this place which, had I been here, I should have prevented.I advised them to bring their British flags andmedals down to St. Louis, to deliver them up, and receiveothers in exchange." Their reply was: "In ten days to thePrairie, and thence to St. Louis in ten days more."

Held a council with the Sioux, in which the chiefs of theYanctongs, Sussitongs, Sioux of the head of the De Moyen,and part of the Gens Du Lac were present. Wabasha firstspoke, in answer to my speech, wherein I had recapitulatedthe conduct of the Sauteurs, their desire and willingness forpeace, their arrangements for next summer, the pipes theyhad sent, etc. Also, the wish of the general for some ofthe chiefs to descend below. Recommended the situationand good intentions of the young chiefs at the mouth ofthe St. Peters, to the others; and that they should givethem assistance to keep the bad men in awe.

They all acquiesced in the peace with the Sauteurs, butsaid generally they doubted their bad faith, as they hadexperienced it many a time. Nez Corbeau said he had beenaccused of being hired to kill Mr. Dixon [Dickson], but hehere solemnly denied ever having been instigated to anysuch action.

Tonnere Rouge then arose and said: Jealousy was in agreat measure the principal cause of his descending. Thatif any trader ever had cause to complain of him, now lethim do it publicly. That last year an officer went up theMissouri, gave flags and medals, made chiefs, and playedthe devil and all. That this year liquor was restricted [forbidden]to the Indians on the Louisiana side, and permittedon this. He wished to know the reason of those arrangements.

I replied that the officer who ascended the Missouri wasauthorized by their father; and that to make chiefs of them,etc., was what I now invited them down for. As to liquor,it was too long an explanation to give them here, but itwould be explained to them below; and that in a very shorttime liquor would be restricted on both sides of the river.

The Puants in the evening came to the house, and Macraragah,alias Merchant, spoke: That last spring he hadembarked to go down to St. Louis; but at De Buques[Dubuque’s] the Reynards gave back. That when he sawme last autumn he gave me his hand without shame; butsince it had pleased the father of life to cover them withshame, they now felt themselves miserable. They imploredme to present their flags and medals to the general, as aproof of their good intentions; and when I arrived at St.Louis, to assure the general they were not far behind. Thechiefs and the soldiers would follow with the murderers;but begged I would make their road clear, etc. Deliveredhis pipe and flag.

Karamone then spoke, with apparent difficulty; assuredme of the shame, disgrace, and distress of their nation, andthat he would fulfill what the others had said; said that hesent by me the medal of his father, which he consideredhimself no longer worthy to wear — putting it around myneck, trembling — and begged me to intercede with thegeneral in their favor, etc.

I assured him that the American was a generous nation,not confounding the innocent with the guilty; that whenthey had delivered up the three or four dogs who hadcovered them with blood, we would again look on them asour children; advised them to take courage that, if theydid well, they should be treated well; said that I would tellthe general everything relative to the affair; also, theirrepentance, and determination to deliver themselves andthe murderers, and that I would explain about their flagsand medals.

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Art. 17. Letter, Pike to Campbell and Fisher. (Orig. No. 13,pp. 29, 30.)

(Notice to Messrs. Campbell and Fisher, for taking depositionsagainst the murderers of the Puant nation.)

Prairie des Chiens, Apr. 20th, 1806.

Gentlemen:

Having demanded of the Puants the authors of the lateatrocious murders, and understanding that it is their intentionto deliver them to me, I have to request of you, asmagistrates of this territory, that you will have all thedepositions of those facts taken which it is in your powerto procure; and if at any future period, previous to the finaldecisions of their fate, further proofs can be obtained, thatyou will have them properly authenticated and forwardedto his Excellency, General Wilkinson.

I am, Gentlemen,
With respect,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

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Art. 18. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 14,pp. 30, 31.)

Fort St. Louis, May 26th, 1806.

Dear Sir:

I have hitherto detained the medals and flags, intendingto present them to you at the final conclusion of myvouchers on the subject of my correspondence with thesavages. But in order that the general might know ofwhom I had obtained medals and flags, I gave him a memorandumwhen I handed in my vouchers on the subject ofthe N. W. Company. Now I have thought proper to sendthem by the bearer, marked with the names of the chiefsfrom whom I obtained them.

I also send you a pipe and beaver robe of Tonnere Rouge,as they are the handsomest of any which I received on thewhole route. I have several other pipes, two sacks, and onerobe; but as they bore no particular message, I conceivedthe general would look on it as a matter of no consequence;indeed, none except the Sauteurs’ [presents] were accompaniedby a talk, but just served as an emblem of the goodwill of the moment. I likewise send the skins of the lynxand brelaw [badger], as the general may have an opportunityto forward them.

Some gentlemen have promised me a mate for my dog;if I obtain him, the pair, or the single one with the sleigh,is at the general’s service, to be transmitted to the States aswe determined on doing. I mentioned in my memorandumsthe engagements I was under relative to the flags or medals,and should any early communications be made to thatcountry, I hope the subject may not be forgotten. I havelabeled each article with the name of those from whomI obtained them; also the names of the different animals.

I am, sir,
With esteem and high consideration,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

General James Wilkinson.

My faith was pledged to the savage chiefs for the replacingof the medals and flags of the British government whichthey surrendered me, by others of the same magnitude ofthe United States; but owing to the change of agents, anda variety of circumstances, it was never fulfilled. This hasleft a number of the Sioux and Sauteur chiefs without theirdistinguishing marks of dignity, and has induced them tolook on my conduct toward them as a premeditated fraud.This would render my life in danger should I ever returnamongst them, and the situation of any other officer whoshould presume to make a similar demand extremely delicate;besides, it has compromitted with those savage warriorsthe faith of our government, which, to enable anygovernment ever to do good, should be held inviolate.[V-16]

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Art. 19. Letter,[V-17] Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 15,pp. 31-33.)

Bellefontaine, July 2d, 1806.

Dear Sir:

I have at length finished all my reports, observations, andjournals, which arose from my late voyage to the source ofthe Mississippi, and hope they may prove interesting, fromthe information on different subjects which they contain.

I perceive that I differ materially from Captain Lewis[V-18] inmy account of the numbers, manners, and morals of theSioux. But our reception by that nation at the first interviewbeing so different, it no doubt left an impression onour minds, which may have, unknown to ourselves, givena cast to our observations. I will not only vouch for theauthenticity of my account as to numbers, arms, etc., frommy own notes, but from having had them revised and correctedby a gentleman[V-19] of liberal education, who has resided18 years in that nation, speaks their language, and for someyears past has been collecting materials for their natural andphilosophical history.

I have not attempted to give an account of nations ofIndians whom I did not visit, except the Assinniboins, whom,from their intimate connection with the Sioux, in a linealpoint of view, it would have been improper to leave out ofthe catalogue.

The correctness of the geographical parts of the voyageI will vouch for, as I spared neither time, fatigue, nordanger, to see for myself every part connected with myimmediate route.

As the general already knows, at the time I left St. Louisthere were no instruments proper for celestial observations,excepting those which he furnished me, which were inadequateto taking the longitude; neither had I the propertables or authors to accomplish that object, though it can nodoubt be ascertained by various charts at different points ofmy route. Nor had I proper time-pieces or instruments formeteorological observations. Those made were from animperfect instrument which I purchased in the town of St.Louis.

I do not possess the qualifications of the naturalist, andeven had they been mine, it would have been impossibleto gratify them to any great extent, as we passed withrapidity over the country we surveyed, which was coveredwith snow six months out of the nine I was absent. Andindeed, my thoughts were too much engrossed in makingprovision for the exigencies of the morrow to attempt ascience which requires time, and a placidity of mind whichseldom fell to my lot.

The journal in itself will have little to strike the imagination,being but a dull detail of our daily march, andcontaining many notes which should have come into thegeographical part; others of observations on the savagecharacter, and many that were never intended to be includedin my official report.

The daily occurrences written at night, frequently by firelight,when extremely fatigued, and the cold so severe as tofreeze the ink in my pen, of course have little claim to eleganceof expression or style; but they have truth to recommendthem, which, if always attended to, would strip thepages of many of our journalists of their most interestingoccurrences.

The general will please to recollect also, that I hadscarcely returned to St. Louis before the [Arkansaw] voyagenow in contemplation was proposed to me; and that, aftersome consideration my duty, and inclination in some respects,induced me to undertake it. The preparations formy new voyage prevented the possibility of my paying thatattention to the correction of my errors that I should otherwisehave done. This, with the foregoing reasons, will, Ihope, be deemed a sufficient apology for the numerouserrors, tautologies, and egotisms which will appear.

I am, dear General,
With great respect,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike,
Lt. 1st Regt. Infty.

General James Wilkinson.

CHAPTER VI.

COMMERCE OF THE MISSISSIPPI.[VI-1]

Observations on the trade, views, and policy of the NorthWest Company, and the national objects connected withtheir commerce, as it interests the Government of theUnited States.[VI-2]

The fur-trade in Canada has always been considered anobject of the first importance to that colony, and hasbeen cherished by the respective governors of that provinceby every regulation in their power, under both the Frenchand English administrations. The great and almost unlimitedinfluence the traders of that country acquired over thesavages was severely felt, and will long be remembered bythe citizens on our frontiers. Every attention was paid bythe cabinet of St. James, in our treaty with Great Britain, tosecure to their Canadian subjects the privilege of the Indiantrade within our territories, and with what judgment theyhave improved the advantages obtained by the mothercountry, time will soon unfold.

In the year 1766, the trade was first extended fromMichilimackinac, to the northwest, by a few desperateadventurers, whose mode of life on the voyage, and shortresidence in civilized society, obtained for them the appellationof Coureurs des Bois. From those trifling beginningsarose the present North West Company, who, notwithstandingthe repeated attacks made on their trade, havewithstood every shock, and are now, by the coalition of thelate X. Y. Company, established on so firm a basis as tobid defiance to every opposition which can be made byprivate individuals.

They, by a late purchase of the king’s posts in Canada,extend their line of trade from Hudson’s Bay to the St.Lawrence, and up that river on both sides to the Lakes;thence to the head of Lake Superior, at which place theNorth West Company have their headquarters; thence tothe source of Red river and all its tributary streams throughthe country to the Missouri; through the waters of LakeWinipie to the Saskashawin; on that river to its source;up Elk river to the Lake of the Hills; up Peace river tothe Rocky mountains; from the Lake of the Hills [Lac desButtes, old French name of Lake Athapasca] up Slave riverto Slave Lake. This year they have dispatched a Mr. [(notSir) Alexander] Mackenzie on a voyage of trade and discoverydown Mackenzie’s river to the north sea; and also a Mr.M’Coy,[VI-3] to cross the Rocky mountains and proceed to thewestern ocean with the same objects in view.

They have had a gentleman by the name of [David]Thompson[VI-4] making a geographical survey of the northwestpart of the continent; who, for three years, with an astonishingspirit of enterprise and perseverance, passed over allthat extensive and unknown country. His establishment,although not splendid, the mode of traveling not admittingit, was such as to admit of unlimited expenses in everythingnecessary to facilitate his inquiries; and he is now engagedin digesting the important results of his enterprise.

