Louisiana Anthology

George Washington Cable.
“Posson Jone.”

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The Negro in the American rebellion : his heroism and his fidelity

Brown, William Wells, 1815-1884 ’

CHAPTER I.

BLACKS IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR AND IN 1812.

The First Cargo of Slaves landed in the Colonies in 1620. — Slave Representation in Congress. — Opposition to the Slave-trade. — Crispus Attucks, the First Victim of the Revolutionary War. — Bancroft's Testimony. — Capture of Gen. Prescott. — Colored Men in the War of 1812. — Gen. Andrew Jackson on Negro Soldiers 1

CHAPTER IV.

SLAVE REVOLT AT SEA.

Madison Washington. — His Escape from the South. — His Love of Liberty. — His Return. — His Capture. — The Brig "Creole." — The Slave-traders. — Capture of the Vessel. — Freedom of the Oppressed 26

CHAPTER VII.

THE FIRST GUN OF THE REBELLION.

Nomination of Fremont. — Nomination of Lincoln. — The Mob Spirit. — Spirit of Slavery. — The Democracy. — Cotton. — Northern Promises to the Rebels. — Assault on Fort Sumter. — Call for 75,000 Men. — Response of the Colored Men .... 50

CHAPTER VIII.

THE UNION AND SLAVERY BOTH TO BE PRESERVED.

Union Generals offer to suppress Slave-insurrections. — Return of Slaves coming into our Army 56

CHAPTER IX.

INTELLIGENT CONTRABANDS.

James Lawson. — His Bravery. — Rescue of his Wife and Children. — He is sent out on Important Business. — He fights his Way back.

— He is admired by Gens. Hooker and Sickles. — Rhett's Servant.

— " Foraging for Butter and Eggs " 60

CHAPTER XII.

GENERAL BUTLER AT NEW ORLEANS.

Recognition of Negro Soldiers with Officers of their own Color. — Society in New Orleans. — The Inhuman Master. — Justice. — Change of Opinion. — The Free Colored Population . . .62

CHAPTER XVIII.

BATTLE OF MILLIKEN'S BEND.

Contraband Regiments ; their Bravery; the Surprise. — Hand-to-handFight. — " No Quarter." — Negroes rather die than surrender. — The Gunboat and her Dreadful Havoc with the Enemy . . .137

CHAPTER XXIII.

BATTLE OF PORT HUDSON.

The Louisiana Native Guard. — Capt. Callioux. — The Weather. — Spirit of the Troops. — The Battle begins. — " Charge." — GreatBravery. — The Gallant Color-bearer. — Grape, Canister, and Shellsweep down the Heroic Men. — Death of Callioux. — Comments . 167

CHAPTER XXIY.

GENERAL BANKS IN LOUISIANA.

Gen. Banks at New Orleans. — Old Slave-laws revived. — Treatmentof Free Colored Persons. — Col. Jonas H. French. — 111 Treatment,at Port Hudson 177

T

CHAPTER XXV.

HONORS TO THE NOBLE DEAD.

/Capt Andre Callioux. — His Body lies in State. — Personal Appear-ance. — His Enthusiasm. — His Popularity. — His Funeral. — Thegreat Respect paid the Deceased. — General Lamentation . .186

CHAPTER XXVI.

THE NORTHERN WING OF THE REBELLION.The New-York Mob. — Murder, Fire, and Robbery. — The City givenup to the Rioters. — Whites and Blacks robbed in Open Day inthe Great Thoroughfares. — Negroes murdered, burned, and theirBodies hung on Lamp-posts. — Southern Rebels at the Head of theRiot 192

CHAPTER XLII.

ILL TREATMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE SOUTH.

The Old Slaveholders. — The Freedmen. — Murders. — School-teach-ers. — Riot at Memphis. — Mob at New Orleans. — Murder of UnionMen. — Riot at a Camp-meeting 345

CHAPTER XLIII.

PROTECTION FOR THE COLORED PEOPLE.

Protection for the Colored People South. — The Civil Rights Bill. — Liberty without the Ballot no Boon. — Impartial Suffrage. — TestOaths not to be depended upon 355

Xvi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XLIY.

CASTE.

Slavery the Foundation of Caste. — Black its Preference. — The Gen-eral Wish for Black Hair and Eyes. — No Hatred to Color. — TheWhite Slave. — A Mistake. — Stole his Thunder. — The Burman. — Pew for Sale 361

THE NEGRO

AMERICAN REBELLION,

CHAPTER I

BLACKS IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR AND IN 1812.

The First Cargo of Slaves landed in the Colonies in 1620. — Slave Representation in Congress. — Opposition to the Slave-Trade. — Crispu Attucks, the First Victim of the Revolutionary War. — Bancroft's Testimony. — Capture of Gen. Prescott. — Colored Men in the "Warof 1812. — Gen. Andrew Jackson on Negro Soldiers.

I now undertake to write a history of the part which the colored men took in the great American Rebellion. Previous to entering upon that subject, however, I maybe pardoned for bringing before the reader the condition of the blacks previous to the breaking out of the war.

The Declaration of American Independence, made July 4, 1776, had scarcely been enunciated, and an organization of the government commenced, ere the people found themselves surrounded by new and trying difficulties, which, for a time, threatened to wreck the ship of state.

The forty-five slaves landed on the banks of the James River, in the colony of Virginia, from the coast of Africin 1620, had multiplied to several thousands, and were in-fluencing the political, social, and religious institutions of the country. Brought into the colonies against their will; made the " hewers of wood and the drawers of water;" considered, in the light of law and public opinion, as mere chattels, — things to be bought and soldat the will of the owner; driven to their unrequited toil by unfeeling men, picked for the purpose from the lowest and most degraded of the uneducated whites, whose moral, social, and political degradation, by slavery, was equal to that of the slave, — the condition of the negro was indeed a sad one.

The history of this people, full of sorrow, blood, and tears, is full also of instruction for mankind. God has so ordered it that one class shall not degrade another,without becoming themselves contaminated. So with slavery in America. The institution bred in the master insulting ar0rogance, deteriorating sloth, pampered the loathsome lust it inflamed, until licentious luxury sapped the strength and rottened the virtue of the slave-owners of the South. Never were the institutions of a people,or the principles of liberty, put to such a severe test as those of the American Republic. The convention to frame the Constitution for the government of the United States had not organized before the slave-masters began to press the claims of their system upon the delegates.They wanted their property represented in the national Congress, and undue guarantees thrown around it; they wanted the African slave-trade made lawful, and their victims returned if they should attempt to escape; they begged that an article might be inserted in the Consti-tution, making it the duty of the General Government to put down the slaves if they should imitate their masters in striking a blow for freedom. They seemed afraid of the very evil they were clinging so closely to. " Thus conscience doth make cowards of us all."

In all this early difficulty, South Carolina took the lead against humanity, her delegates ever showing themselves the foes of freedom. Both in the Federal Convention to frame the Constitution, and in the State Conventions to ratify the same, it was admitted that the blacks had fought bravely against the British, and in favor of the American Republic; for the fact that a black man (Crispus Attucks) was the first to give his life at the commencement of the Revolution was still fresh in their minds. Eighteen years previous to the breaking out of the war, Attucks was held as a slave by Mr. William Brown of Framingham, Mass., and from whom he escaped about that time, taking up his residence in Bos-ton. The Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770, may be re-garded as the first act in the great drama of the Ameri-can Revolution. " From that moment," said Daniel Webster, " we may date the severance of the British Empire." The presence of the British soldiers in King Street excited the patriotic indignation of the people. The whole community was stirred, and sage counsellors were deliberating and writing and talking about the public grievances. But it was not for " the wise and prudent " to be the first to act against the encroachments of arbitrary power. " A motley rabble of saucy boys,negroes and mulattoes, Irish Teagues, and outlandish Jack tars " (as John Adams described them in his plea'in defence of the soldiers) could not restrain their emotion, or stop to inquire if what they must do was accord-ing to the letter of any law. Led by Crispus Attucks, the mulatto slave, and shouting, " The way to get rid of these soldiers is to attack the main guard; strike at the root; this is the nest," with more valor than discretion,they rushed to King Street, and were fired upon by Capt. Preston's Company. Crispus Attucks was the first to fall: he and Samuel Gray and Jonas Caldwell were killed on the spot. Samuel Maverick and Patrick Carr were mortally wounded.

The excitement which followed was intense. The bells of the town were rung. An impromptu town-meeting was held, and an immense assembly was gath-ered.

Three days after, on the 8th, a public funeral of the martyrs took place. The shops in Boston were closed; and all the bells of Boston and the neighboring towns were rung. It is said that a greater number of persons assembled on this occasion than were ever before gath-ered on this continent for a similar purpose. The body of Crispus Attucks, the mulatto slave, had been placed in Faneuil Hall, with that of Caldwell, both being strangers in the city. Maverick was buried from his mother's house, in Union Street; and Gray from his brother's, in Royal Exchange Lane. The four hearses formed a junction in King Street; and there the proces-sion marched in columns six deep, with a long file of coaches belonging to the most distinguished citizens, to the Middle Burying-ground, where the four victims were deposited in one grave, over which a stone was placed with this inscription: —

" Long as in Freedom's cause the wise contend, Dear to your country shall your fame extend; While to the world the lettered stone shall tell Where Caldwell, Attucks, Gray, and Maverick fell."

The anniversary of this event was publicly commem-orated in Boston, by an oration and other exercises, every year until after our national independence was achieved,when the Fourth of July was substituted for the Fifth of March as the more proper day for a general celebra-tion. Not only was the event commemorated, but the martyrs who then gave up their lives were remembered and honored.

For half a century after the close of the war, the name of Crispus Attucks was honorably mentioned by the most noted men of the country who were not blinded by foolish prejudice. At the battle of Bunker Hill, Peter Salem, a negro, distinguished himself by shooting Major Pitcairn, who, in the midst of the battle,having passed the storm of fire without, mounting theredoubt, and waving his sword, cried to the " rebels " to surrender. The fall of Pitcairn ended the battle in favor of liberty.

A single passage from Mr. Bancroft's history will give a succinct and clear account of the condition of the army, in respect to colored soldiers, at the time of the battle of Bunker Hill: —

" Nor should history forget to record, that, as in the army at Cambridge, so also in this gallant band, the free negroes of the colony had their representatives. For the right of free negroes to bear arms in the public de-fence was, at that day, as little disputed in New England as their other rights. They took their place, not in a separate corps, but in the ranks with the white man ; and their names may be read on the pension-rolls of the country, side by side with those of other soldiers of the Revolution." — Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. vii. p. 421.