I find from the observations and suggestions of Mr. Thompson,when at the [Julian] source of the Mississippi, that itwas his opinion the line of limits between the United Statesand Great Britain must run such a course from the head ofthe Lake of the Woods as to touch the source of the Mississippi;and this I discovered to be the opinion of the NorthWest Company, who, we may suppose or reasonably conclude,speak the language held forth by their government.The admission of this pretension will throw out of ourterritory all the upper part of Red river, and nearly two-fifthsof the territory of Louisiana. Whereas, if the line berun due west from the head of the Lake of the Woods, itwill cross Red river nearly at the entrance of Reed river,and, it is conjectured, strike the western ocean at Birch Bay,in Queen Charlotte Sound. Those differences of opinion, itis presumed, might be easily adjusted between the twogovernments at the present day; but it is believed thatdelays, by unfolding the true value of the country, mayproduce difficulties which do not at present exist.

The North West Company have made establishments atseveral places on the south side of Lake Superior, and onthe head waters of the Sauteaux and St. Croix, which dischargeinto the Mississippi. The first I met with on thevoyage up was at Lower Red Cedar Lake, about 150 milesabove Isle de Corfeau [Corbeau], on the east side of theriver, and distant therefrom six miles. It is situated on thenorth point of the lake, and consists of log buildings, flankedby picketed bastions on two of its angles. The next establishmentI met with was situated on Sandy Lake: for adescription of which, see document [herewith] marked A.Midway between Sandy Lake and Leech Lake is a smallhouse not worthy of notice [Grant’s: see note⁵² p. 144].On the southwest side of the latter lake, from the outlet ofthe Mississippi, stand the headquarters of the Fond du Lacdepartment: for information relative to which, have referenceto document marked B. Here resides the director ofthis department. In document C is a recapitulation of thespecific articles of 115 packs of peltry, which will give anidea of the whole, amounting per said voucher to 233 packsper annum in the Fond du Lac department. Document Dwill explain the relative price of goods in that district; butthe trading prices are various, according to situations andcircumstances. Voucher E shows the number of men,women, and children in the service of the North WestCompany in the district aforesaid, with their pay per annum,etc. This department brings in annually 40 canoes; fromwhich, by a calculation made by a gentleman [GeorgeAnderson] of veracity and information, who has been 18years in the Indian trade and in the habit of importinggoods by Michilimackinac, it appears that the annualamount of duties would be about $13,000. The LowerRed river, which I conceive to be within our territory, wouldyield about half that sum, $6,500, and the Hudson BayCompany’s servants, who import by the way of LakeWinipie, $6,500 more.

Thus is the United States defrauded annually of about$26,000. From my observations and information, I think itwill be an easy matter to prevent the smuggling of the Fonddu Lac department, by establishing a post with a garrisonof 100 men, and an office of the customs, near the mouth ofthe St. Louis, where all goods for the Fond du Lac departmentmust enter. This is at present the distributing point,where the company have an establishment, and where thegoods, on being received from Kamanitiquia, are embarkedfor their different destinations. That point also commandsthe communication with Lake de Sable, Leech Lake, RedLake, etc. I am also of opinion that the goods for RedRiver, if it be within our boundary, would enter here, inpreference to being exposed to seizure. It is worthy ofremark that the charter of the Hudson’s Bay Companyextends to all its waters: and if the British government conceivedthey had authority to make such a grant, they certainlywould claim the country therein specified, whichwould extend far south of the west line from the head of theLake of the Woods.

The North West Company were about to push their tradedown the Mississippi until they would have met the tradersof Michilimackinac; but I gave them to understand thatit could not be admitted, as appears per letter to Mr.Dickson.

A. Description of the N. W. Company’s Fort at Sandy Lake.

The fort at Sandy Lake is situated on the S. side, nearthe W. end, and is a stockade 100 feet square, with bastionsat the S. E. and N. W. angles, pierced for small-arms. Thepickets are squared on the outside, round within, about onefoot diameter, and 13 feet above ground. There are threegates: the principal one fronts the lake on the N., and is10 — — 9 feet; the one on the W. 6 — — 4 feet; and the one on theE. 6 — — 5 feet. As you enter by the main gate you have onthe left a building of one story, 20 feet square, the residenceof the superintendent. Opposite this house on the left ofthe E. gate, is a house 25 — — 15 feet, the quarters of the men.On entering the W. gate you find the storehouse on theright, 30 — — 20 feet, and on your left a building 40 — — 20 feet,which contains rooms for clerks, a workshop, and provisionstore.

On the W. and N. W. is a picketed inclosure of about fouracres, in which last year they raised 400 bushels of Irishpotatoes, cultivating no other vegetables. In this inclosureis a very ingeniously constructed vault to contain the potatoes,and which likewise has secret apartments to concealliquors, dry goods, etc.

B. Description of the N. W. Company’s Fort at Leech Lake.

The fort is situated on the W. side of the lake, in lat.47° 16´ 13´´ N. It is built near the shore, on the declivityof a rising ground, having an inclosed garden of about 5acres on the N. W. It is a square stockade of 150 feet, thepickets being 16 feet in length, 3 feet under and 13 feetabove the ground, bound together by horizontal bars each10 feet long. Pickets of 10 feet are likewise driven into theground on the inside of the work, opposite the aperturesbetween the large pickets. At the W. and E. angles aresquare bastions, pierced for fire-arms.

The main building in the rear, fronting the lake, is 60 — — 25feet, 1½ story high; the W. end of this is occupied by thedirector of the Fond du Lac department. He has a hall 18feet square, bed-room, and kitchen, with an office. Thecenter is a trading shop of 12½ feet square, with a bedroomin the rear, of the same dimensions. The E. end is alarge store 25 — — 20 feet, under which is an ice-house wellfilled. The loft extends over the whole building, and containsbales of goods, packs of peltries; also, chests with 500bushels of wild rice. Beside the ice-house, there are cellarsunder all the other parts of the building. The doors andwindow-shutters are musket-proof.

On the W. side is a range of buildings 54 — — 18 feet, frontingthe parade, the N. end of which is a cooper’s shop 18 — — 14feet, with a cellar; joining to which is a room called theIndian hall, expressly for the reception of Indians, and inwhich the chiefs who met me in council were entertained.In this hall are two closed bunks for interpreters; itsdimensions are 22 — — 18 feet. Adjoining this is a room 18feet square for the clerks, in which my small party werequartered. Under both of the latter rooms are cellars.

On the E. side is a range of buildings 50 — — 18 feet, whichhas one room of 20 feet and one of 15 feet, for quarters forthe men; also, a blacksmith’s shop of 15 feet, which isoccupied by an excellent workman. On the left of themain gate, fronting the river, is the flag-staff, 50 feet inheight.

They intended building a small blockhouse over the maingate, fronting the lake, to place a small piece of artillery in.There are likewise gates on the N. and E. flanks, of about10 — — 8 feet.

D. The price of goods in exchange with the Indians.

Blankets, 3 and 2½ point, each,	[VI-5]plus 4	$8
Blankets, 2 point, each,	2	4
Blankets, 1½ point, each,	1	2
Blue strouds, per fathom,	4	8
Scarlet cloth, 8-6,	6	12
Worsted binding, per piece,	4	8
Vermilion, per pound,	4	8
Molten [glass beads], blue and white, per fathom,	2	4
Gunpowder, per half-pint,	1	2
Balls, per 30,	1	2
Shot of all sorts, per handful,	1	2
Tobacco, per carrot,	4	8
Twist tobacco, per fathom,	1	2
Beaver-traps, each,	4	8
Half-axes, each,	2	4
Castites,	1	2
N. W. guns, each,	10	20
Knives, each,	1	2

For wampum and silver works, as well as rum, there is no regulation; butthe real price of goods here, in exchange for peltry, is about 250 per cent. on theprime cost.

Geo. Anderson.

C. — Recapitulation of Furs and Peltries, North West Company, 1804-5,Fond du Lac Department; Marks and Numbers as per margin.

LEGEND

• Column A = Marks.
• Column B = Numbers.
• Column C = Wt. of Packs, lbs.
• Column D = Bears.
• Column E = Bear Cubs.
• Column F = Beaver, Mixed.
• Column G = Beaver, Large.
• Column H = Beaver, Small.
• Column I = Beaver, Wt. in lbs.
• Column J = Badgers.
• Column K = Carcajou.
• Column L = Deer.
• Column M = Foxes.
• Column N = Fishers.
• Column O = Lynxes.
• Column P = Martens.
• Column Q = Minks.
• Column R = Original skins dr’s’d.
• Column S = Do. Parchment.
• Column T = Do. Green.
• Column U = Otters.
• Column V = Racoons.
• Column W = Musk Rats.
• Column X = Wolves.

A	B	C	D	E	F	G	H	I	J	K	L	M	N	O	P	Q	R	S	T	U	V	W	X
N. W. L. L. [Leech Lake.]	1	92									45
	2	92									47
	3	93									47
	4	91									45
	5	90									47
	6	91									47
	7	92									39
	8	87									40
	9	92									38
	10	91									38
	11	92									38
	12	87									38
	13	90									44
	14	92									39
	15	93									35
	16	93									40
	17	99									40
	18	88									35
	19	96									2											655
	20	95									2											607
	21	90			68			90
	22	89			66			89
	23	92			64			92
	24	92			71			92
	25	92			68			92
	26	92			65			92
	27	91			73			91
	28	89			75			89
	29	90			75			90
	30	90			85			90
	31	91			61			91
	32	92			60			92
	33	91			67			91
	34	91			74			91
	35	91	5																	60
	36	99	4								2									60
	37	92	18
	38	93	4								3		22	25						22
	39	92	6										11	4		2				16	1	94
	40	87	6							1	2	1	11		5	21					27	144
	41	92	6		29			20			7		1	1		5				16	10	58
	42	93			66			93
	43	93			79			93
	44	90			70			93
	45	93	2						1		12		3		14	2	13			7 —	2	9
	46	91				79			91
	47	90				89			90
	48	91				69			91
	49	91				73			91
	50	87	2							1	2		12	1	3	15	4			45
	51	104	2		36						1		2	2		2	2			10	1	137
	52	127	1		46								4		4	3	2			11	2	117
N. W. R. [Red Lake.]	1	94				57	9	94
	2	91				51	14	91
	3	92				50	22	92
	4	92				49	19	92
	5	92				54	31	92
	6	92				59	6	62
	7	95	7	1		2								3			11				3
	8	92				2																672
	9	92								1	1		15						1	67			1
	10	90				1					1			3			11
	11	90	8	2		2						1	3	7	37	24	5					3
	12	95				45	8						2							11	13
	13	93	4	4									11		7	19	9	1		1	3	58
	14	93	2	2		13	9						7		1	1	11			6	4	6
	15	92				3	6	14							2	1		2	8	1		1
N. W. S. [Sandy Lake.]	1	86									14	1	18		3	7				25	7
	2	91									6											500
	3	88				40	29	88
	4	91				37	32	91
	5	91				37	30	91
	6	90				31	37	90
	7	89				38	26	89
	8	92				41	33	92
	9	86				43	17	86
	10	87				32	40	87
	11	88				41	28	88
	12	90				44	22	90
	13	87				35	38	87
	14	92				43	23	92
	15	95									5		22							63
	16	92									25		6	3	15	14					16
	17	86									32
	18	90									31
	19	91									29
	20	95									33
	21	87	7	1		30		43			6
	22	83				38	33	83
	23	93				34	42	93
	24	87				34	43	87
	25	89				36	37	89
	26	92				57	14	92
	27	94	16	1
	28	94	4								2		11							58
	29	90									2											600
	30	91											5	1	43	22	1	11			10
	31	93									39
	32	93									43
	33	90									43
	34	91									35
	35	99									41
	36	86									44
	37	72									7					2	13	1		1		55
	38	92	1			35	33				5						1			5
F. L. [Fond du Lac.]	Summr. Nos.		1			7		12					1			3		1		4		162
	1	91				2		4														615
	2	93				51	14	93
	3	92				45	24	92
	4	93				44	25	93
	5	88				41	34	88
	6	95	5												199	40	8
	7	95	5										16				6			35
	8	95	4														1					472
	9	93	9	4							2	1		3			6			6	6	49
	10	98		1		30	19				1						2		2
	A. Pacton					11		15							2		2			3

Amount of the above returns, 115 Packs.

Different establishments not included, 34 Packs.

Amount of the E. of the X. Y. Company, 84 Packs.

Total amount, 233 Packs.

E. Return of men employed in the N. W. Company’s Departmentof Fond du Lac, for 1805, with the amount of theirwages per annum, etc.

Accountants,		3
Clerks, and men receiving interpreters’ wages,		19
Interpreters,		2
Canoe-men,		85
Total,		109
Women and Children belonging to the Establishment.
Women,		29
Children,		50
Total,		79
Livres.
Sum of the wages per annum of the above 109 men,	63,913
Average wages of each man,	586	7
Due by the N. W. Company,	38,566	8
Due to the N. W. Company,	24,326	16

N. B. The above women are all Indians, there not beinga single white woman N. W. of Lake Superior.

CHAPTER VII.

GEOGRAPHY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.[VII-1]

Observations on the Soil, Shores, Quarries, Timber, Islands,Rapids, Confluent Streams, Highlands, Prairies, and Settlementson the Mississippi,[VII-2] from St. Louis to its Source.

From St. Louis to the mouth of the Missouri, on the eastis a rich sandy soil, timbered with buttonwood, ash,cottonwood, hackberry, etc. The west side is highlands fora short distance above the town; then it is bordered by asmall prairie, after which is bottom-land, with the sametimber as on the east. The current is rapid, and the navigationin low water obstructed by sand-bars.

Immediately on the peninsula formed by the confluenceof the Mississippi and Missouri rivers is a small Kickapoosettlement, occupied in summer only. On the west shore isa rich prairie, with small skirts of woods; and on the eastshore is generally high hills, from 80 to 100 feet, extendingto the mouth of the Illinois. The current of the Mississippi,above the entrance of the Missouri, is quite mild until youarrive at the mouth of the Illinois; where, owing to thelarge sand-bars and many islands, it is extremely rapid.

The Illinois River is about 450 yards wide at its mouth,and bears from the Mississippi N. 75° W. The currentappears not to exceed 2½ miles per hour. The navigationand connecting streams of this river are too well known torequire a description at the present day. From the Illinoisto Buffalo river the E. shore is hills, but of easy ascent.On the W. is continued the prairie, but not always borderingon the river. The timber on both sides is generallyhackberry, cottonwood, and ash. Buffalo [Cuivre] rivercomes in on the W. shore, and appears to be about 100yards wide at its mouth; it bears from the Mississippi S. 30°W. From the Illinois to this river the navigation is by nomeans difficult, and the current mild.

Thence to Salt or Oahahah river, the east shore is eitherimmediately bounded by beautiful cedar cliffs, or the ridgesmay be seen at a distance. On the W. shore there is a richlow soil, and two small rivers which increase the waters ofthe Mississippi. The first [Buffalo creek] called Bar river,about 20 yards in width. The second [now Noir[VII-3] or Bearcreek] is about 15 yards. Salt river bears from the MississippiN. 75° W., and is about 100 or 120 yards wide at its entrance,and when I passed appeared to be perfectly mild,with scarcely any current. About one day’s sail up theriver there are salt springs, which have been worked for fouryears; but I am not informed as to their qualities or productions.In this distance the navigation of the Mississippiis very much obstructed by bars and islands; indeed to sucha degree as to render it in many places difficult to find theproper channel. The shores are generally a sandy soil, timberedwith sugar-maple, ash, pecan, locust, and black walnut.The E. side has generally the preference as to situationsfor buildings.

From this to the river Jaustioni [Jauflione, Jeffrion, orNorth Two Rivers: see note¹⁴, pp. 10, 11], which is ourboundary between the Sac nation and the United States onthe west side of the Mississippi, we have hills on the W.shore, and lowlands on the E., the latter of which is timberedwith hickory, oak, ash, maple, pecan, etc.; the formerthe same, with an increase of oak. The E. is a rich sandy soil,and has many very eligible situations for cultivation. Aboutseven miles below the Jaustioni a Frenchman is settledon the W. shore. He is married to a woman of the Sacnation, and lives by a little cultivation and the Indian trade.The [North] river before mentioned is about 30 yards wideat its mouth, and bears from the Mississippi about S. W.In this part of the river the navigation is good.

From this to the Wyaconda river [at La Grange, LewisCo., Mo.] the navigation is easy, with very few impediments;and the soil on both sides pretty good. This river pays itstribute to the Mississippi by a mouth 100 yards wide, andbears from the latter nearly due W. Just below its entranceis [Durgan’s creek] a small stream 15 yards wide, which dischargesinto the Mississippi. Between this river and theRiver de Moyen [Des Moines] there is one small [Fox]river emptying into the Mississippi on the W., about 55yards in width, and bearing S. by W. The first part of thedistance is obstructed by islands, and the river expands to agreat width, so as to render the navigation extremely difficult;but the latter part affords more water and is lessdifficult. The timber is principally oak and pecan; the soilas on the river below. For a description of de Moyen,see the chart herewith; and for that of the rapids [nearKeokuk] see my diary of Aug. 20th.

Above the rapid de Moyen, on the W. bank of the Mississippi[at Montrose, Lee Co., Ia.], is situated the first Sacvillage, consisting of 13 lodges; and immediately oppositeis the establishment of Mr. Ewing,[VII-4] the American agent atthat place. Whence to a large prairie on the E. side, onwhich [and on Henderson river] is situated the second Sacvillage; the E. side of the river is beautiful land, principallyprairie. The W. is in some part highland; both sides aretimbered with oak, ash, etc. The navigation is by no meansdifficult.

Thence to the Iowa river the navigation is much obstructedwith islands. In ascending Iowa river 36 milesyou come to a fork, the right branch of which is called RedCedar river, from the quantity of that wood on its banks;this is navigable for batteaux nearly 300 miles, where itbranches out into three forks, called the Turkey’s foot.Those forks shortly after lose themselves in Rice lakes.

The Iowa river bears from the Mississippi S. W. and is150 yards wide at its mouth. The E. shore of the Mississippiis high prairie, with yellow clay banks, and in someplaces red sand. On the W. is prairie also, but bounded onthe shore by skirts of woods. About 10 miles up the Iowariver, on its right bank, is a village of the Iowas.

From this place to Rock river we generally had beautifulprairies on the W., but in some places very rich land, withblack walnut and hickory timber. Stony [Rock] river isa large river which takes its source near Green bay ofLake Michigan more than 450 miles from its mouth, and isnavigable upward of 300 miles; it empties into the Mississippion the E. shore, and is about 300 yards wide at itsmouth. It bears from the Mississippi almost due E.About three miles up this river, on the S. bank [Milan,Rock Island Co., Ill.], is situated the third town of the Sacnation, which, I was informed by Mr. James Aird, wasburned in the year 1781 or 1782, by about 300 Americans,although the Indians had assembled 700 warriors to givethem battle. For a description of the rapids of Stonyriver, see my diary of Aug. 28th.

Between Iowa river and Turkey river, on the W., youfind Wabisipinekan river. It coasts along Red Cedar riverin a parallel direction, with scarcely any wood on its banks.The next water is the Great Macoketh, and 20 leagues higheris the little river of the same name. These two riversappear to approach each other, and have nothing remarkableexcepting lead mines, which are said to be in their banks.

A little above the rapids of Rock river, on the W. side ofthe Mississippi, is situated the first Reynard village; it consistsof about 18 lodges [Le Claire, Scott Co., Ia.]. Fromthis place to the lead mines [Dubuque, Ia.] the Mississippievidently becomes narrower; but the navigation is therebyrendered much less difficult. The shores are generallyprairie, which, if not immediately bordering on the river,can be seen through the skirts of forests which border theriver. The timber is generally maple, birch, and oak, andthe soil very excellent. To this place we had seen onlya few turkeys and deer, the latter of which are prettynumerous from the river de Moyen up. For a descriptionof the lead mines, see my report from the prairie des Chiensof Sept. 5th.[VII-5]

From the lead mines unto Turkey river the Mississippicontinues about the same width; and the banks, soil, andproductions are entirely similar. Turkey river empties onthe W., bears from the Mississippi about S. W., and is about 100 yards wide at its mouth. Half a league up thisriver, on the right bank, is the third village of the Reynards,at which place they raise sufficient corn to supply all thepermanent and transient inhabitants of the Prairie desChiens. Thence to the Ouiscousing the high hills are perceptibleon both sides, but on the W. almost border theriver the whole distance. The Ouiscousing at its entranceis nearly half a mile wide, and bears from the Mississippinearly N. E.

This river is the grand source of communication betweenthe lakes and the Mississippi, and the route by which all thetraders of Michilimackinac convey their goods for the tradeof the Mississippi from St. Louis to the river de Corbeau,and the confluent streams which are in those boundaries.

The voyage from Michilimackinac to the Prairie desChiens, by the Ouiscousing and Fox rivers, is as follows:[VII-6]

The present village of Prairie des Chiens was first settledin the year 1783, and the first settlers were Mr. Giard, Mr.Antaya, and Mr. Dubuque. The old village is about amile below the present one, and existed during the timethe French were possessed of the country. It derives itsname from a family of Reynards who formerly lived there,distinguished by the appellation of Dogs. The presentvillage was settled under the English government, and theground was purchased from the Reynard Indians. It issituated about one league above the mouth of the Ouiscousingriver. On the E. bank of the river there is a smallpond or marsh which runs parallel to the river in the rear ofthe town, which, in front of the marsh, consists of 18 dwelling-houses,in two streets; 16 in Front Street and two inFirst Street. In the rear of the pond are eight dwelling-houses;part of the houses are framed, and in place ofweatherboarding there are small logs let into mortises madein the uprights, joined close, daubed on the outside withclay, and handsomely whitewashed within. The insidefurniture of their houses is decent and, indeed, in those ofthe most wealthy displays a degree of elegance and taste.