The capture of Major-Gen. Prescott, of the British army, on the 9th of July, 1777, was an occasion of great joy throughout the country. Prince, the valiant negro who seized that officer, ought always to be remembered with honor for his important service. The exploit was much commended at the time, as its results were highly important; and Col. Barton, very properly, received from Congress the compliment of a sword for his inge-nuity and bravery. It seems, however, that it took more than one head to plan and to execute the under-taking. The following account of the capture is histor-ical : —

" They landed about five miles from Newport, and three-quarters of a mile from the house, which they approached cautiously, avoiding the main guard, which was at some distance. The colonel went foremost, with a stout, active negro close behind him, and another at a small distance : the rest followed so as to be near, but not seen.

11 A single sentinel at the door saw and hailed thecolonel: he answered by exclaiming against, and in-quiring for, rebel prisoners, but kept slowly advancing.The sentinel again challenged him, and required the counter sign. He said he had not the counter sign, but amused the sentry by talking about rebel prisoners, andstill advancing till he came within reach of the bayo-net, which, he presenting, the colonel suddenly struck aside, and seized him. He was immediately secured,and ordered to be silent on pain of instant death. Meanwhile, the rest of the men surrounding the house,the negro, with his head, at the second stroke, forced a passage into it, and then into the landlord's apartment.The landlord at first refused to give the necessary in-

telligence; but, on the prospect of present death, hepointed to the general's chamber, which being instantlyopened by the negro's head, the colonel, calling the gen-eral by name, told him he was a prisoner.1' — Pennsyl-vania Evening Post, Aug. 7, 1777 (in Frank Moore's"Diary of the American Revolution/' vol. i. p. 468).

There is abundant evidence of the fidelity and bra-very of the colored patriots of Rhode Island during thewhole war. Before they had been formed into a separ-ate regiment, they had fought valiantly with the white soldiers at Red Bank and elsewhere. Their conduct atthe " Battle of Rhode Island/' on the 29th of August,1778, entitles them to perpetual honor. That battle has been pronounced by military authorities to have been one of the best-fought battles of the Revolutionary War. Its success was owing, in a great degree, to the good fighting of the negro soldiers. Mr. Arnold, in his" History of Rhode Island," thus closes his account of it: —

" A third time the enemy, with desperate courage and increased strength, attempted to assail the redoubt, and would have carried it, but for the timely aid of two Continental battalions despatched by Sullivan to support his almost exhausted troops. It was in repelling these furious on sets, that the newly raised black regiment, under Col. Greene, distinguished itself by deeds of desperate valor. Posted behind a thicket in the valley,they three times drove back the Hessians, who charged repeatedly down the hill to dislodge them : and so determined were the enemy in these successive charges,that, the day after the battle, the Hessian colonel, upon whom this duty had devolved, applied to exchange his command, and go to New York, because he dared not lead his regiment again to battle, lest his men should shoot him for having caused them so much loss." — Arnold's History of Rhode Island, vol. ii. pp. 427, 428.

Three years later, these soldiers are thus mentionedby the Marquis de Chastellux: —

' "The 5th [of January, 1781] I did not set out till eleven, although I had thirty miles' journey to Lebanon. At the passage to the ferry, I met with a detachment of the Rhode-Island regiment, — the same corps we had with us all the last summer; but they have since been recruited and clothed. The greatest part of them are negroes or mulattoes: they are strong, robust men; and those I have seen had a very good appearance." — Chastdliix's Travels, vol. i. p. 454: London, 1789.

When Col. Greene was surprised and murdered, near Points Bridge, New York, on the 14th of May, 1781, his colored soldiers heroically defended him till they were cut to pieces; and the enemy reached him over the dead bodies of his faithful negroes.

That large numbers of negroes were enrolled in thearmy, and served faithfully as soldiers during the whole period of the war of the Revolution, may be regarded as a well-established historical fact. And it should be borne in mind, that the enlistment was not confined, by any means, to those who had before enjoyed the privi-leges of free citizens. Very many slaves were offered to, and received by, the army, on the condition that they were to be emancipated, either at the time of en-listing, or when they had served out the term of their enlistment. The inconsistency of keeping in slavery any person who had taken up arms for the defence ofour national liberty had led to the passing of an order forbidding " slaves," as such, to be received as soldiers.

That colored men were equally serviceable in the last war with Great Britain is true, as the following histor-ical document will show : —

GENERAL JACKSON'S PROCLAMATION TO THE NEGROES.

Headquarters, Seventh Military District,Mobile, Sept. 21, 1814.

To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana.

Through a mistaken policy, you have here to fore been deprived of a participation in the glorious struggle for national rights in which our country is engaged. This no longer shall exist.

As sons of freedom, you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessing. As Americans, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children for a valorous support, as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands, and brothers, you are summoned to rally around the standard of the Eagle to defend all which is dear in existence.

Your country, although calling for your exertions, does not wish you to engage in her cause without amply remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by false representations. Your love of honor would cause you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity of a soldier, and the language of truth, I address you.

To every noble-hearted, generous freeman of color,volunteering to serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty, in money and lands, now received by the white

soldiers of the United States ; viz., one hundred and twenty dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the same monthly pay, and daily rations, and clothes, furnished to any American soldier.

On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major-General Commanding will select officers for your government from your white fellow citizens. Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves.

Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers. You will not, by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed to improper comparisons or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen.

To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions, and my anxiety to engage your invaluable services to our country, I have communicated m}^ wishes to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the manner of enrollment, and will give you every necessary information on the subject of this address.

ANDREW JACKSON,

Major-General Commanding.[Niles's Register, vol. vii. p. 205.]

Three months later, Gen. Jackson addressed the same troops as follows : —

11 To the Men of Color. Soldiers ! From the shores of Mobile I collected you to arms. I invited you to share in the perils and to divide the glory of your white countrymen. I expected much from you ; for I was

BLACKS IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 11

not uninformed of those qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the hardships of war. I knew that you loved the land of your nativity,and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all that is most dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I have found in you, united to these qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds.

" Soldiers! The President of the United States shall be informed of your conduct on the present occasion ;and the voice of the Representatives of the American nation shall applaud your valor, as your general now praises your ardor. The enemy is near. His sails cover the lakes. But the brave are united; and, if he finds us contending with ourselves, it will be for the prize of valor, and fame its noblest reward." — Niles's Register,vol. vii. pp. 345, 346.

Black men served in the navy with great credit to themselves, receiving the commendation of Com. Perry and other brave officers.

Extract of a Letter from Nathaniel Shaler, Commander of the private-armed Schooner Gen. Tompkins, to his Agent in New York, dated, —

"At Sea, Jan. 1, 1813.

" Before I could get our light sails in, and almost before I could turn round, I was under the guns, not of a transport, but of a large frigate ! and not more than a quarter of a mile from her Her first broadside killed two men, and wounded six others

My officers conducted themselves in a way that would have done honor to a more permanent service

The name of one of my poor fellows who was killed ought to be registered in the book of fame, and remem-bered with reverence as long as bravery is considered avirtue. He was a black man, by the name of John Johnson. A twenty-four pound shot struck him in the hip, and took away all the lower part of his body. In this state, the poor brave fellow lay on the deck, and several times exclaimed to his shipmates, ' Fire away, my boy : no haul a color down. The other was also ablack man, by the name of John Davis, and was struckin much the same way. He fell near me, and several times requested to be thrown overboard, saying he wasonly in the way of others.

" When America has such tars, she has little to fear from the tyrants of the ocean." — Niles's Weekly Register,Saturday, Feb. 26, 1814.

CHAPTER IV.

SLAVE REVOLT AT SEA.

Madison Washington. — His Escape from the South. — His Love of Lib-erty. — His Return. — His Capture. — The Brig " Creole." — The Slave-traders. — Capture of the Vessel. — Freedom of the Oppressed.

The revolt on board of the brig " Creole," on the high seas, by a number of slaves who had been shipped for the Southern market, in the year 1841, created at the time a profound sensation throughout the country. Before entering upon it, however, I will introduce to the reader the hero of the occasion.

Among the great number of fugitive slaves who arrived in Canada towards the close of the year 1840, was one whose tall figure, firm step, and piercing eye attracted at once the attention of all who beheld him. Nature had treated him as a favorite. His expressive countenance painted and reflected every emotion of his soul. There was a fascination in the gaze of his finely cut eyes that no one could withstand. Born of African parentage, with no mixture in his blood, he was one of the handsomest of his race. His dignified, calm, and unaffected features announced at a glance that he was endowed with genius, and cremated to guide his fellowmen.He called himself Madison Washington, and said that his birth place was in the " Old Dominion." He might have been twenty-five years; but very few slaves have any correct idea of their age. Madison was not poorly

26

dressed, and had some money at the end of his journey, which showed that he was not from amongst the worstused slaves of the South. He immediately sought employment at a neighboring farm, where he remained some months. A strong, ablebodied man, and a good worker,and apparently satisfied with his situation, his employer felt that he had a servant who would stay with him along while. The farmer would occasionally raise a conversation, and try to draw from Madison some account of his former life, but in this he failed; for the fugitive was a man of few words, and kept his own secrets. His leisure hours were spent in learning to read and write; and in this he seemed to take the utmost interest. He appeared to take no interest in the sports and amusements that occupied the attention of others. Six months had not passed ere Madison began to show signs of discontent. In vain his employer tried to discover thecause.

" Do I not pay you enough, and treat you in a becoming manner?" asked Mr. Dickson one day when the fugitive seemed in a very desponding mood." Yes, sir," replied Madison.

" Then why do you appear so dissatisfied of late? "" Well, sir," said the fugitive, " since you have treated me with such kindness, and seem to take so much interest in me, I will tell you the reason why I have changed, and appear to you to be dissatisfied. I was born in slavery, in the State of Virginia. From my earliest recollections I hated slavery, and determined to be free. I have never yet called any man master, though I have been held by three different men who claimed me as their property. The birds in the trees and the wild beasts of the forest made me feel that I, like them, ought

to be free. My feelings were all thus centred in the one idea of liberty, of which I thought by day and dreamed by night. I had scarcely reached my twentieth year,when I became acquainted with the angelic being who has since become my wife. It was my intention to have escaped with her before we were married, but circum-stances prevented.

" I took her to my bosom as my wife, and then resolved to make the attempt. But, unfortunately, my plans were discovered : and, to save myself from being caught and sold off to the far South, I escaped to the woods, where I remained during many weary months. As I could not bring my wife away, I would not come without her. Another reason for remaining was that I hoped to get up an insurrection of the slaves, and thereby be the means of their liberation. In this, too,I failed. At last it was agreed, between my wife and I,that I should escape to Canada, get employment, save my earnings, and with it purchase her freedom. With the hope of attaining this end, I came into your service. I am now satisfied, that, with the wages I can command here, it will take me not less than five years to obtain by my labor the amount sufficient to purchase the liberty of my dear Susan. Five years will be too long for me to wait; for she may die, or be sold away, ere I can raise the money. This, sir, makes me feel low spirited; and I have come to the rash determination to return to Virginia for my wife."

The recital of the story had already brought tears to the eyes of the farmer, ere the fugitive had concluded.In vain did Mr. Dickson try to persuade Madison to giveup the idea of going back into the very grasp of the tyrant, and risking the loss of his own freedom without

securing that of his wife. The heroic man had made uphis mind, and nothing could move him. Receiving the amount of wages due him from his employer, Madison turned his face once more towards the South. Sup-plied with papers purporting to have been made out in Virginia, and certifying to his being a freeman, the fugitive had no difficulty in reaching the neighborhood of his wife. But these "free papers" were only calculated to serve him where he was not known. Madison hadalso provided himself with files, saws, and other implements, with which to cut his way out of any prison into which he might be cast. These instruments were so small as to be easily concealed in the lining of his cloth-ing : and, armed with them, the fugitive felt sure he should escape again were he ever captured. On his return, Madison met, in the State of Ohio, many of those whom he had seen on his journey to Canada; and all tried to prevail upon him to give up the rash attempt. But to every one he would reply, "Liberty is worth nothing to me while my wife is a slave." When near his former home, and unable to travel in open day without being detected, Madison betook himself to the woods during the day, and travelled by night. At last he arrived at the old farm at night, and bid away in the nearest forest. Here he remained several days, filled with hope and fear, without being able to obtain any information about his wife. One evening, during this suspense, Madison heard the singing of a company of slaves, the sound of which appeared nearer and nearer,until he became convinced that it was a gang going to a cornshucking; and the fugitive resolved that he would join it, and see if he could get any intelligence of his wife.In Virginia, as well as in most of the other cornrais-

ing slave-States, there is a custom of having what is termed " a corn-shucking," to which slaves from the neighboring plantations, with the consent of their masters, are invited. At the conclusion of the shucking, a supper is provided by the owner of the corn; and thus, together with the bad whiskey which is freely circulated on such occasions, the slaves are made to feel very happy. Four or five companies of men may be heard in different directions, and at the same time, approaching the place of rendezvous ; slaves joining the gangs along the roads as they pass their masters' farms. Madison came out upon the highway; and, as the company came along singing, he fell into the ranks, and joined in the song. Through the darkness of the night he was able to keep from being recognized by the remainder of the company, while he learned from the general conversation the most important news of the day.

Although hungry and thirsty, the fugitive dared not go to the suppertable for fear of recognition. However, before he left the company that night, he gained information enough to satisfy him that his wife was still with her old master; and he hoped to see her, if possible, onthe following night. The sun had scarcely set the next evening, ere Madison was wending his way out of the forest, and going towards the home of his loved one, if the slave can be said to have a home. Susan, the object of his affections, was indeed a woman every way worthy of his love. Madison knew well where to find the room usually occupied by his wife, and to that spot he made his way on arriving at the plantation; but, in his zeal and enthusiasm, and his being too confident of success, he committed a blunder which nearly cost him his life. Fearful that if he waited until a late hour,

Susan would be asleep, and in awakening her she would in her fright alarm the household, Madison ventured to her room too early in the evening, before the whites in the " great house " had retired. Observed by the overseer, a sufficient number of whites were called in, and the fugitive secured ere he could escape with his wife : butthe heroic slave did not yield until he with a club had laid three of his assailants upon the ground with his manly blows; and not then until weakened by loss of blood. Madison was at once taken to Richmond, and sold to a slave-trader, then making up a gang of slaves for the New-Orleans market.

The brig " Creole," owned by Johnson & Eperson of Richmond, and commanded by Capt. Enson, lay at theRichmond dock, waiting for her cargo, which usuallyconsisted of tobacco, hemp, flax, and slaves. There were two cabins for the slaves, — one for the men, the other for the women. The men were generally kept inchains while on the voyage ; but the women were usu-ally unchained, and allowed to roam at pleasure in theirown cabin. On the 27th of October, 1841, " The Creole "sailed from Hampton Roads, bound for New Orleans,with her full load of freight, a hundred and thirty-five slaves, and three passengers, besides the crew. Forty of the slaves were owned by Thomas McCargo, nine be-longed to Henry Hewell, and the remainder were held by Johnson & Eperson. Hewell had once been an over-seer for McCargo, and on this occasion was acting ashis agent.

Among the slaves owned by Johnson & Eperson,was Madison Washington. He was heavily ironed, and chained down to the floor of the cabin occupied by themen, which was in the forward hold. As it was known

by Madison's purchasers that he had once escaped, and had been in Canada, they kept a watchful eye over him.The two cabins were separated, so that the men and women had no communication whatever during the passage.

Although rather gloomy at times, Madison on this oc-casion seemed very cheerful, and his owners thought that he had repented of the experience he had undergone as a runaway, and in the future would prove amore easily governed chattel. But, from the first hour that he had entered the cabin of " The Creole," Madison had been busily engaged in the selection of men who were to act parts in the great drama. He picked out each one as if by intuition. Everything was done at night and in the dark, as far as the preparation was concerned. The miniature saws and files were faithfully used when the whites were asleep.

In the other cabin, among the slave-women, was one whose beauty at once attracted attention. Though not tall, she yet had a majestic figure. Her well-moulded shoulders, prominent bust, black hair which hung in ringlets, mild blue eyes, finely-chiselled mouth, with asplendid set of teeth, a turned and well-rounded chin, skin marbled with the animation of life, and veined by blood given to her by her master, she stood as the repre-sentative of two races. With only one-eighth of African blood, she was what is called at the South an "octoroon."It was said that her grandfather had served his country in the Revolutionary War, as well as in both Houses of Congress. This was Susan, the wife of Madison. Few slaves, even among the best-used house-servants, had so good an opportunity to gain general information as she.

Accustomed to travel with her mistress, Susan had of-

ten been to Richmond, Norfolk, White-Sulphur Springs,and other places of resort for the aristocracy of the Old Dominion. Her language was far more correct than that of most slaves in her position. Susan was as devoted to Madison as she was beautiful and accomplished.

After the arrest of her husband, and his confinement in Richmond jail, it was suspected that Susan had long been in possession of the knowledge of his whereabouts when in Canada, and knew of his being in the neighborhood ; and for this crime it was resolved that she should be sold, and sent off to a Southern plantation, where all hope of escape would be at an end. Each was not aware that the other was on board " The Creole ;" for Madison and Susan were taken to their respective cabins at different times. On the ninth day out, " The Creole" encountered a rough sea, and most of the slaves were sick, and therefore were not watched with that vigilance that they had been since she first sailed.This was the time for Madison and his accomplices towork, and nobly did they perform their duty. Night came on, the first watch had just been summoned, the wind blowing high, when Madison succeeded in reaching the quarter-deck, followed by eighteen others, all of whom sprang to different parts of the vessel, seizing whatever they could wield as weapons. The crew were nearly all on deck. Capt. Enson and Mr.Merritt, thefirst mate, were standing together, while Hewell was seated on the companion, smoking a cigar. The appear-ance of the slaves all at once, and the loud voice and commanding attitude of their leader, so completely surprised the whites, that —

" They spake not a word;But, like dumb statues or breathless stones, Stared at each other, and looked deadly pale."

The officers were all armed ; but so swift were the motions of Madison that they had nearly lost command of the vessel before they attempted to use them.

Hewell, the greater part of whose life had been spent on the plantation in the capacity of a negro-driver, and who knew that the defiant looks of these men meant something, was the first to start. Drawing his old horse-pistol from under his coat, he fired at one of the blacks, and killed him. The next moment Hewell lay dead upon the deck, for Madison had struck him with a capstan bar. The fight now became general, the white passengers, as well as all the crew, taking part. The battle was Madi-son's element, and he plunged into it without any care for his own preservation or safety. He was an instru-ment of enthusiasm, whose value and whose place wasin his inspiration. " If the fire of heaven was in my hands, I would throw it at those cowardly whites," said he to his companions, before leaving their cabin. But in this he did not mean revenge, only the possession of his freedom and that of his fellow-slaves. Merritt and Gilford, the first and second mates of the vessel, both attacked the heroic slave at the same time. Both were stretched out upon the deck with a single blow each,but were merely wounded : they were disabled, and that was all that Madison cared for for the time being. The sailors ran up the rigging for safety, and a moment morehe that had worn the fetters an hour before was master of the brig "Creole." His commanding attitude and daring orders, now that he was free, and his perfect prepara-tion for the grand alternative of liberty or death which stood before him, are splendid exemplifications ofthe true heroic. After his accomplices had covered the slaver's deck, Madison forbade the shedding of more blood, and ordered the sailors to come down, which they

SLAVE REVOLT AT SEA. 35

did, and with his own hands dressed their wounds. A guard was placed over all except Merritt, who was re-tained to navigate the vessel. With a musket doubly charged, and pointed at Merritt's breast, the slaves made him swear that he would safely take the brig into a British port. All things now secure, and the white men in chains or under guard, Madison ordered that the fet-ters should be severed from the limbs of those slaves who still wore them. The next morning " Capt. Wash-ington" (for such was the name he now bore) ordered the cook to provide the best breakfast that the store-room could furnish, intending to surprise his fellow-slaves, and especially the females, whom he had not yet seen. But little did he think that the woman for whom he had risked his liberty and life would meet him at the breakfast-table. The meeting of the hero and his beau-tiful and accomplished wife, the tears of joy shed, and the hurrahs that followed from the men, can better be imagined than described. Madison's cup of joy was filled to the brim. He had not only gained his own lib-erty, and that of one hundred and thirty-four others, but his dear Susan was safe. Only one man, Hewell, had been killed. Capt. Enson, and others who were wounded,soon recovered, and were kindly treated by Madison,and for which they proved ungrateful; for, on the second night, Capt. Enson, Mr. GifTord, and Merritt, took advan-tage of the absence of Madison from the deck, and attempted to retake the vessel. The slaves, exasperated at this treachery, fell upon the whites with deadly weapons. The captain and his men fled to the cabin,pursued by the blacks. Nothing but the heroism of thenegro leader saved the lives of the white men on this occasion; for, as the slaves were rushing into the cabin,

Madison threw himself between them and their victims,exclaiming, " Stop! no more blood. My life, that was perilled for your liberty, I will lay down for the protec-tion of these men. They have proved themselves un-worthy of life which we granted them ; still let us be magnanimous." By the kind heart and noble bearing of Madison, the vile slave-traders were again permitted to go unwhipped of justice.- This act of humanity raisedthe uncouth son of Africa far above his Anglo-Saxon oppressors.