There are eight houses scattered round the country, atthe distance of one, two, three, and five miles: also, on theW. side of the Mississippi [now Bloody Run, on which isN. McGregor, Clayton Co., Ia.] three houses, situated on asmall stream called Giards [or Giard’s] river, making, in thevillage and vicinity, 37 houses, which it will not be toomuch to calculate at 10 persons each. The populationwould thus be 370 souls; but this calculation will not answerfor the spring or autumn, as there are then, at least, 500 or600 white persons. This is owing to the concourse of tradersand their engagees from Michilimackinac and other parts,who make this their last stage previous to launching intothe savage wilderness. They again meet here in the spring,on their return from their wintering-grounds, accompanied by300 or 400 Indians, when they hold a fair; the one disposesof remnants of goods, and the others reserved peltries. It isastonishing that there are not more murders and affrays atthis place, where meets such an heterogeneous mass to trade,the use of spirituous liquors being in no manner restricted;but since the American has become known, such accidentsare much less frequent than formerly. The prairie on whichthe village is situated is bounded in the rear by high baldhills. It is from one mile to three-quarters of a mile fromthe river, and extends about eight miles from the Mississippi,to where it strikes the Ouiscousing at the Petit Grey,which bears from the village S. E. by E.

If the marsh before spoken of were drained, which mightbe easily done, I am of the opinion it would render healthythe situation of the prairie, which now subjects its inhabitantsto intermitting fevers in the spring and autumn.

There are a few gentlemen residing at the Prairie desChiens, and many others claiming that appellation; but therivalship of the Indian trade occasions them to be guilty ofacts at their wintering-grounds which they would blush tobe thought guilty of in the civilized world. They possessthe spirit of generosity and hospitality in an eminent degree,but this is the leading feature in the character of frontierinhabitants. Their mode of living has obliged them to havetransient connection with the Indian women; and what wasat first policy is now so confirmed by habit and inclinationthat it is become the ruling practice of the traders, withfew exceptions; in fact, almost one-half the inhabitantsunder 20 years have the blood of the aborigines in theirveins.

From this village to Lake Pepin we have, on the W. shore[Iowa and Minnesota], first Yellow river [present name; atits mouth Council Hill, Allamakee Co., Ia.], of about 20yards wide, bearing from the Mississippi nearly due W.;second, the [Upper] Iowa river, about 100 yards wide, bearingfrom the Mississippi about N. W.; third, the Racine[Root] river, about 20 yards wide, bearing from the Mississippinearly W., and navigable for canoes 60 miles; fourth,the rivers Embarra [Embarras, or Zumbro] and Lean Claire[l’Eau Claire, now White Water or Minneiska], which jointheir waters just as they form a confluence with the Mississippi,are about 60 yards wide, and bear nearly S. W.

On the E. shore [Wisconsin], in the same distance, is the river de la Prairie la Cross [La Crosse river], which emptiesinto the Mississippi at the head of the prairie of that name.It is about 20 yards wide, and bears N. N. W. We thenmeet with the Black [present name] river, a very considerablestream about 200 yards wide at its mouth, on which thetraders frequently winter with the Puants and Fols Avoins.Next we pass the river of the Montaigne qui Trompes dansl’Eau [Rivière de la Montagne qui Trempe à l’Eau, nowTrempealeau river], a small stream in the rear of the hill ofthat name. Then we find the Riviere au B — uf [Buffalo river],about 30 yards wide, bearing N. by W. At the entrance ofLake Pepin, on the E. shore, joins the Sauteaux [Chippewa]river, which is at least half a mile wide, and appears to be adeep and majestic stream. It bears from the Mississippinearly due N. This river is in size and course, for somedistance up, scarcely to be distinguished from the Ouiscousing;it has a communication with Montreal river by ashort portage, and by this river with Lake Superior.[VII-11] Theagents of the N. W. Company supply the Fols Avoin Sauteauxwho reside at the head of this river; and those ofMichilimackinac, the Sioux who hunt on its lower waters.

In this division of the Mississippi the shores are morethan three-fourths prairie on both sides, or, more properlyspeaking, bald hills which, instead of running parallel withthe river, form a continual succession of high perpendicularcliffs and low valleys; they appear to head on the river, andto traverse the country in an angular direction. Thosehills and valleys give rise to some of the most sublime andromantic views I ever saw. But this irregular scenery issometimes interrupted by a wide extended plain whichbrings to mind the verdant lawn of civilized life, and wouldalmost induce the traveler to imagine himself in the centerof a highly cultivated plantation. The timber of this divisionis generally birch, elm, and Cottonwood; all the cliffsbeing bordered by cedar.

The navigation unto [Upper] Iowa river is good, butthence to the Sauteaux river is very much obstructed byislands; in some places the Mississippi is uncommonly wide,and divided into many small channels which from the cliffsappear like so many distinct rivers, winding in a parallelcourse through the same immense valley. But there arefew sand-bars in those narrow channels; the soil being rich,the water cuts through it with facility.

La Montaigne qui Trompe dans l’Eau stands in the Mississippinear the E. shore, about 50 miles below the Sauteauxriver, and is about two miles in circumference, with an elevationof 200 feet, covered with timber. There is a small[Trempealeau: see note⁵⁶, pp. 52-54] river which emptiesinto the Mississippi in the rear of the mountain, which Iconceive once bounded the mountain on the lower side, andthe Mississippi on the upper, when the mountain wasjoined to the main by a neck of low prairie ground, whichin time was worn away by the spring freshets of theMississippi, and thus formed an island of this celebratedmountain.

Lake Pepin, so called by the French, appears to be onlyan expansion of the Mississippi. It commences at the entranceof the Sauteaux, and bears N. 55° W. 12 miles to Pointde Sable, which is a neck of land making out about onemile into the lake from the W. shore, and is the narrowestpart of the lake. From here to the upper end the course isnearly due W. about 10 miles, making its whole length 22miles, and from 4 to 1½ miles in width; the broadest partbeing in the bay below Point de Sable. This is a beautifulplace; the contrast of the Mississippi full of islands, and thelake with not one in its whole extent, gives more force tothe grandeur of the scene. The French, under the governmentof M. Frontenac, drove the Reynards or Ottaquamies[Outagamas, etc.] from the Ouiscousing, pursued them upthe Mississippi, and, as a barrier, built a stockade [FortBeauharnois — ] on Lake Pepin on the W. shore, just belowPoint de Sable. As was generally the case with that nation,they blended the military and mercantile professions, bymaking their fort a factory for the Sioux. The lake, at theupper end, is three fathoms deep; but this, I am informed,is its shoalest part. From [Upper] Iowa river to the headof Lake Pepin, elk are the prevailing species of wild game,with some deer, and a few bear.

From the head of Lake Pepin for about 12 miles, toCannon river, the Mississippi is branched out into manychannels, and its bosom covered with numerous islands.There is a hill on the W. shore [at Red Wing], about sixmiles above the lake, called the Grange [la Grange, the Barn],from the summit of which you have one of the most delightfulprospects in nature. When turning your face to the E.you have the river winding in three [South, Middle, andNorth] channels at your feet; on your right the extensivebosom of the lake, bounded by its chain of hills; in front,over the Mississippi, a wide extended prairie; on the leftthe valley of the Mississippi, open to view quite to the St.Croix; and partly in your rear, the valley through whichpasses Riviere au Canon. When I viewed it, on one of theislands below appeared the spotted lodges of Red Wing’sband of Sioux. The white tents of the traders and mysoldiers, and three flags of the United States waving on thewater, gave a contrast to the still and lifeless wildernessaround and increased the pleasure of the prospect.

From Cannon river to the St. Croix, the Mississippi evidentlybecomes narrower, and the navigation less obstructedby islands. St. Croix river joins the Mississippi on the E.,and bears from the latter almost due N. It is only 80 yardswide at its mouth, but 500 yards up commences [Lower]Lake St. Croix, which is from 1½ to 3 miles wide, and 36long. This river communicates with Lake Superior by theBurnt river, by a portage of half a mile only, and in its wholeextent has not one fall or rapid worthy of notice.[VII-12] This,with the mildness of its current, and its other advantages,render it by far the most preferable communication whichcan be had with the N. W. from this part of our territories.Its upper waters are inhabited by the Fols Avoins and Sauteaux,who are supplied by the agents of the North WestCompany; and its lower division, by the Sioux and theirtraders.

The Mississippi from Cannon river is bounded on the E.by high ridges, but the left is low ground. The timber isgenerally ash and maple, except the cedar of the cliffs.From the St. Croix to the St. Peters the Mississippi is collectedinto a narrow compass; I crossed it at one place with40 strokes of my oars,[VII-13] and the navigation is very good.The E. bank is generally bounded by the river ridges, butthe W. sometimes by timbered bottom or prairie. Thetimber is generally maple, sugar-tree, and ash. About 20miles below the entrance of the St. Peters, on the E. shore,at a place called the Grand Morais [Marais, Big Marsh, nowPig’s Eye marsh or lake], is situated Petit Corbeau’s villageof 11 log houses. For a description of the St. Peters seethe chart herewith.

From the St. Peters to the Falls of St. Anthony theriver is contracted between high hills, and is one continualrapid or fall, the bottom being covered with rocks which inlow water are some feet above the surface, leaving narrowchannels between them. The rapidity of the current islikewise much augmented by the numerous small, rockyislands which obstruct the navigation. The shores havemany large and beautiful springs issuing forth, which formsmall cascades as they tumble over the cliffs into the Mississippi.The timber is generally maple. This place we notedfor the great quantity of wild fowl.

As I ascended the Mississippi, the Falls of St. Anthonydid not strike me with that majestic appearance which I hadbeen taught to expect from the descriptions of former travelers.On an actual survey I find the portage to be 260poles; but when the river is not very low, boats ascendingmay be put in 31 poles below, at a large cedar tree; thiswould reduce it to 229 poles. The hill over which the portageis made is 69 feet in ascent, with an elevation at thepoint of debarkation of 45°. The fall of the water betweenthe place of debarkation and reloading is 58 feet; the perpendicularfall of the shoot is 16½ feet. The width of theriver above the shoot is 627 yards; below, 209. For theform of the shoot, see a rough draught herewith.[VII-14] In highwater the appearance is much more sublime, as the greatquantity of water then forms a spray, which in clear weatherreflects from some positions the colors of the rainbow, andwhen the sky is overcast covers the falls in gloom andchaotic majesty.

From the Falls of St. Anthony to Rum river, the Mississippiis almost one continual chain of rapids, with the eddiesformed by winding channels. Both sides are prairie, withscarcely any timber but small groves of scrub oak. Rumriver is about 50 yards wide at its mouth, and takes itssource in Le Mille Lac,[VII-15] which is but 35 miles S. of LowerRed Cedar Lake. The small Indian canoes ascend thisriver quite to the lake, which is considered as one of thebest fur hunting-grounds for some hundreds of miles, andhas been long a scene of rencounters between the hunting-partiesof the Sioux and Sauteaux. Last winter a numberof Fols Avoins and Sioux, and some Sauteaux wintered inthat quarter. From Rum river to Leaf river, called [not] byFather Hennipin and [but by] Carver the river St. Francis,[VII-16]and which was the extent of their travels, the prairies continuewith few interruptions. The timber is scrub-oak, withnow and then a lonely pine. Previous to your arrival atLeaf river, you pass Crow [Carver’s Goose] river on the W.,about 30 yards wide, which bears from the Mississippi S. W.Leaf river is only a small stream of not more than 15 yardsover, and bears N. by W.