The next morning "The Creole" landed at Nassau, New Providence, where the noble and heroic slaves were warmly greeted by the inhabitants, who at once offered protection, and extended hospitality to them.

But the noble heroism of Madison Washington and his companions found no applause from the Government, then in the hands of the slaveholders. Daniel Webster,then Secretary of State, demanded of the British author-ities the surrender of these men, claiming that they were murderers and pirates: the English, however, could not see the point.

Had the " Creole " revolters been white, and committed their noble act of heroism in another land, the people of the United States would have been the first to recognize their claims. The efforts of Denmark Vesey, Nat Turner,and Madison Washington to strike the chains of slavery from the limbs of their enslaved race will live in history,and will warn all tyrants to beware of the wrath of Godand the strong arm of man.

Every iniquity that society allows to subsist for the benefit of the oppressor is a sword with which she her-self arms the oppressed. Right is the most dangerous of weapons: woe to him who leaves it to his enemies.

CHAPTER VII.

THE FIRST GUN OF THE REBELLION.

Nomination of Fremont. — Nomination of Lincoln. — The Mob Spirit. — Spirit of Slavery. — The Democracy. — Cotton. — Northern Promisesto the Rebels. — Assault on Fort Sumter. — Call for 75,000 Men. — Response of the Colored Men.

The nomination of John C. Fremont by the Republi-can party in 1856, and the large vote given him at theelection" that autumn, cleared away all doubts, if any ex-isted, as to the future action of the Federal Governmenton the spread and power of slavery. The Democraticparty, which had ruled the nation so long and so badly,saw that it had been weighed, and found wanting; that itmust prepare to give up the Government into the handsof better men.

But the party determined to make the most of Mr.Buchanan's administration, both in the profuse expendi-ture of money among themselves, and in getting readyto take the Southern States out of the Union.

Surrounded by the men who believed that the Gov-ernment was made for them, and that their mission wasto rule the people of the United States, Mr. Buchananwas nothing more than a tool, — clay in the hands of thepotters; and he permitted them to prepare leisurely fordisunion, which culminated, in 1860, in the nominationof Abraham Lincoln for the presidency.

The proslavery Democracy became furious at the

50

prospect of losing the control of the situation, and theirhatred of free speech was revived. From the nomina-tion of Mr. Lincoln to his inauguration, mob-law ruledin most of the cities and large villages. These disgrace-ful scenes, the first of which commenced at the anti-slavery meeting at the Tremont Temple, Boston, wasalways gotten up by members of the Democratic party,who usually passed a series of resolutions in favor ofslavery. New York, Philadelphia, Albany, Buffalo,Troy, Cincinnati, and Chicago, all followed the exampleset by Boston.

These demonstrations were caused more by sympathywith the South, and the long-accustomed subserviencyof the Northern people to slaveholding dictation, than toany real hatred to the negro.

During all this time the Abolitionists were laboringfaithfully to widen the gulf between the North andSouth.

Towards the close of the year 1860, the spirit of com-promise began to show itself in such unmistakable termsas to cause serious apprehension on the part of thefriends of freedom for the future of American liberty.The subdued tone of the liberal portion of the press, thehumiliating offers of Northern political leaders of com-promises, and the numerous cases of fugitive slavesbeing returned to their masters, sent a thrill of fear toall colored men in the land for their safety, and nearlyevery train going North found more or less negroesfleeing to Canada.

At the South, the people were in earnest, and wouldlisten to no proposals whatever in favor of their contin-uance in the Union.

The vast wealth realized by the slave-holder had

made him feel that the South was independent of therest of the world.

Prosperity had made him giddy. Cotton was notmerely king : it was God. Moral considerations werenothiDg. The sentiment of right, he argued, would haveno influence over starving operatives; and England andFrance, as well as the Eastern States of the Union,would stand aghast, and yield to the masterstroke whichshould deprive them of the material of their labor.Millions were dependent on it in all the great centres ofcivilization; and the ramifications of its power extendedinto all ranks of society and all departments of industryand commerce. It was only necessary to wave this im-perial sceptre over the nations ; and all of them wouldfall prostrate, and acknowledge the supremacy of thepower which wielded it. Nothing could be more plausiblethan this delusion. Satan himself, when about to wagewar in heaven, could not have invented one better cal-culated to marshal his hosts, and give promise of successin rebellion against the authority of the Most High.But, alas! the supreme error of this anticipation lay inomitting from the calculation all power of principle.The right still has authority over the minds of men andin the counsels of nations. Factories may cease theirdin ; men and women may be thrown out of employ-ment ; the marts of commerce may be silent and desert-ed: but truth and justice still command some respectamong men; and God yet remains the object of theiradoration.

Drunk with power, and dazzled with prosperity, mo-nopolizing cotton, and raising it to the influence of averitable fetich, the authors of the Rebellion did not ad-mit a doubt of the success of their attack on the Fed-

eral Government. They dreamed of perpetuating sla-very, though all history shows the decline of the systemas industry, commerce, and knowledge advance. Theslave-holders proposed nothing less than to reverse thecurrents of humanity, and to make barbarism flourish inthe bosom of civilization.

Weak as were the Southern people in point of num-bers and political power, compared with those of theopposite section, the haughty slave-holders easily per-suaded themselves and their dependents that they couldsuccessfully cope in arms with the Northern adversary,whom they affected to despise for his cowardly and mer-cenary disposition. Proud and confident, they indulgedthe belief that their great political prestige would con-tinue to serve them among their late party associates inthe North, and that the counsels of the adversary wouldbe distracted, and his power weakened, by the fataleffects of dissension.

The proslavery men in the North are very much toblame for the encouragement that they gave the rebelsbefore the breaking out of the war. The Southernershad promises from their Northern friends, that, in theevent of a rebellion, civil war should reign in the freeStates, — that men would not be permitted to leave theNorth to go South to put down their rebellious brethren.

All legitimate revolutions are occasioned by thegrowth of society beyond the growth of government;and they will be peaceful or violent just in proportionas the people and government shall be wise and virtu-ous or vicious and ignorant. Such revolutions or re-forms are generally of a peaceful nature in communitiesin which the government has made provision for thegradual expansion of its institutions to suit the onward

54 THE NEGRO IN THE AMERICAN REBELLION.

march of society. No government is wise in overlooking, whatever may be the strength of its own traditions,or however glorious its history, that human institutionswhich have been adapted for a barbarous age or stateof society will cease to be adapted for more civilizedand intelligent times; and, unless government makes aprovision for the gradual expansion, nothing can pre-vent a storm, either of an intellectual or a physicalnature. Slavery was always the barbarous institutionof America; and the Rebellion was the result of thisincongruity between it and freedom.

The assault on Fort Sumter on the 12th of April,1861, was the dawn of a new era for the negro. Theproclamation of President Lincoln, calling for the first75,000 men to put down the Rebellion, was responded toby the colored people throughout the country. In Bos-ton, at a public meeting of the blacks, a large numbercame forward, put their names to an agreement to forma brigade, and march at once to the seat of war. Acommittee waited on the Governor three days later,and offered the services of these men. His Excellencyreplied that he had no power to receive them. Thiswas the first wet blanket thrown over the negro's en-thusiasm. "This is a white man's war," said most ofthe public journals. " I will never fight by the side of anigger," was heard in every quarter where men wereseen in Uncle Sam's uniform.

Wherever recruiting offices were opened, black menoffered themselves, and were rejected. Yet these peo-ple, feeling conscious that right would eventually pre-vail, waited patiently for the coming time, pledgingthemselves to go at their country's call, as the followingwill show: —

THE FIRST GUN OF THE REBELLION. 55

" Resolved, That our feelings urge us to say to ourcountrymen that we are ready to stand by and defendthe Government as the equals of its white defenders ;to do so with " our lives, our fortunes, and our sacredhonor," for the sake of freedom and as good citizens;and we ask you to modify your laws, that we may en-list, — that full scope may be given to the patriotic feel-ings burning in the colored man's breast." — ColoredMen's Meeting, Boston"

CHAPTER XII.

GENERAL BUTLER AT NEW ORLEANS.

Recognition of Negro Soldiers with Officers of their own Color. — Society in New Orleans. — The Inhuman Master. — Justice. — Change of Opinion. — The Free Colored Population.

When Major-Gen. Butler found himself in possession of New Orleans, he was soon satisfied of the fact that there were but few loyalists amongst the whites, while the Union feeling of the colored people was apparent from the hour of his landing; they having immediately called upon the commander, and, through a committee, offered their services in behalf of the Federal cause. Their offer was accepted, as the following will show: —

"Headquarters Department of the Gulf,New Orleans, Aug. 22, 1862.** General, Order, No. 63:

" Whereas, on the twenty-third day of April, in the year eighteen hundred and sixty-one, at a public meeting of the free colored population of the city of New Orleans, amilitary organization, known as the 'Native Guards'(colored), had its existence, which military organization was duly and legally enrolled as a part of the military of the State, its officers being commissioned by Thomas 0.

82

Moore, Governor, and Commander-in-Chief of the Militia, of the State of Louisiana, in the form following, that is to say: —

"' The State of Louisiana.

[Seal of the State.]

" I By Thomas Overton Moore, Governor of the State of Louisiana, and Commander-in-Chief of the Militia thereof.

" ' In the name and by the authority of the State of Louisiana:

" ' Know ye that , having been duly and

legally elected Captain of the " Native Guards " (colored),First Division of the Militia of Louisiana, to serve for the term of the war,

ui I do hereby appoint and commission him Captain as aforesaid, to take rank as such, from the second day of May, 1861.

"' He is, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duties of his office, by doing and performing all manner of things thereto belonging. And I do strictly charge and require all officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates under his command to be obedient to his orders as Captain; and he is to observe and follow such orders and directions, from time to time, as he shall receive from me, or the future Governor of the State of Louisiana, or other superior officers, according to the Rules and Articles of War, and in conformity to law.

"l In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made patent, and the seal of the State to be hereunto annexed.

" l Given under my hand, at the city of Baton Rouge,

on the second day of May)7, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two."l (Signed)

" ' THOMAS 0. MOORE.

" ' By the Governor.

" ' P. D. HARDY, Secretary of State."

[INDORSED.]

" ' I, Maurice Grivot, Adjutant and Inspector-General

of the State of Louisiana, do hereby certify that

, named in the within commission, did, on the twenty-second day of May, in the year 1861, deposit in my office his written acceptance of the office to which he is commissioned, and his oath of office taken according to law.