The elk begin to be very plenty; there are also somebuffalo, quantities of deer, raccoons, and on the prairie afew of the animals called by the French brelaws [blaireaux,badgers].

Thence to Sac [or Sauk] river, a little above the GrandRapids [Sauk Rapids, St. Cloud, etc.], both sides of the riverare generally prairie, with skirts of scrub-oak. The navigationis still obstructed with ripples, but with some intermissionsof a few miles.

At the Grand Rapids the river expands to about ¾ of amile in width, its general width not being more than — of amile, and tumbles over an unequal bed of rocks for abouttwo miles, through which there cannot be said to be anychannel; for, notwithstanding the rapidity of the current,one of my invalids who was on the W. shore waded to theE., where we were encamped. The E. bank of these rapidsis a very high prairie; the W. scrubby wood-land. The Sacriver is a considerable stream, which comes in on the W.and bears about S. W., and is 200 yards wide at its mouth.

The quantity of game increases from Sac river to Pinecreek [now Swan river], the place where I built my stockadeand left part of my party; the borders are prairie, withgroves of pine on the edge of the bank; but there are someexceptions, where you meet with small bottoms of oak, ash,maple, and lynn [linden, basswood or whitewood, Tiliaamericana — bois blanc of the voyageurs].

In this distance there is an intermission of rapids forabout 40 miles, when they commence again, and are fully asdifficult as ever. There are three small creeks[VII-17] emptyingon the W. scarcely worthy of notice, and on the E. are twosmall rivers called Lake and Clear Rivers; the former, quitea small one [now called Little Rock], bears N. W., and isabout 15 yards wide at its mouth; about three miles fromits entrance is a beautiful small [Little Rock] lake, aroundwhich resort immense herds of elk and buffalo. Clear river[now called Platte river] is a beautiful little stream of about80 yards in width, which heads in some swamps and smalllakes [Platte, Ogechie, etc.] on which the Sauteaux of LowerRed Cedar Lake and Sandy Lake frequently come to hunt.The soil of the prairies from above the falls is sandy, butwould raise small grain in abundance; the bottoms are rich,and fit for corn or hemp.

Pine creek [now Swan river] is a small stream whichcomes in on the W. shore, and bears nearly W. It is borderedby large groves of white and red pine.

From Pine creek to the Isle De Corbeau, or river of thatname [now called Crow Wing], two small rivers come in onthe W. shore. The first [now Pike creek] is of little consequence;but the second, called Elk [or as now Little Elk]river, is entitled to more consideration, from its communicationwith the river St. Peters. They first ascend it to asmall lake, cross this, then ascend a small stream [LongPrairie river, a branch of Crow Wing river] to a large [Osakis]lake; from which they make a portage of four miles W.and fall into the Sauteaux [or Chippewa[VII-18]] river, which theydescend into the river St. Peters. On the E. side is onesmall stream [Nokasippi river], which heads toward LowerRed Cedar Lake, and is bounded by hills.

The whole of this distance is remarkably difficult to navigate,being one continued succession of rapid shoals andfalls; but there is one [fall which] deserves to be more particularlynoticed, viz.: The place called by the French LeShute de la Roche Peinture [La Chute de la Roche Peinte,Rapids of the Painted Rock, now Little falls], which is certainlythe third obstacle in point of navigation which I metwith in my whole route. The shore, where there is not prairie,is a continued succession of pine ridges. The entranceof the river De Corbeau is partly hid by the island of thatname, and discharges its waters into the Mississippi aboveand below it; the lowest channel bearing from the MississippiN. 65° W., the upper due W. This, in my opinion, shouldbe termed the Forks of the Mississippi, it being nearly ofequal magnitude, and heading not far from the same source,although taking a much more direct course to their junction.It may be observed on the chart that, from St. Louis to thisplace, the course of the river has generally been N. to W.and that from here it bears N. E.

This river affords the best and most approved communication with the Red river; and the navigation is as follows:You ascend the river De Corbeau 180 miles, to theentrance of the river Des Feuilles [now Leaf river], whichcomes from the N. W. This you ascend 180 miles also;then make a portage of half a mile into Otter Tail Lake,[VII-19]which is a principal source of Red river. The other [LongPrairie] branch of the river De Corbeau bears S. W. and approximateswith the St. Peters. The whole of this river israpid, and by no means affording so much water as the Mississippi.Their confluence is in latitude 45° 49´ 50´´ N. Inthis division the elk, deer, and buffalo were probably ingreater quantities than in any other part of my whole voyage.

Thence to Pine river [present name: not to be confounded with Pike’s Pine creek, now Swan river] the Mississippicontinues to become narrower, and has but fewislands. In this distance I discovered but one rapid, whichthe force of the frost had not entirely covered with ice. Theshores in general presented a dreary prospect of high barrennobs, covered with dead and fallen pine timber. To thisthere were some exceptions of ridges of yellow and pitch-pine;also some small bottoms of lynn, elm, oak, and ash.The adjacent country is at least two-thirds covered withsmall lakes, some of which are three miles in circumference.This renders communication impossible in summer, exceptwith small bark canoes.

In this distance we first met with a species of pine [fir]called the sap pine [French sapin, balsam-fir, Abies balsamea].It was equally unknown to myself and all myparty. It scarcely ever exceeds the height of 35 feet, and isvery full of projecting branches. The leaves are similar toother pines, but project out from the branches on each sidein a direct line, thereby rendering the branch flat. Thisformation occasions the natives and voyagers to give it thepreference on all occasions to the branches of all other treesfor their beds, and to cover their temporary camps; but itsgreatest virtue arises from its medicinal qualities. The rindis smooth, with the exception of little protuberances ofabout the size of a hazel-nut; the top of which being cut,you squeeze out a glutinous substance of the consistence ofhoney. This gum or sap gives name to the tree, and is usedby the natives and traders of that country as a balsam forall wounds made by sharp instruments, or for parts frozen,and almost all other external injuries which they receive.My poor fellows experienced its beneficial qualities by theapplication made of it to their frozen extremities in variousinstances.

Pine river bears from the Mississippi N. 30° E., althoughit empties on that which has been hitherto termed theW. shore. It is 80 yards wide at its mouth, and has anisland immediately at the entrance. It communicates withLake Le Sang Sue [Leech lake] by the following course ofnavigation: In one day’s sail from the confluence, youarrive at the first part of White Fish Lake [present name],which is about six miles long and two wide. Thence youpursue the river about two miles, and come to the secondWhite Fish Lake, which is about three miles long and onewide; then you have the river three miles to the third lake,which is seven miles long and two in width. This I crossedon my return from the head of the Mississippi on the [20th]of February; it is in 46° 32´ 32´´ N. lat. Thence you followthe river a quarter of a mile to the fourth lake, which is a circularone of about five miles in circumference. Thence youpursue the river one day’s sail to a small lake; thence twodays’ sail to a portage, which conveys you to another lake;whence, by small portages from lake to lake, you make thevoyage to Leech Lake. The whole of this course liesthrough ridges of pines or swamps of pinenet [épinette[VII-20]],sap pine, hemlock, etc. From the river De Corbeau to thisplace the deer are very plenty, but we found no buffaloor elk.

From this spot to [Lower] Red Cedar Lake, the pineridges are interrupted by large bottoms of elm, ash, oak, andmaple, the soil of which would be very proper for cultivation.From the appearance of the ice, which was firm andequal, I conceive there can be but one ripple in this distance.[Lower] Red Cedar lake lies on the E. side of theMississippi, at the distance of six miles from it, and is nearequally distant from the river De Corbeau and Lake DeSable [Sandy lake]. Its form is an oblong square, andmay be 10 miles in circumference. From this to Lake DeSable, on the E. shore, you meet with Muddy [now Rice]river, which discharges itself into the Mississippi by amouth 20 yards wide, and bears nearly N. E. We thenmeet with Pike [now Willow: see note⁴⁹, p. 127] river, onthe W., about 77 [air-line about 15] miles below Sandy lake,bearing nearly due N.; up which you ascend with canoesfour days’ sail, and arrive at a Wild Rice lake, which youpass through and enter a small stream, and ascend it twoleagues; then cross a portage of two acres into a [Big Rice]lake seven leagues in circumference; then two leagues of a[Kwiwisens or Little Boy] river into another small lake.Thence you descend the current N. E. into Leech lake.The banks of the Mississippi are still bordered by pines ofdifferent species, except a few small bottoms of elm, lynn,and maple. The game is scarce, and the aborigines subsistalmost entirely on the beaver, with a few moose, andwild rice or oats.

Sandy Lake River, the discharge of said lake, is large, butonly six [about two] miles in length from the lake to itsconfluence with the Mississippi. Lake De Sable is about25 miles in circumference, and has a number of small riversrunning into it. One of those is entitled to particularattention: the Savanna, which by a portage of 3¾ milescommunicates with the river [Fond Du Lac or] St. Louis,which empties into Lake Superior at Fond Du Lac, and isthe channel by which the N. W. Company bring all theirgoods for the trade of the Upper Mississippi. Game isvery scarce in this country.

In ascending the Mississippi from Sandy Lake, you firstmeet with the Swan river [still so called: not to be confoundedwith the other of the same present name] on theeast, which bears nearly due E., and is navigable for barkcanoes for 90 miles to Swan Lake. You then meet withthe Meadow [or Prairie] River, which falls in on the E.,bears nearly E. by N., and is navigable for Indian canoes100 miles. You then in ascending meet with a very strongripple [Grand rapids], and an expansion of the river whereit forms a small lake. This is three miles below the Fallsof Packegamau [Pokegama], and from which the noise ofthat shoot might be heard. The course of the river is N.70° W.; just below, the river is a quarter of a mile in width,but above the shoot not more than 20 yards. The waterthus collected runs down a flat rock, which has an elevationof about 30 degrees. Immediately above the fall is a smallisland of about 50 yards in circumference, covered with sappine. The portage, which is on the E. (or N.) side, is nomore than 200 yards, and by no means difficult. Thosefalls, in point of consideration as an impediment to thenavigation, stand next to the Falls of St. Anthony, fromthe source of the river to the Gulf of Mexico. The banksof the river to Meadow river have generally either beentimbered by pine, pinenett [épinette], hemlock, sap pine[sapin or balsam-fir], or aspen tree. Thence it windsthrough high grass meadows or savannas, with pine swampsappearing at a distance to cast a deeper gloom on theborders. From the falls in ascending, you pass Lake Packegamauon the W., celebrated for its great production ofwild rice; and next meet with Deer river [present name]on the E., the extent of its navigation unknown. Younext meet with the Riviere Le Crosse[VII-21] [Rivière à la Crosse]on the E. side, which bears nearly N., and has only a portageof one mile to pass from it into the Lake WinipequeBranch of the Mississippi [through Little Lake Winnibigoshish].