'"M. GRIVOT," ' Adjutant and Inspector-General La.1

u And whereas such military organization elicited praise and respect, and was complimented in general orders for its patriotism and loyalty, and was ordered to continue during the war, in the words following: —

" ' Headquarters Louisiana Militia,

" ' Adjutant-General's Office, March 24, 1862."'Order No. 426:

" ' I. The Governor and Commander-in-Chief, relying implicitly upon the loyalty of the free colored population of the city and State, for the protection of their homes, their property, and for Southern rights, from the pollution of a ruthless invader, and believing that the military organization which existed prior to the 15th February, 1862, and elicited praise and respect for the patriotic motives which prompted it, should exist for and during the war, calls upon them to maintain their

organization, and hold themselves prepared for such orders as may be transmitted to them.

" ' II. The colonel commanding will report without delay to Major-Gen. Lewis, commanding State Militia.

" ' By order of

'"THOS. 0. MOORE, Governor."'M. GRIVOT, Adjutant-General:

" And whereas said military organization, by the sameorder, was directed to report to Major-Gen. Lewis forservice, but did not leave the city of New Orleans whenhe did:

" Now, therefore, the commanding-general, believing that a large portion of this military force of the State of Louisiana are willing to take service in the volunteer forces of the United States, and be enrolled and organized to 'defend their homes from ruthless invaders;'to protect their wives and children and kindred from wrongs and outrages; to shield their property from being seized by bad men; and to defend the flag of their native country as their fathers did under Jackson at Chalmette against Packingham and his myrmidons, carrying the black flag of 'beauty and booty ';

" Appreciating their motives, relying upon their 'well-known loyalty and patriotism,' and with 'praise andrespect' for these brave men, it is ordered that all the members of the 'Native Guards' aforesaid, and all other free colored citizens recognized by the first and late governor and authorities of the State of Louisiana as a portion of the militia of the State, who shall enlist in the volunteer service of the United States, shall be duly organized by the appointment of proper officers, and accepted, paid, equipped, armed, and rationed as are other volunteer corps of the United States, subject to the ap-

proval of the President of the United States. All such persons are required to report themselves at the Touro Charity Building, Front Levee Street, New Orleans, where proper officers will muster them into the service of the United States.

" By command of

" Major-Gen. BUTLER."R. S. DAVIS, Captain and A.A. A. G."

The commanding general soon discovered that he was amongst a different people from those with whom he had been accustomed to associate. New Orleans, however, though captured was not subdued. The city had been for years the headquarters and focus of all Southern rowdyism. An immense crowd of "loafers,"many without regular occupation or means, infested the streets, controlled the ballot-boxes, nominated the judges, selected the police, and affected to rule everyone except a few immensely wealthy planters, who governed them by money. These rowdies had gradually dissolved society, till New Orleans had become the most bloodthirsty city in the world; a city where every man went armed, where a sharp word was invariably answered by a stab, and where the average of murdered men taken to one hospital was three a day. The mobwere bitter advocates of slavery, held all Yankees inabhorrence, and guided by the astute brain of Pierre Soule, whilom ambassador to Spain, resolved to contest with Gen. Butler the right to control the city. They might as well have contested it with Bonaparte. Thefirst order issued by the general indicated a policy from which he never swerved. The mob had surrounded the St. Charles Hotel, threatening an attack on the building, then the general's headquarters; and Gen. Williams,

commanding the troops round it, reported that he would be unable to control the mob. "Gen. Butler, in his serenest manner, replied, ' Give my compliments to Gen. Williams, and tell him, if he finds he cannot control themob, to open upon them with artillery.' " The mob did that day endeavor to seize Judge Summers, the Recorder ; and he was only saved by the determined courage of Lieut. Kinsman, in command of an armed party. From this moment the general assumed the attitude henever abandoned, that of master of New Orleans, making his own will the law. He at first retained the municipal organization; but, finding the officials incurably hostile, he sent them to Fort Lafayette, and thenceforward ruled alone, feeding the people, reestablishing trade,maintaining public order, and seeing that negroes obtained some reasonable measure of security. Their evidence was admitted, "Louisiana having, when she wentout of the Union, taken her black code with her; "thewhipping-house was abolished, and all forms of torturesternly prohibited.

The following interesting narrative, given by a correspondent of "The Atlantic Monthly," will show, to some extent, the scenes which Gen. Butler had to pass through in connection with slavery : —

" One Sunday morning, late last summer, as I came down to the breakfast-room, I was surprised to find a large number of persons assembled in the library.

" When I reached the door, a member of the staff took me by the arm, and drew me into a room toward a young and delicate mulatto girl, who was standing against the opposite wall, with the meek, patient bearing of herrace, so expressive of the system of repression to which they have been so long subjected.

" Drawing down the border of her dress, my conductor showed me a sight more revolting than I trust ever again to behold.

" The poor girl's back was flayed until the quivering flesh resembled a fresh beef steak scorched on a gridiron. With a cold chill creeping through my veins, I turned away from the sickening spectacle, and, for an explanation of the affair, scanned the various persons about the room.

" In the centre of the group, at his writing-table, sat the general. His head rested on his hand, and he was evidently endeavoring to fix his attention upon the remarks of a tall, swarthy-looking man who stood opposite,and who, I soon discovered, was the owner of the girl, and was attempting a defence of the foul outrage he had committed upon the unresisting and helpless person ofhis unfortunate victim, who stood smarting, but silent, under the dreadful pain inflicted by the brutal lash.

" By the side of the slave-holder stood our adjutant-gensral, his face livid with almost irrepressible rage, andhis fists tight clenched, as if to violently restrain him-self from visiting the guilty wretch with summary and retributive justice. Disposed about the room, in various attitudes, but all exhibiting in their countenances the same mingling of horror and indignation, were other members of the staff; while near the door stood three or four house-servants, who were witnesses in the case.

" To the charge of having administered the inhuman castigation, Landry (the owner of the girl) pleaded guilty, but urged, in extenuation, that the girl had dared to make an effort for that freedom which her instincts, drawn from the veins of her abuser, had taught her was the God-given right of all who possess the germ

of immortality, no matter what the color of the casket in which it is hidden.

" I say 'drawn from the veins of her abuser/ because she declared she was his daughter; and every one in the room, looking upon the man and woman confronting each other, confessed that the resemblance justified the assertion.

" At the conclusion of all the evidence in the case, the general continued in the same position as before, and remained for some time apparently lost in abstraction. I shall never forget the singular expression on his face.

" I had been accustomed to see him in a storm of passion at any instance of oppression or flagrant injustice; but, on this occasion, he was too deeply affected to obtain relief in the usual way.

" His whole air was one of dejection, almost listlessness; his indignation too intense, and his anger too stern,to find expression, even in his countenance. After sitting in the mood which I have described at such length, the general again turned to the prisoner, and said, in a quiet, subdued tone of voice, —

" ' Mr. Landry, I dare not trust myself to decide today what punishment would be meet for your offence ; for I am in that state of mind that I fear I might exceed the strict demands of justice. I shall therefore place you under guard for the present, until I conclude upon your sentence.'

" A few days after, a number of influential citizens having represented to the general that Mr. Landry was notonly a l high-toned gentleman,' but a person of unusual 'amiability ' of character, and was consequently entitled to no small degree of leniency, he answered, that, in consideration of the prisoner's l high-toned ' character, and

especially of his ' amiability/ of which he had seen so remarkable a proof, he had determined to meet their views ; and therefore ordered that Landry give a deed of manumission to the girl, and pay a fine of five hundred dollars, to be placed in the hands of a trustee for her benefit."

It was scenes like the above that changed Gen. Butler's views upon the question of slavery; for it cannot be denied, that, during the first few weeks of his command in New Orleans, he had a controversy with Gen. Phelps, owing to the latter's real anti slavery feelings. Soon after his arrival, Gen. Butler gave orders that all negroes not needed for service should be removed from the camps. The city was sealed against their escape. Even secession masters were assured that their property,if not employed, should be returned. It is said that pledges of reimbursement for loss of labor were made to such. Gen. Phelps planted himself on the side of the slave; would not exile them from his camp; branded as cruel the policy that harbored, and then drove out the slave to the inhuman revenge that awaited him.

Yet the latter part of Gen. Butler's reign compensated for his earlier faults. It must be remembered, that, when he landed in New Orleans, he was fresh from Washington, where the jails were filled with fugitive slaves, awaiting the claim of their masters; where the return of the escaped bondman was considered a military duty. Then how could he be expected to do better? The stream cannot rise higher than the spring.

His removal from the Department of the Gulf, on account of the crushing blows which he gave the "peculiar institution," at once endeared him to the hearts ofthe friends of impartial freedom throughout the land.

GENERAL BUTLER AT NEW ORLEANS. 91

The following imitation of Leigh Hunt's celebratedpoem is not out of place here : —

"ABOU BEN BUTLER.

" Abou Ben Butler (may his tribe increase!) Awoke one night down by the old Balize, And saw, outside the comfort of his room, Making it warmer for the gathering gloom,A black man, shivering in the Winter's cold. Exceeding courage made Ben Butler bold ;And to the presence in the dark he said," What wantest thou 1 " The figure raised its head,And, with a look made of all sad accord,Answered, " The men who'll serve the purpose of the Lord."" And am I one ? " said Butler. " Nay, not so,"Replied the black man. Butler spoke more low,But cheerly still, and said, " As I am Ben,You'll not have cause to tell me that again ! "

The figure bowed and vanished. The next night

It came once more, environed strong in light,

And showed the names whom love of Freedom blessed ;

And, lo ! Ben Butler's name led all the rest." — Boston Transcript.

It is probably well known that the free colored population of New Orleans, in intelligence, public spirit, and material wealth, surpass those of the same class in any other city of the Union. Many of these gentlemen have been highly educated, have travelled extensively in this and foreign countries, speak and read the French, Spanish, and English languages fluently, and in the Exchange Rooms, or at the Stock Boards, wield an influence at any time fully equal to the same number of white capitalists. Before the war, they represented inthat city alone fifteen millions of property, and were heavily taxed to support the schools of the State, bu twere not allowed to claim the least benefit therefrom.

These gentlemen, representing so much intelligence,

culture, and wealth, and who would, notwithstanding the fact that they all have negro blood in their veins,adorn any circle of society in the North, who would be taken upon Broadway for educated and wealthy Cuban planters, rather than free negroes, although many of them have themselves held slaves, have always been loyal to the Union; and, when New Orleans seemed in danger of being re-captured by the rebels under Gen. Magruder, these colored men rose en masse, closed their officesand stores, armed and organized themselves into six regiments, and for six weeks abandoned their business, and stood ready to fight for the defence of New Orleans, while, at the same time, not a single white regiment from the original white inhabitants was raised.

CHAPTER XVIII.

BATTLE OF MILLIKEN'S BEND.

Contraband Regiments; their Bravery; the Surprise. — Hand to hand Fight. — " No Quarters." — Negroes rather die than surrender. — The Gunboat and her dreadful Havoc with the Enemy.

On the 7th of June, 1863, the first regular battle was fought between the blacks and whites in the valley of the Mississippi. The planters had boasted, that, should they meet their former slaves, a single look from them would cause the negroes to throw down their weapons,and run. Many Northern men, especially copperheads,professed to believe that such would be the case. Therefore, all eyes were turned to the far off South, the cotton, sugar, and rice-growing States, to see how the blacks would behave on the field of battle; for it is well known that the most ignorant of the slave population belonged in that section.

The following account of the fight is from an eye witness: —

" My informant states that a force of about five hundred negroes, and two hundred men of the Twenty-third Iowa, belonging to the second brigade, Carr's division(the Twenty-third Iowa had been up the river with prisoners, and was on its way back to this place), was sur-prised in camp by a rebel force of about two thousand men. The first intimation that the commanding officer received was from one of the black men, who went into

137

the colonel's tent, and said, l Massa, the secesh are in camp." The colonel ordered him to have the men load their guns at once. He instantly replied, "We have done did dat now, massa." Before the colonel was read)7, the men were in line, ready for action. As before stated, the rebels drove our force towards the gunboats, taking colored men prisoners and murdering them. This so enraged them that they rallied, and charged the enemy more heroically and desperately than has been recorded during the war. It was a genuine bayonet-charge, a hand-to-hand fight, that has never occurred to any extent during this prolonged conflict. Upon both sides men were killed with the butts of muskets. White and black men were lying side by side, pierced by bayonets, and in some instances transfixed to the earth. In one instance, two men — one white and the other black — were found dead, side by side, each having the other's bayonet through his body. If facts prove to be what they are now represented, this engagement of Sunday morning will be recorded as the most desperate of this war. Broken limbs, broken heads, the mangling of bodies, all prove that it was a contest between enraged men: on the one side, from hatred to a race ; and, on the other, desire for self-preservation, revenge for past grievances, and the inhuman murder of their comrades. One brave man took his former master prisoner, and brought him into camp with great gusto. A rebel prisoner made a particular request, that his own negroes should not be placed over him as a guard."

Capt. M. M. Miller, of Galena, 111., who commanded a company in the Ninth Louisiana (colored) Regiment, in a letter, gives the following account of the battle : —

"We were attacked here on June 7, about three o'clock

in the morning, by a brigade of Texas troops, about two thousand five hundred in number. We had about six hundred men to withstand them, five hundred of them negroes. I commanded Company I, Ninth Louisiana.We went into the fight with thirty-three men. I had sixteen killed, eleven badly wounded, and four slightly. I was wounded slightly on the head, near the right eye,with a bayonet, and had a bayonet run through my right hand, near the forefinger; that will account for this miserable style of penmanship.

11 Our regiment had about three hundred men in the fight. We had one colonel wounded, four captains wounded, two first and two second lieutenants killed, five lieutenants wounded, and three white orderlies killed, and one wounded in the hand, and two fingers taken off. The list of killed and wounded officers comprised nearly all the officers present with the regiment, a majority of the rest being absent recruiting.

" We had about fifty men killed in the regiment and eighty wounded; so you can judge of what part of the fight my company sustained. I never felt more grieved and sick at heart, than when I saw how my brave sol-diers had been slaughtered, — one with six wounds, all the rest with two or three, none less than two wounds. Two of my colored sergeants were killed ; both brave, noble men, always prompt, vigilant, and ready for the fray. I never more wish to hear the expression, 'The niggers won't fight.' Come with me, a hundred yards from where I sit, and I can show you the wounds that cover the bodies of sixteen as brave, loyal, and patriotic soldiers as ever drew bead on a rebel.

" The enemy charged us so close that we fought with our bayonets, hand to hand. I have six broken bayo-

140 THE NEGRO IN THE AMERICAN REBELLION.

nets to show how bravely my men fought. The Twenty-third Iowa joined my company on the right; and I declare truthfully that they had all fled before our regiment fell back, as we were all compelled to do.

" Under command of Col. Page, I led the Ninth and Eleventh Louisiana when the rifle-pits were retaken and held by our troops, our two regiments doing the work.

" I narrowly escaped death once. A rebel took deliberate aim at me with both barrels of his gun; and the bullets passed so close to me that the powder that remained on them burnt my cheek. Three of my men,who saw him aim and fire, thought that he wounded me each fire. One of them was killed by my side, and he fell on me, covering my clothes with his blood; and, before the rebel could fire again, I blew his brains out with my gun.

"It was a horrible fight, the worst I was ever engagedin, — not even excepting Shiloh. The enemy cried,* No quarter !' but some of them were very glad totake it when made prisoners.

"Col. Allen, of the Sixteenth Texas, was killed in front of our regiment, and Brig.Gen. Walker was wounded. We killed about one hundred and eighty of the enemy. The gunboat "Choctaw " did good service shelling them. I stood on the breastworks after we took them, and gave the elevations and direction for the gunboat by pointing my sword ; and they sent a shell right into their midst, which sent them in all directions. Three shells fell there, and sixty-two rebels lay there when the fight was over.

"My wound is not serious but troublesome. What few men I have left seem to think much of me, because I stood up with them in the fight. I can say for them

BATTLE OF MILLIKEN'S BEND. . 141

that I never saw a braver company of men in mylife.

" Not one of them offered to leave his place until ordered to fall back. I went down to the hospital,three miles, today to see the wounded. Nine of them were there, two having died of their wounds. A boy I had cooking for me came and begged a gun when the rebels were advancing, and took his place with the company ; and, when we retook the breastworks, I found him badly wounded, with one gunshot and two bayonet wounds. A new recruit I had issued a gun to the day before the fight was found dead, with a firm grasp on his gun, the bayonet of which was broken in three pieces. So they fought and died, defending the cause that we revere. They met death coolly, bravely: not rashly did they expose themselves, but all were steadyand obedient to orders."

This battle satisfied the slave-masters of the South that their charm was gone; and that the negro, as a slave, was lost forever. Yet there was one fact connected with the battle of Milliken's Bend which will descend to posterity, as testimony against the humanity of slave-holders; and that is, that no negro was ever found alive that was taken a prisoner by the rebels in this fight.

STOPPED HERE

CHAPTER XXIII.

BATTLE OF PORT HUDSON.

The Louisiana Native Guard. — Capt. Callioux. — The Weather. — Spirit of the Troops. — The Battle begins. — " Charge." — GreatBravery. — The Gallant Color-bearer. — Grape, Canister, and Shellsweep down the Heroic Men. — Death of Callioux. — Comments.

On the 26th of May, 1863, the wing of the army un-der Major-Gen. Banks was brought before the rifle-pitsand heavy guns of Port Hudson. Night fell — thelovely Southern night — with its silvery moonshine onthe gleaming waters of the Mississippi, that passed directly by the intrenched town. The glistening starsappeared suspended in the upper air as globes of liquidlight, while the fresh soft breeze was bearing such sweetscents from the odoriferous trees and plants, that a poetmight have fancied angelic spirits were abroad, makingthe atmosphere luminous with their pure presence, andevery breeze fragrant with their luscious breath. The deep-red sun that rose on the next morning indicatedthat the day would be warm; and, as it advanced, theheat became intense. The earth had been long parched,and the hitherto green verdure had begun to turn yel-low. Clouds of dust followed every step and move-ment of the troops. The air was filled with dust:clouds gathered, frowned upon the earth, and hastenedaway.

The weatherwise watched the red masses of the morning, and still hoped for a shower to cool the air, and

167

lay the dust, before the work of death commenced; but none came, and the very atmosphere seemed as if itwere from an overheated oven. The laying-aside of all unnecessary articles or accoutrements, and the prepa-ration that showed itself on every side, told all presentthat the conflict was near at hand. Gen. Dwight,whose antecedents with regard to the rights of thenegro, and his ability to fight, were not of the most favorable character, was the officer in command over thecolored brigade ; and busy Rumor, that knows everything, had whispered it about that the valor of the black man was to be put to the severest test that day.

The black forces consisted of the First Louisiana,under Lieut-Col. Bassett, and the Third Louisiana, under Col. Nelson. The line-officers of the Third werewhite; and the regiment was composed mostly of freed men, many of whose backs still bore the marks of thelash, and whose brave, stout hearts beat high at thethought that the hour had come when they were tomeet their proud and unfeeling oppressors. The Firstwas the noted regiment called " The Native Guard,"which Gen. Butler found when he entered New Or-leans, and which so promptly offered its services to aidin crushing the Rebellion. The line-officers of this regi-ment were all colored, taken from amongst the mostwealthy and influential of the free colored people ofNew Orleans. It was said that not one of them was worthless than twenty-five thousand dollars. The brave, the enthusiastic, and the patriotic, found full scope for the development of their powers in this regiment, of which all were well educated ; some were fine scholars. One of the most efficient officers was Capt. Andre Callioux,a man whose identity with his race could not be mista-

ken ; for he prided himself on being the blackest man in the Crescent City. Whether in the drawing-room or on the parade, he was ever the centre of attraction. Finely educated, polished in his manners, a splendid horseman,a good boxer, bold, athletic, and daring, he never lackedadmirers. His men were ready at any time to follow him to the cannon's mouth; and he was as ready to leadthem. This regiment petitioned their commander to allow them to occupy the post of danger in the battle,and it was granted.

As the moment of attack drew near, the greatest suppressed excitement existed; but all were eager for the fight. Capt. Callioux walked proudly up and down the line, and smilingly greeted the familiar faces of his company. Officers and privates of the white regiments looked on as they saw these men at the front, and asked each other what they thought would be the result. Would these blacks stand fire? Was not the test by which they were to be tried too severe ? Col. Nelson being called to act as brigadier-general, Lieut-Col. Fin-negas took his place. The enemy in his stronghold felt his power, and bade defiance to the expected attack.At last the welcome word was given, and our menstarted. The enemy opened a blistering fire of shell,canister, grape, and musketry. The first shell thrown by the enemy killed and wounded a number of the blacks; but on they went. " Charge " was the word.

" Charge ! " Trump and drum awoke :Onward the bondmen broke ;Bayonet and sabre-strokeVainly opposed their rush."