We next come to what the people of that quarter callthe forks of the Mississippi, the right fork of which bearsN. W., and runs eight leagues to Lake Winipeque [Winnibigoshish[VII-22]],which is of an oval form, and about 36 miles incircumference. From Lake Winipeque the river continuesfive leagues to Upper Red Cedar [now Cass] Lake, whichmay be termed the Upper Source of the Mississippi. The[other fork or] Leech Lake Branch bears from the forks S.W., and runs through a chain of meadows. You pass Muddy[or Mud] lake, which is scarcely anything more than an extensivemarsh of 15 miles in circumference; the river bearsthrough it nearly N., after which it again turns W. Inmany places this branch is not more than 10 or 15 yardsin width, although 15 or 20 feet deep. From this to LeechLake the communication [through Leech Lake river] isdirect and without any impediment. This is rather consideredas the main source, although the Winipeque Branch isnavigable the greatest distance.

To this place the whole face of the country has an appearanceof an impenetrable morass or boundless savanna. Buton the borders of the lake is some oak, with large groves ofsugar-maple, from which the traders make sufficient sugarfor their consumption the whole year. Leech Lake communicateswith the river De Corbeau by seven portages,and with the river Des Feuilles; also, with the Red river,by the Otter Tail Lake on the one side, and by [Upper] RedCedar Lake and other small lakes to Red Lake on the other.Out of these small lakes and ridges rise the upper watersof the St. Lawrence, Mississippi,[VII-23] and Red river, the latterof which discharges itself into the ocean by Lake Winipie,Nelson’s River, and Hudson’s Bay. All those waters havetheir upper sources within 100 miles of each other, which Ithink plainly proves this to be the most elevated part of theN. E. continent of America. But we must cross what iscommonly termed the Rocky Mountains, or a Spur of theCordeliers [Cordilleras], previous to our finding the waterswhose currents run westward and pay tribute to the westernocean.

In this quarter we find moose, a very few deer andbear, but a vast variety of fur animals of all descriptions.

CHAPTER VIII.

ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.[VIII-1]

The first nation of Indians whom we met with in ascendingthe Mississippi from St. Louis were the Sauks,who principally reside in four villages. The first at thehead of the rapids De Moyen on the W. shore, consisting of13 log lodges; the second on a prairie on the E. shore,about 60 miles above; the third on the Riviere De Roche,about three miles from the entrance; and the fourth on theriver Iowa.

They hunt on the Mississippi and its confluent streams,from the Illinois to the river Des Iowa; and on the plainswest of them, which border the Missouri. They are so perfectlyconsolidated with the Reynards[VIII-2] that they scarcelycan be termed a distinct nation; but recently there appearsto be a schism between the two nations, the latter not approvingof the insolence and ill-will which has marked theconduct of the former toward the United States on manylate occurrences. They have for many years past, underthe auspices of the Sioux, made war on the Sauteaux,Osages, and Missouries; but as recently a peace has beenmade between them and the nations of the Missouri throughthe influence of the United States, and by the same meansbetween the Sioux and Sauteaux, their principal allies, it appearsthat it would by no means be a difficult matter toinduce them to make a general peace, and pay still greaterattention to the cultivation of the earth; as they now raisea considerable quantity of corn, beans, and melons. Thecharacter that they bear with their savage brethren is thatthey are much more to be dreaded for their deceit andinclination for stratagem than for their open courage.

The Reynards reside in three villages. The first is on theW. side of the Mississippi, six miles above the rapids of theRiver De Roche; the second is about 12 miles in the rear ofthe lead mines; and the third is on Turkey river, half aleague from its entrance. They are engaged in the samewars and have the same alliances as the Sauks, with whomthey must be considered as indissoluble in war or peace.They hunt on both sides of the Mississippi from the Iowa,below Prairie Des Chiens to a river of that name [UpperIowa], above said village. They raise a great quantity ofcorn, beans, and melons; the former of those articles in suchquantities as to sell many hundred bushels per annum.

The Iowas reside on the De Moyen and Iowa rivers in twovillages. They hunt on the W. side of the Mississippi, theDe Moyen, and westward to the Missouri; their wars andalliances are the same as those of the Sauks and Reynards,under whose special protection they conceive themselves tobe. They cultivate some corn, but not so much in proportionas the Sauks and Reynards. Their residence being onthe small streams in the rear of the Mississippi, out of thehighroad of commerce, renders them less civilized thanthose nations.

The Sauks, Reynards, and Iowas, since the treaty of thetwo former with the United States [in 1804], claim theland from the entrance of the Jauflioni [see note¹⁴, p. 11],on the W. side of the Mississippi, up the latter river to theDes Iowa, above Prairie Des Chiens, and westward to theMissouri; but the limits between themselves are undefined.All the land formerly claimed by those nations E. of theMississippi is now ceded to the United States; but theyhave reserved to themselves the privilege of hunting andresiding on it, as usual.

By killing the celebrated Sauk chief Pontiac, the Illinois,Cahokias, Kaskaskias, and Piorias kindled a war with theallied nations of Sauks and Reynards, which has been thecause of the almost entire destruction of the former nations.

The Winebagos or Puants are a nation who reside on therivers Ouiscousing, De Roche, Fox, and Green Bay, in sevenvillages, which are situated as follows: 1st, at the entranceof Green Bay; 2d, at the end of Green Bay; 3d, at Wuckan[Lake Poygan], on Fox river; 4th, at Lake Puckway; 5th,at the portage of the Ouiscousing; 6th and 7th, on Rocheriver.

Those villages are so situated that the Winebagos canembody the whole force of their nation, at any one point oftheir territory, in four days. They hunt on the Ouiscousingand Rock rivers, and E. side of the Mississippi, from Rockriver to Prairie Des Chiens; on Lake Michigan, Black river,and in the country between Lakes Michigan, Huron, andSuperior. From the tradition amongst them, and theirspeaking the same language as the Otos of the RivierePlatte, I am confident in asserting that they are a nationwho have emigrated from Mexico to avoid the oppressionof the Spaniards; and the time may be fixed at about 1½centuries past, when they were taken under the protectionof the Sioux, to whom they still profess to owe faith, and atleast brotherly attention. They have formerly been at warwith the nations west of the Mississippi, but appear recentlyto have laid down the hatchet. They are reputed brave,but from every circumstance their neighbors distinguishtheir bravery as the ferocity of a tiger, rather than the deliberateresolution of a man; and recently their conduct hasbeen such as to authorize the remark made by a chief of aneighboring nation, that "a white man never should liedown to sleep without precaution in their villages."

The Menomene or Fols Avoins, as they are termed by theFrench, reside in seven villages, situated as follows: 1st, atthe Menomene river, 15 leagues from Green Bay, on the northside of the lake; 2d, at Green Bay; 3d, at Little Kakalin;4th, at portage of Kakalin; 5th, on Stinking Lake [Winnebago];6th, at the entrance of a small lake [Lac Butte desMorts] on Fox river; and 7th, behind the Bank of theDead [Butte des Morts]. Their hunting-grounds are similarto those of the Winebagos; only that, owing to thevery high estimation in which they are held both by Siouxand Chipeways, they are frequently permitted to hunt nearRaven river on the Mississippi, which may be termed thebattle-ground between those two great nations. The languagewhich they speak is singular, for no white man hasever yet been known to acquire it; but this may probablybe attributed to their understanding the Algonquin, in whichthey and the Winebagos transact all conferences with thewhites or other nations; and the facility with which thatlanguage is acquired is a further reason for its prevalence.

The Fols Avoins, although a small nation, are respectedby all their neighbors for their bravery and independentspirit, and esteemed by the whites as their friends and protectors.When in the country I heard their chief assert incouncil with the Sioux and Chipeways, that although theywere reduced to few in number, yet they could say, "wenever were slaves," as they had always preferred that theirwomen and children should die by their own hands, to theirbeing led into slavery by their enemies. The boundary oftheir territory is uncertain. The Sauks, Reynards, Puants,and Menomenes all reside, when not at their villages, inlodges in the form of an ellipsis; some are from 30 to 40 feetin length by 14 or 15 wide, and are sufficiently large toshelter 60 people from the storm, or for 20 to reside in.Their covering is rushes plaited into mats, and carefullytied to the poles. In the center are the fires, immediatelyover which is a small vacancy in the lodge, which in fairweather is sufficient to give vent to the smoke; but in badweather you must lie down on the ground to prevent beingconsiderably incommoded by it.

We next come to that powerful nation the Sioux, thedread of whom is extended over all the Savage nations, fromthe confluence of the Mississippi and Missouri to Ravenriver on the former, and to the Snake [Shoshone] Indianson the latter. But in those limits are many nations whomthey consider as allies, on a similar footing with the allies ofancient Rome, i. e., humble dependents. But the Chipewaynation is an exception, who have maintained a long contestwith them, owing to their country being intersected by numeroussmall lakes, water-courses, impenetrable morasses, andswamps; and have hitherto bid defiance to all the attacks oftheir neighbors. It is necessary to divide the Sioux nationinto the different bands, as distinguished amongst themselves,in order to have a correct idea of them.

Agreeably to this plan, I shall begin with the MinowaKantong [Mdewakantonwans] or Gens De Lac, who extendfrom Prairie Des Chiens to La Prairie du Francois [vicinityof Shakopee, Chaska, etc.], 35 miles up the St. Peters. Thisband is again subdivided into four divisions, under differentchiefs. The first of these most generally reside at their villageon the Upper Iowa river, above Prairie Des Chiens, andare commanded by Wabasha, a chief whose father was consideredas the first chief of all the Sioux nation. This subdivisionhunts on both sides of the Mississippi and its confluentstreams, from Prairie Des Chiens to the riviere duB — uf. The second subdivision resides near the head of LakePepin, and hunts from the riviere du B — uf to near the St.Croix. Their chief’s name is Tantangamani — a very celebratedwar-chief. The third subdivision resides between theriviere au Canon and the entrance of the St. Peters, headedby Chatewaconamani. Their principal hunting-ground is onthe St. Croix. They have a village [Kapoja] at a placecalled Grand Marais [Pig’s Eye lake], 15 miles below the entranceof the St. Peters. It is situated on the east bank ofthe Mississippi, and consists of 11 log huts. The fourthsubdivision is situated from the entrance of the St. Petersto the Prairie Des Francois; they are headed by a chiefcalled Chatamutah, but a young man, Wyaganage, hasrecently taken the lead in all the councils and affairs of stateof this sub-band. They have one village, nine miles up theSt. Peters, on the N. side. This band (Minowa Kantong)are reputed the bravest of all the Sioux, and have for yearsbeen opposed to the Fols Avoin Sauteurs, who are reputedthe bravest of all the numerous bands of Chipeways.

The second band of Sioux are the Washpetong [Waqpetonwan]or Gens Des Fieulles [Feuilles], who inhabit thecountry from the Prairie De Francois to near Roche Blanche,on the St. Peters. Their first chief is Wasonquianni. Theyhunt on the St. Peters, also on the Mississippi, up Rumriver, and sometimes follow the buffalo on the plains. Theirsubdivisions I am unacquainted with.