At every pace, the column was thinned by the falling

dead and wounded. The blacks closed tip steadily as their comrades fell, and advanced within fifty paces ofwhere the rebels were working a masked battery, situated on a bluff where the guns could sweep the whole field over which the troops must charge. This battery was on the left of the charging line. Another battery of three or four guns commanded the front, and six heavy pieces raked the right of the line as it formed,and enfiladed its flank and rear as it charged on the bluff. It was ascertained that a bayou ran under the bluff where the guns lay, — a bayou deeper than a man could ford. This charge was repulsed with severe loss.Lieut-Col. Finnegas was then ordered to charge, and ina well-dressed steady line his men went on the double-quick down over the field of death. No matter how gallantly the men behaved, no matter how bravely they were led, it was not in the course of things that this gallant brigade should take these works by charge. Yet charge after charge was ordered and carried outunder all these disasters with Spartan firmness. Sixcharges in all were made. Col. Nelson reported to Gen.Dwight the fearful odds he had to contend with. Says Gen. Dwight, in reply, " Tell Col. Nelson I shall considerthat he has accomplished nothing unless he take thoseguns." Humanity will never forgive Gen. Dwight for this last order; for he certainly saw that he was onlythrowing away the lives of his men. But what were his men ? " Only niggers." Thus the last charge was made under the spur of desperation.

The ground was already strewn with the dead and wounded, and many of the brave officers had fallen early in the engagement. Among them was the gallantand highly cultivated Anselmo. He was a standard-

bearer, and hugged the stars and stripes to his heart ashe fell forward upon them pierced by five balls. Two corporals near by struggled between themselves as to who should have the honor of again raising those blood-stained emblems to the breeze. Each was eager for the honor; and during the struggle a missile from the enemy wounded one of them, and the other corporal shouldered the dear old flag in triumph, and bore it through the charge in the front of the advancing lines.

" Now," the flag-sergeant cried,�' Though death and hell betide,

Let the whole nation see

If we are fit to be

Free in this land, or bound

Down, like the whining hound, —

Bound with red stripes and pain

In our old chains again."

Oh ! what a shout there went

From the black regiment!

�

Shells from the rebel guns cut down trees three feet in diameter, and they fell, at one time burying a whole company beneath their branches. Thus they charged bravely on certain destruction, till the ground was slippery with the gore of the slaughtered, and cumbered with the bodies of the maimed. The last charge was made about one o'clock. At this juncture, Capt. Calliouxwas seen with his left arm dangling by his side, — for aoall had broken it above the elbow, — while his righthand held his unsheathed sword gleaming in the rays of the sun ; and his hoarse, faint voice was heard cheeringon his men. A moment more, and the brave and generous Callioux was struck by a shell, and fell far in advance of his company. The fall of this officer so exas-

perated his men, that they appeared to be filled witnnew enthusiasm; and they rushed forward with a recklessness that probably has never been surpassed. Seeing it to be a hopeless effort, the taking of these batteries,order was given to change the program me; and the troops were called off. But had they accomplished anything more than the loss of many of their brave men ?Yes: they had. The self-forgetfulness, the undaunted heroism, and the great endurance of the negro, as ex-hibited that day, created a new chapter in American history for the colored man.

Many Persians were slain at the battle of Thermopylae;but history records only the fall of Leonidas and his four hundred companions. So in the future, when we shallhave passed away from the stage, and rising generations shall speak of the conflict at Port Hudson, and the celebrated charge of the negro brigade, they will forget all others in their admiration for Andre* Callioux and hiscolored associates. Gen. Baa*ks, in his report of the bat-tle of Port Hudson, says, " Whatever doubt may have existed here to fore as to the efficiency of organizations of this character, the history of this day proves conclusively to those who were in a condition to observe theconduct of these regiments, that the Government will find in this class of troops effective supporters and defenders. The severe test to which they were subjected,and the determined manner in which they encountered the enemy, leaves upon my mind no doubt of their ultimate success.'"

Hon. B. F. Flanders paid them the following tri-bute : —

" The unanimous report of all those who were in the recent battle at Port Hudson, in regard to the negroes,

is, that they fought like devils. They have completelyconquered the prejudice of the army against then*Never before was there such an extraordinary revolution of sentiment as that of this army in respect to the negroes as soldiers.7'

This change was indeed needed ; for only a few days previous to the battle, while the regiments were at Baton Rouge, the line-officers of the New England troops,either through jealousy or hatred to the colored men onaccount of their complexion, demanded that the latter,as officers, should be dismissed. And, to the disgrace ofthese white officers, the colored men, through the mean treatment of their superiors in office, the taunts andjeers of their white assailants, were compelled to throw up their commissions. The colored soldiers were deeplypained at seeing the officers of their own color and choice taken from them ; for they were much attached to their commanders, some of whom were special favorites with the whole regiment. Among these were First Lieut. Joseph Howard of Company I, and Second Lieut. JosephG. Parker, of Company C. These gentlemen were both possessed of ample wealth, and had entered the army, notas a matter of speculation, as too many have done, butfrom a love of military life. Lieut. Howard was a man of more than ordinary ability in military tactics ; and a braver or more daring officer could not be found in the Valley of the Mississippi. He was well educated, speaking the English, French, and Spanish languages fluently,and was considered a scholar of rare literary attainments. He, with his friend Parker, felt sorely the humiliation attending their dismissal from the army, and seldom showed themselves on the streets of their nativecity, to which they had returned. When the news

reached New Orleans of the heroic charge made by the First Louisiana Regiment, at Port Hudson, on the 27th ofMay, Howard at once called on Parker; and they wereso fired with the intelligence, that they determined to proceed to Port Hudson, and to join their old regiment asprivates. That night they took passage, and the following day found them with their former friends in arms. The regiment was still in position close to the enemy's works,and the appearance of the two lieutenants was hailed with demonstrations of joy. Instead of being placed as privates in the ranks, they were both immediately assignedthe command of a company each, not from any compliment to them, but from sheer necessity, because the white officers of these companies, feeling that the colored soldiers were put in the front of the battle owing to their complexion, were not willing to risk their lives, and had thrown up their commissions.

On the 5th of June, these two officers were put tothe test, and nobly did they maintain their former reputation for bravery. Capt. Howard leading the way,they charged upon the rebel's rifle-pits, drove the mout, and took possession, and held them for three hours,in the face of a raking fire of artillery. Several times the blacks were so completely hidden from view by the smoke of their own guns and the enemy's heavy cannon, that they could not be seen. It was at this time, that Capt. Howard exhibited his splendid powers as a commander. The negroes never hesitated. Amid the roarof artillery, and the rattling of musketry, the groans ofthe wounded, and the ghastly appearance of the dead,the heroic and intrepid Howard was the same. He neversaid to his men, " Go," but always, " Follow me." Atlast, when many of their men were killed, and the

BATTLE OF PORT HUDSON. 175

severe fire of the enemy's artillery seemed to mow down every thing before it, these brave men were compelled to fall back from the pits which they had so triumphantly taken. At nightfall, Gen. Banks paid the negro officers a high compliment, shaking the hand of Capt. Howard,and congratulating him on his return, and telling his aides that this man was worthy of a more elevated position.

Although the First Louisiana had done well, its great triumph was reserved for the 14th of June, when Capt.Howard and his associates in arms won for themselves immortal renown. Never, in the palmy days of Napoleon,Wellington, or any other general, was more true heroism shown. The effect of the battle of the 27th ofMay, is thus described in " The New York Herald/'June 6 : —

" The First Regiment Louisiana Native Guard, Col.Nelson, were in this charge. They went on the advance,and, when they came out, six hundred out of nine hundredmen could not be accounted for. It is said on every side that they fought with the desperation of tigers. One negro was observed with a rebel soldier in his grasp, tearing the flesh from his face with his teeth, other weapons having failed him. There are other incidents connected with the conduct of this regiment that have raised them very much in my opinion as soldiers. After firing one volley, they did not deign to load again, but went in with bayonets; and, wherever they had a chance, it was all up with the rebels."

From " The New York Tribune," June 8 : —

" Nobly done, First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guard ! though you failed to carry the rebel works against overwhelming numbers, you did not charge and fight and fall in vain. That heap of six hundred corpses,

lying there dark and grim and silent before and within the rebel works, is a better proclamation of freedom than even President Lincoln's. A race ready to die thus was never yet retained in bondage, and never can be.Even the Wood copperheads, who will not fight themselves, and try to keep others out of the Union ranks,will not dare to mob negro regiments if this is their styleof fighting.

" Thus passes one regiment of blacks to death and everlasting fame."

Humanity should not forget, that, at the surrender of Port Hudson, rot a single colored man could be found alive, although thirty-five were known to have been taken prisoners during the siege. All had been murdered.

CHAPTER XXIV.

GENERAL BANKS IN LOUISIANA.

Gen. Banks at New Orleans. — Old Slave laws revived. — Treatment of FreeColored Persons. — Col. Jonas H. French. — 111 Treatment at Port Hudson.

Gen. Banks's antecedents were unfavorable to him when he landed in New Orleans. True, he was from Massachusetts, and was a Republican: but he belongedto the conservative portion of the party. The word" white" in the militia law, which had so long offended the good taste and better judgment of the majority of the people, was stricken out during the last termof Gov. Banks's administration, but failed to receive his sanction. In his message vetoing the bill,he resorted to a laborious effort of special pleading toprove that the negro was not a citizen. The fact is, hewas a Democrat dressed up in Republican garments. Gen. Butler had brought the whites and blacks nearly to a level with each other as citizens of New Orleans,when he was succeeded by Gen. Banks. The latter atonce began a system of treatment to the colored people,which showed that his feelings were with the whites,and against the blacks. The old slave-law, requiring colored persons to be provided with passes to enable them to be out from their homes after half-past eighto'clock at night was revived by Gen. Banks's under strappers, as the following will show : —

12 177

" St. Charles Hotel, New Orleans, Jan. 25.

" On Tuesday evening last, at half-past eight o'clock,while passing up St. Charles Street in company with F. S.Schell, Esq., the artist of 'Frank Leslie's Pictorial,' who is attached to the Banks Expedition, Iwas suddenly ac-costed by two colored women, one of whom, a beautiful mulatto very tastily attired, be sought me to protect her from the watchmen, who, she said, were following close behind her on the opposite side of the street, and were about to arrest her and her mother for being out with-out passes.

" I offered her and her mother all the protection in my power until they should reach their home, which was but a few blocks distant; and I had but scarcely made the proffer, when two powerful and muscular watchmen came running across the street, club in hand, and at once proceeded to arrest the women. I inquired of the officers by what authority they arrested slaves or free colored people. They informed me that they were acting under orders received from the chief of police, Col.Jonas H. French.