The third band are the Sussitongs [Sisitonwans or Sissetons];they extend from the Roche Blanche [White Rock]to Lac de Gross Roche [Big Stone or Inyantonka lake], onthe river St. Peters; they are divided into two subdivisions.The first, called the Cawrees [Kahras], are headed by thechief called Wuckiew Nutch or Tonnere Rouge [Red Thunder].The second, the Sussitongs proper, are headed byWacantoe or Esprit Blue [Blue Spirit]. These two sub-bandshunt eastward to the Mississippi, and up that riveras far as the Riviere De Corbeau.

The fourth great band are the Yanctongs [Ihanktonwansor Yanktons], who are dispersed from the Montaignes[Coteau] De la Prairie, which extends from St. Peters to theMissouri, to the De Moyen. They are divided into twogrand divisions, generally termed Yanctongs of the North,and Yanctongs of the South [Yanktonnais and Yanktons].The former are headed by a chief called Muckpeanutah orNuage Rouge [Red Cloud]; and those of the Prairie, by Petessung. This band are never stationary, but with the Titongs are the most erratic of all the Sioux, sometimes tobe found on the borders of the Lower Red River, sometimeson the Missouri, and on those immense plains whichare between the two rivers.

The fifth great band are the Titongs [Titonwans, commonlycalled Tetons], who are dispersed on both sides ofthe Missouri; on the north, principally from the river Chienne[Cheyenne] up; and on the south, from the Mahas[Omahas] to the Minetares, or Gross Ventres [Hidatsas].They may be divided into the Titongs of the North andSouth; but the immense plains over which they rove withthe Yanctongs renders it impossible to point out their placeof habitation.

Stopped Here - Strickland , Started Here - Smith

The sixth, last, and smallest band of the Sioux are the Washpecoute [Waqpekute or Wahkpakotoan], who reside generally on the lands west of the Mississippi, between that river and the Missouri. They hunt most generally on the head of the De Moyen. They appeared to me tobe the most stupid and inactive of all the Sioux.

The Minowa Kantongs are the only band of Sioux whouse canoes, and by far the most civilized, being the only ones who have ever built log huts, or cultivated any species of vegetables, and among those only a very small quantity of corn and beans; for, although I was with them in September or October, I never saw one kettle of either,they always using wild oats for bread. This production nature has furnished to all the most uncultivated nations of the N. W. continent, who may gather in autumn a sufficiency which, when added to the productions of the chase and the net, insures them a subsistence through all the seasons of the year. This band is entirely armed with firearms, but is not considered by the other bands as anything superior on that account, especially on the plains.

The Washpetong are a roving band; they leave the St.Peters in the month of April, and do not return from the plains until the middle of August. The Sussitongs of Roche Blanche have the character of being the most evil-disposed Indians on the St. Peters. They likewise follow the buffaloin the spring and summer months. The Sussitongs of Lacde Gross Roche [Big Stone Lake], under Tonnere Rouge, have the character of good hunters and brave warriors, which may principally be attributed to their chief, Tonnere Rouge, who at the present day is allowed by both white people and the savages of the different bands to be (after their own chiefs) the first man in the Sioux nation. The Yanctongs andTitongs are the most independent Indians in the world; they follow the buffalo as chance directs, clothing themselves with the skins, and making their lodges, bridles, and saddles of the same materials, the flesh of the animal furnishing their food. Possessing innumerable herds of horses, they are here this day, 500 miles off ten days hence, and find themselves equally at home in either place, moving witha rapidity scarcely to be imagined by the inhabitants of the civilized world.

The trade of the Minowa Kantongs, Washpetongs, Sussitongs, and part of the Yanctongs, is all derived from the traders of Michilimackinac; and the latter of those two bands supply the Yanctongs of the North and Titongs with the small quantities of iron works [hardware] which they require. Firearms are not in much estimation with them. The Washpecoute trade principally with the people of Prairie Des Chiens; but for a more particular explanation of this subject, please to refer to the table.[VIII-3]

Abstract of the Nations of Indians on the Mississippi and itsconfluent streams from St. Louis, Louisiana, to its source, includingRed Lake and Lower Red River.

Names.			Warriors.	Women.	Children.	Villages.	Probable Souls.	Lodges of Roving Bands.	Fire Arms.	Primitive Language.	Traders or Bands with whom they traffic.	Annual Consumption of Merchandise.	Annual return of Peltry in packs.	Species of Peltry.
English.	Indian.	French.
I. Sauks	Sawkee	Saque	700	750	1400	3	2850		700	Sauk	Michilimackinac, St. Louis, people of Prairie des Chiens	15000	600	Deer, some bear, a few otter, beaver, racoon.
II. Foxes	Ottagaumie	Reynards	400	500	850	3	1750		400	Sauk, with a small difference in the idiom	do.	8500	400	Deer, a few bear, with a small proportion more of furs.
III. Iowas	Aiowais	Ne Perce	300	400	700	2	1400		250	Missouries	Michilimackinac	10000	300	Deer, bear, otter, beaver, mink, racoon, gray fox, muskrat.
IV. Winebagos	Ochangras	Puants	450	500	1000	7	1950		450	Missouries, or Zoto	do.	9000	200	Same as the Fox’s.
V. Menomenes	Menomene	Fols Avoin	300	350	700	7	1350		300	Menomene	do.	9000	250	Beaver, marten, gray fox, mink, muskrat, otter, deer, elk, &c.
		[Total of the above]	2150	2500	4650	22	9300		2100
VI. Sues	Narcotah	Sioux
1. People of the Lakes	Minowa Kantong	Gens du Lac	305	600	1200	3	2105	125	305	Narcotah	do.	13500	230	Deer, a few bear, some beaver, racoon, &c.
2. People of the Leaves	Washpetong	Gens des Feuilles	180	350	530		1060	70	160	do.	do.	6000	115	Deer, a few buffalo-robes, some beaver, otter, mink, &c.
3. Sissitons	Sussitongs	Sussitongs	360	700	1100		2160	155	260	do.	do.	12500	160	Deer, many buffalo-robes, furs from Raven river.
4. Yanktons	Yanctong	Yanctong	900	1600	2700		4300	270	350	do.	do.	8000	130	Principally buffalo-robes.
5. Tetons	Titong	Titong	2000	3600	6000		11600	600	100	do.	Yanktongs and some Sussitongs			Buffalo-robes.
6. People of the Leaves detached[*]	Washpecoute[*]	Gens des Feuilles tirees[*]	90	180	270		450	50	90	do.	People of Prairies des Chiens and on head of de Moyen	2000	50	Deer, beaver, otter, bear &c.
		[Total Sioux]	3835	6433	11800	3	21675	1270	1270
VII. Chipeways	Ouchipawah	Sauteurs
1. Leapers		Sauteurs proper
	Of Sandy Lake[+]		45	79	224		345	24		Algonquin	N. W. Company[++]			Beaver, muskrats, otter, marten, black and silver fox &c.
	Of Leech Lake[+]		150	280	690		1120	65		do.	do.			do.
	Of Red Lake[+]		150	260	610		1020	64		do.	do.			do.
2. Of St. Croix and Chipeway r.			104	165	420		689	50		do.	do.			do.
3. Of the other bands generally			1600	2400	4000		8000	400		do.	N. W. Co. and others	Uncertain		Unknown.
		Total Chippewas	2049	3184	5944		11177	630	2049
		[Grand total]	8034	12114	22394	25	45152	1873	5414

Names (English.)	Best Positions for Trading-posts.	With Whom at war.	With whom at peace, or in alliance.	Names of Chiefs or Principal Men.			Remarks.
				Indian.	French.	English.
I. Sauks	Head of rapid de Moyen	Chipeways	Reynards, Puants, Sioux, Osage, Potowatomies, Fols Avoins, Ioways, all nations of the Missouri	Washione
				Pockquinike	Bras Casse	Broken Arm
II. Foxes	Giard’s river, nearly opp. Prairie des Chiens, confluence of Miss. and Ouiscousing	do.	do.	Olopier			First Chief
				Pecit	Petit Corbeau	Little Raven
				Akaque	Peau Blanche	White Skin	Killed the Osage on their way to St. Louis; now raising a war-party tostrike the Sauteaux
III. Iowas	Rivers de Moyen and Iowa	do.	do.
IV. Winebagos	Portage de Cockalin (on Fox river) or at Grand Calumet	Since the peace between Osages, Sauks and Reynards, Puants have tacitly ceased war on the former	In alliance with Sauks, Reynards, Sioux, Fols Avoins, &c., at peace with all others	New Okat			First chief; commissioned as such
				Sansamani
				Chenoway’s Son			Commissioned
				Karamone			do.
				Du Quarre			do.
				Macraragah			do.
V. Menomenes	Portage des Perre, on Fox river	None	In alliance with Ottoway, Chipeway, Ochangras	Tomaw	Thomas Carron	Thomas Carron	First chief; received commission as such, and flag
				Shawonoe
				Neckech
VI. Sues				Wabasha	La Feuille	The Leaf	Literally translated; first chief of the nation; received a commission and a flag
1. People of the Lakes	Entrance St. Croix	Recently, Chipeways; now at peace; at war with Assinniboins and some nations on the Missouri	Sauks, Reynards, Ioways, Fols Avoins	Talangamane	Aile Rouge	Red Wing	do.
				Chatewaconamani	Petit Corbeau	Little Raven	Received commission and flag
				Tahamie	Orignal Leve	Rising Moose	Literally translated
				Tatamane	Nez Corbeau	Raven Nose	Literally Wind that Walks; commissioned
2. People of the Leaves	Little Rapids, St. Peters	do.	do.	Wasonquianni	Araignee Jaune	Yellow Spider	First chief of the nation
				Wukunsna	Tonnerre qui Sonne	Rolling Thunder	Literally translated
				Houho Otah	Le Noyeau	Stone of Fruit	Received a commission and flag
3. Sissitons	Lac de Gross Roche, St. Peters	do.	do.	Wacanto	Esprit Bleu	Blue Spirit	First chief of his band
				Waminisabah	Killieu Noir	Black Eagle	Literally translated
				Itoye	Gross Calumet	Big Pipe
				Wuckiew Nutch	Tonnerre Rouge	Red Thunder	Literal translation; first chief of all the Sioux
4. Yanktons				Petessung	Vache Blanche	White Buffalo	Literally translated
				Muckpeanutah	Nuage Rouge	Red Cloud	Literally translated; first chief of the nation
				Champanage
5. Tetons		Various nations of the Missouri	do.	Chantaoeteka	C — ur Mauvais	Bad Heart	Bois Brulle
				Shenouskar	Couverte Blanche	White Blanket	Okandanda
6. People of the Leaves detached	Prairie des Chiens	do.	do.	Wamaneopenutah	C — ur du Killeur Rouge	Heart of the Red Eagle
				Tantangashatah	B — uf qui Joue	Playing Buffalo	Literal translation
				Kachiwasigon	Corbeau Francois	French Raven	do.
VII. Chipeways
1. Leapers
	Sandy Lake	Recently, Sioux; now at peace; at war with Sauks, Foxes, Iowas	Fols Avoins, all nations of Canada	Catawabata	De Breche	Broken Teeth	First chief of his band
	Leech Lake	do.	do.	Eskibugeckoge	Geuelle Platte	Flat Mouth	do.
				Obigouitte	Chef de la Terre	Chief of the Land
				Oole	La Brule	The Burnt
	Red Lake	do.	do.	Wiscoup	Le Sucre	The Sweet	do.
2. Of St. Croix and Chipeway r.	South side of Lake Superior	do.	do.
3. Of the other bands generally				Necktame	Preinier [Premier]	Head Chief	Resides on Lac La Pluir river.

N. B. — Wyaganage, or Fils de Pinchow, a chief of Gens du Lac, and head of village at entrance of St. Peters, omitted; hasreceived flag and commission. [Z. M. P.]

[N. B. — Total of Sacs, Foxes, Iowas, Winnebagoes, and Menomonees, and GrandTotal, embodied from the "Recapitulation," which was on separate leaf (unpaged p. 66) of orig. ed. — E. C.]

[*] This is merely a band of vagabonds, formed by refugees from all other bands, which they left for some bad deed.

[+] From actual estimate.

[++] See my Reports on the trade of the N. W. Company.

The claims of limits of the Sioux nation are allowed byall their neighbors to commence at Prairie Des Chiens, andascend the Mississippi on both sides to the Riviere De Corbeau;up that river to its source; thence to the source of the St. Peters; thence to the Montaigne De La Prairie;thence to the Missouri; down that river to the Mahas, bearing thence N. E. to the source of the De Moyen; and thenceto the place of beginning. They also claim a large territory south of the Missouri, but how far it extends is uncertain.The country E. of the Mississippi, from Rum river to the Riviere De Corbeau, is likewise in dispute between them and the Chipeways, and has been the scene of many a sharp encounter for near 150 years past.

From my knowledge of the Sioux nation, I do not hesitateto pronounce them the most warlike and independentnation of Indians within the boundaries of the United States, their every passion being subservient to that of war; at the same time that their traders feel themselves perfectly secure of any combination being made against themselves, it is extremely necessary to be careful not to injure the honor or feelings of an individual, which is certainly the principal cause of the many broils which occur between them. But never was a trader known to suffer in the estimation of the nation by resenting any indignity offered him, even if it went to taking the life of the offender. Their guttural pronunciation, high cheek bones, their visages, and distinct manners, together with their own traditions, supported by the testimony of neighboring nations, puts it in my mind beyond the shadow of a doubt that they have emigrated from the N. W. point of America, to which they have come across the narrow streight which in that quarter divides the two continents, and are absolutely descendants of a Tartarean tribe.

The only personal knowledge which I have of the Chipewaynation is restricted to the tribes on the south side of Lake Superior, on the headwaters of the Chipeway and the St. Croix; and to those who reside at Sandy Lake, Leech Lake, Rainy Lake, Red Lake, and the heads of the rivers Rouge, Mississippi, and De Corbeau. They are divided, like the Sioux, into many bands, the names of only seven of which I am acquainted with.

[1st.] I shall begin with those who reside on the southside of Lake Superior, and on Lakes De Sable and SangSue, with the adjacent country. They are generally denominated by the traders by the name of Sauteuxs,but those of the headwaters of the Chipeway and St.Croix rivers are called Fols Avoin Sauteurs. I am unacquaintedwith the names of their chiefs. Those of Sandy Lake are headed by a chief called Catawabata, or De Breche [Brèche-dent]. They hunt on Mille Lacs, Red Lake, the east bank of the Mississippi from Rum river up to the Des Corbeau, and thence on both sides ofthe Mississippi to Pine river; on that river also, up the Mississippi to Lake De Sable, and about 100 miles above that lake. Those of Leech Lake hunt on its streams, Lake Winipie [Winnibigoshish], Upper Red Cedar Lake, OtterTail Lake, head of the De Corbeau, and the upper part of Lower Red river. Their chief is Le Gieulle [La Gueule]Platte, or Eskibugeckoge [Flat Mouth].

2d. The Crees reside on Red lake, and hunt in its vicinityand on Red river. Their first chief’s name is Wiscoup, orLe Sucre.

3d. The Nepesangs reside on Lake Nippising and Lake St. Joseph.

4th. The Algonquins reside on the Lake of the two Mountains, and are dispersed along the north sides of Lakes Ontario and Erie. From this tribe the language of the Chipeways derives its name, and the whole nation is frequently designated by that appellation.

5th. The Otoways [Ottawas] reside on the N. W. side of Lake Michigan and Lake Huron; and hunt between those lakes and Lake Superior.

6th. The Iroquois Chipeways are dispersed along the banks of all the Great Lakes, from Ontario to the Lake ofthe Woods.

7th. The Muscononges reside on the waters of Lower Redriver, near to Lake Winipie [Winnipeg], and are the furthest band of Chipeways.

The Chipeways were the great and almost natural enemiesof the Sioux, with whom they had been waging a war of extermination for near two centuries. On my arrival among them I succeeded in inducing both sides to agree to a peace, and no blood was shed from Sept., 1805, to Apr., 1806, whenI left the country. This object had frequently been in vain attempted by the British government, who often brought the chiefs of the two nations together at Michilimackinac, made them presents, etc. But the Sioux, still haughty and overbearing, spurned the proffered calumet, and returned torenew the scenes of slaughter and barbarity. It may then be demanded, how could a subaltern with 20 men, and no presents worthy of notice, effect that which the governors of Canada, with all the immense finances of the Indian department,had attempted in vain, although they frequently and urgently recommended it — I reply that it is true theBritish government requested, recommended, and made presents — but all this at a distance; and when the chiefs returned to their bands, their thirst for blood soon obliterated from their recollection the lectures of humanity which they had heard in the councils of Michilimackinac. Butwhen I appeared amongst them the United States had lately acquired jurisdiction over them, and the names of the Americans as warriors had frequently been sounded in their ears; when I spoke to them on the subject I commandedthem, in the name of their great father, to make peace; offered them the benefit of the mediation and guarantee of the United States; and spoke of the peace, not as a benefitto us, but a step taken to make themselves and their childrenhappy. This language, held up to both nations withthe assistance of the traders, was a happy coincidence ofcircumstances; and (may I not add — ) the assistance of the Almighty effected that which had long been attempted in vain. But I am perfectly convinced that, unless troops aresent up between those two nations, with an agent whose business it would be to watch the rising discontents and check the brooding spirit of revenge, the weapons of death will again be raised, and the echoes of savage barbarity will resound through the wilderness.[VIII-4]

The Chipeways are uncommonly attached to spirituous liquors; but may not this be owing to their traders, who find it much to their [own] interest to encourage their [theChipeways’] thirst after an article which enables them [thetraders] to obtain their [the Chipeways’] peltries at so low arate as scarcely to be denominated a consideration, and have reduced the people near the establishments to a degreeof degradation unparalleled —

The Algonquin language is one of the most copious andsonorous languages of all the savage dialects in North America; and is spoken and understood by the various nations, except the Sioux, from the Gulf of St. Lawrence toLake Winipie [Winnipeg].

This nation is much more mild and docile than the Sioux,and if we may judge from unprejudiced observers, morecool and deliberate in action. But the latter possess a much higher sense of the honor of their nation: the others planfor self-preservation. The Sioux attacks with impetuosity; the other defends with every necessary precaution. But the superior numbers of the Sioux would have enabled them to annihilate the Chipeways long since had it not been forthe nature of their [the Chipeways’] country, which entirely precludes the possibility of an attack on horseback. Thisalso gives them a decided advantage over an enemy halfarmed with arrows, as the least twig of a bush will turnthe shaft of death out of its direction; whereas, the whizzing bullet holds its course nor spends its force short of the destined victim. Thus we generally have found that when engaged in a prairie the Sioux came off victorious; but if in the woods, even if not obliged to retreat, the carcasses oftheir slaughtered brethren showed how dearly they purchased the victory.

The Sioux are bounded on the N. E. and N. by these two powerful nations, the Chipeways and Knisteneaux[Crees], whose manners, strength, and boundaries are ably described by Sir Alexander McKenzie. The Assinniboins, or Stone Sioux, who border the Chipeways on the N. W.and W., are a revolted band of the Sioux, who have maintained war with the parent nation for about a century, andhave rendered themselves their most violent enemies. They extend from the Red river W. nearly to the Rocky Mountains, and are computed at 1,500 warriors. They reside on the plains, and follow the buffalo; consequently they have very little occasion for traders or European productions.

CHAPTER IX.

VOCABULARY OF MISSISSIPPIAN PLACE-NAMES.[IX-1]

English.	French.	Indian.
Natural Meadow	Prairie
Buffalo river	Riviere au B — uf
Salt river	Riviere au Sel	Oahaha
River of Means	Riviere de Moyen
Iowa river	Riviere de Ayoua
Stony, or Rock river	Riviere des Rochers
Turkey river	Riviere au Dindon
Dog’s meadow	Prairie Des Chien
		Ouiscousing
Raven river	Riviere de Corbeau
Yellow river	Riviere Jaune
Root river	Riviere aux Racines
River of Embarrassments	Riviere d’Embarras
Clear Water river	Riviere l’Eau Clair
River of the Prairie of Cross	Riviere de la Prairie de Crosse
Chipeway river	Riviere Sauteaux	Ouchipewa Sippi
The Mountain which soaks in the Water	La Montaigne qui trempe dans l’Eau
River of do	Riviere de do
Sandy point	Point de Sable
The Barn	La Grange
Cannon River	Riviere a Canon
River St. Peters	Riviere St. Pierre
Falls of St. Anthony	Shute de St. Antoine
Rum river	Prairie l’Eau de Vie
Leaf river	Riviere aux Feuilles
Sauk river	Riviere aux Saukes
Big Falls	Grand rapid
Lower Red Cedar lake	Le Bas Lac du Cedre Rouge
Raven island	Isle de Corbeau
Pine river	Riviere au Pin
Leech lake	Lac Sang Sue
Sandy lake	Lac de Sable
Pike river	Riviere du Brochet
Bottom of the lake	Fond du Lac
Swan river	Riviere a Cigue
Falls of Packegamaw	Petite Shute	Packegamaw
Upper Red Cedar lake	Le Haut Lac de Cedre Rouge
Red lake	Lac Rouge
Green bay	La Baye Verde
St. Ignatius	St. Ignace
Oak Point	Point au Chene
		Meno Cockien
The Turn	La Detour
Island of the Turn	Isle du Detour
Burnt island	Isle Brule
Potowatomies island	Isle des Poux
Little Streight	Petit Detroit
Port of the Dead	Port des Morts
Vermillion island	Isle Vermilion
Red river	Riviere Rouge
Stinking rapid	Puant Rapid
Wolf river	Riviere des Loups
Hillock of the dead	Butte des Morts
		Lac Puckway
Muddy lake	Lac Vaseux

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