" The women begged, with tears in their eyes, for their liberty, that they might return to their homes, where a sister was lying dangerously ill, and towards whom they were hastening when seized by the watchmen. Being enough of a ' Yankee abolitionist' to feel a glow of indignation at this flagrant violation of human rights,and, as I supposed, illegal assumption of power, I proceeded to the prison or watch-house, adjoining the city hall, from the roof of which flies the flag of freedom.

" What a sight was revealed to me on my visit to that prison' Such a scene may I never be permitted to visit again! Securing permission, I went into the corridor,

from which lead the cells. There I saw, in one cell, fifteen feet by twenty feet, fifty colored women and girls packed like so many cattle : there were six or eight woodenberths, with pine mattresses and oak pillows, for these poor creatures to rest their limbs upon. Of course, the most of them were obliged to stand up rightly, or lie upon the wet flooring of the cell.

" I never shall forget the emotions that arose within my bosom as I stood intently gazing upon the sorrowing faces of these unfortunates as they cast wistful glances through the heavy iron bars of their cell, and in supplicating tones implored me to secure them their release.One pretty young girl of fifteen, with a beautiful face,whose complexion was that of a pretty Boston brunette, and with long flowing hair, slightly crimpled, was sobbing as though her heart would break for her mother.She was terrified at the surroundings of her new position, and the hideous yells of drunken soldiers andsailors in the next cell.

" There were confined in this cell several women, who,in New York or Boston, would pass for white women without the slightest difficulty or suspicion. Ami there were many darker countenances in that cell, that were intelligent, and indicated the existence and beating of hearts beneath those tinged and sable hues. In the opposite cells were over one hundred colored men and boys of all colors, from the ebony, thick-lipped African,to the mulatto, and delicately tinged colored man. They were there from all ages, from the little child of nine years, to the aged and decrepit negro of seventy-five.There were the dandy darkey, slave and free; the laborer, slave and free; the mechanic and waiter, slaveand free.

" Some of these men were the fathers, husbands, and brothers of the women in the opposite cells. It was but a little while after, when, the jailer having barred thedoor which leads into the stone corridor, I heard distinctly the swelling notes of 'John Brown's body lies mouldering,' &c, and shortly after the grand chorus ofan ancient Methodist hymn,' For Jesus' sake, we'll serve the Lord.' The next evening, I visited the cells, and found that nearly all who had been imprisoned the previous evening had been released on paying a fine of one dollar and a quarter for free people, and one dollar anda half for slaves.

" There were several likely looking negro girls still in the cell, and three mothers. All of these mothers had sons in the Union army, enlisted in the colored Native-Guard Regiment. One of them had three sons in one regiment ; the other had two sons, her only children ; and the only child of the third, a boy of nineteen years, was a sergeant in a colored company. These mothers were all the property of rebels ; for they told me their masters and mistresses swore they would l never take the oath of allegiance to the abolition Yankee Government.' I asked them how they happened to be imprisoned, and was informed that their masters and mistresses had them l sent to prison for safe keeping.'

" One mother told me she was always treated well until her sons joined the negro regiment, since which time she had been whipped and otherwise sadly abused. Shewas not allowed so much liberty at home, and her mistress had put her off on a short allowance of food, because she did not prevent her sons from enlisting.

" Here is a verbatim copy of the official order requiring the arrest by the police of all colored people found in

the streets. Beyond the simple written notice, nothing more has been made public in regard to this important matter: —

'�' Office Chief of Police." ' Lieut. J. Duan, — You are hereby ordered to arrest all negroes out without passes after half past eight, p.m.

"' By order of

" � Col. J. H. French," 'Provost-marshal General and Chief of Police.'' "

" Notices of this kind were sent to all the station houses,and were posted in the offices. It is a most despotic law to put in force at such an hour as this, to protect the property, in the shape of human flesh and blood, in God's creatures, belonging or owned, as they say, by the very fiends who have no compulsion at shedding the precious life's blood of our sons and brothers, hus-bands and fathers.

" We, who profess to be Christian people, contributing blood and treasure for the suppression of this cursed Rebellion, are now called upon to provide cells for the safe keeping of their slaves." — Correspondence of The BostonTraveller.

The following private letter (says " The New-YorkTribune ") from a colored man in New Orleans, cancelling an order he had previously sent to New York for a banner, may throw some light on the state of things in the Southern metropolis : —

� Sir, — If you have not had the banner commenced, it is useless to have it made at all, as, since the issuing of the President's proclamation, Jonas H. French has stopped all of our night meetings, and has caused us toget permits to hold meetings on Sunday, and sends his

police around to all of the colored churches every Sunday to examine all of the permits. He had all the slaves that were turned out of their former owners' yards rearrested and sent back; those who belonged to rebels as well as those who belong to loyal persons. The slaves were mustered into the rebel army. He has them confined in jail to starve and die, and refuses their friends to see them. He is much worse than our rebel masters, he being the chief of police. Last night, after Gen. Banks left the city, Col. French issued a secret order to all the police stations to arrest all the negroes who maybe found in the streets, and at the places of amusement,and placed in jail. There were about five hundred, both free and slave, confined, without the least notice or cause, — persons who thought themselves free by the President's proclamation, from the parishes of Natchitoches, Ouachita, Rapides, Catahoula, Concordia, Aragu-le's, Jaques, Iberville, West Baton Rouge, Point Coupee,Filiciana, East Baton Rouge, St. Helena, Washington,St. Samany. Free persons of color from any of these parishes, who are found within the limits of the city, are immediately arrested and placed in jail by order of Col.French. Therefore it is useless to have the banner made, as there is no use for it since Gen. Butler has left. R. K. T."

All colored persons, even those who had been born free, and had resided in the city from infancy, were included in the order of the provost marshal. It is a fact beyond dispute, that both officers and soldiers under Gen. Banks's rule in Louisiana manifested a degree of negro hate that was almost unknown before their advent.

At the siege of Port Hudson, this prejudice against the blacks was exhibited by all, from Gen. Banks down to the most ignorant private. A correspondent in " TheBoston Commonwealth," dated at Port Hudson, July 17,1864, says, —

" Thus, in the siege of Port Hudson, no one knew an instance of such terrible assaults, without possibility of success, but only repeated in obedience to Gen. Dwight'sorder to ' continue charging till further orders.'The white troops were unanimous in praising the valor of this devoted regiment. How was it when the provisions of Paragraph 11, Appendix B, Revised Army Regulations, 1863, were carried out ? A General Order fromGen. Banks authorizes < Port Hudson' to be inscribedon every banner but those of the colored regiments,which are overlooked. Do those people who speak so loudly in praise of these regiments at Port Hudson knowthey are the only ones not authorized to inscribe ' PortHudson' on their flags? Does Adjutant-Gen. Thomas know it ? The only inscription on the banner of the glorious Seventy-third is the blood-stain of the noble sergeant who bore it in this fierce assault, and the rentsmade in the struggle of the corporals to obtain the dearrag from the dying man who had rolled himself up in its fold. Regiments which were ridiculed as cowards and vagabonds have Port Hudson on their flags. Let us be cautious how we praise the First Native Guards:they have it not on their flag. Thank God there were thousands of honest privates in the ranks of the white regiments who will tell the story of the First NativeGuards ! The changes of its designation and consolidation with other regiments will not entirely obliterate its fame. The blood of the heroic Callioux and his fellow.

184 THE NEGRO IN THE AMERICAN REBELLION.

victims at Port Hudson will cry to Heaven, and will beheard.

" And how has it run in the campaign of 1864? This same devoted regiment followed the army of Gen. Banks to Pleasant Hill; but Fort Pillow rushed redon the general's sight, and he dare not let them fight. They were therefore made to l boost' along the wagon trains of the white troops ; to build the greater part of the famous bridge which saved the fleet, and got Lieut. Col. Bailey a star; to endure the kicks and insults of white soldiers; the officers to be put in arrest by inferior officers of white regiments, and returned to Morganzia. Every available man is detailed daily, rain or shine,to work on the fortifications under the jeers of loafing white soldiers and officers."

The labor system adopted by Gen. Banks for the freed men was nothing less than slavery under another name. Having no confidence in the negro's ability to take care of himself, he felt that, even in freedom, he needed a master, and therefore put him in leading strings. The general evidently considered that the wishes of the white planters, whether rebel or not, were to be gratified, although it were done at the expense of the black man. In reconstructing the civil authorities of the city of New Orleans, he carried out the same policy of ignoring the rights of the colored people, as will be seen by the following extract from a petition of the colored citizens to President Lincoln : —

" Your petitioners aver that they have applied in respectful terms to Brig. Gen. George F. Shepley, Military Governor of Louisiana, and to Major Gen. N. P.Banks, commanding the Department of the Gulf, praying to be placed upon the registers as voters, to the end that

GENERAL BANKS IN LOUISIANA. 185

they might participate in the re-organization of civil government in Louisiana; and that their petition has met with no response from those officers."

This petition was signed by the men, who, when the city was threatened by the rebels during the siege of Port Hudson, took up arms for its defence j all of whomwere loyal to the American Union.

CHAPTER XXV.

HONORS TO THE NOBLE DEAD.

Capt. Andre Callioux. — His Body lies in State. — Personal Appearance. — His Enthusiasm. — His Popularity. — His Funeral. — The great Respect paid the Deceased. — General Lamentation.

The death of Capt. Andre Callioux created a profound sensation throughout Louisiana, and especially in New Orleans, where the deceased had lived from childhood. This feeling of sorrow found vent at the funeral,which took place on the 11th of July, 1863. We give the following, written at the time by a correspondent of a New York Journal: —

" New Orleans, Saturday, Aug. 1, 1863.

" The most extraordinary local event that has everbeen seen within our borders, and, I think, one of the most extraordinary exhibitions brought forth by this Rebellion, was the funeral of Capt. Andre Callioux, Company E, First Louisiana National Guards. Here, in this southern emporium, was performed a funeral ceremony that for numbers and impressiveness never had its superior in this city; and it was originated and carried through in honor of a gallant soldier of the despisedrace, to enslave which, it is said, will soothe this Stateback into the Union.

" Capt. Callioux was fine looking, and, in his military dress, had an imposing appearance. I remember seeing him at Gen. Banks's headquarters, in company with at

186

least fifteen of our prominent military officers, and he was a marked personage among them all. In the celebrated assault and repulse on Port Hudson by Gen.Banks, Capt. Callioux fell, at the head of his company,on the 27th of May last, while gallantly leading it on tothe enemy's works. His body, along with others of the national regiments, after the battle, lay within deadly reach of the rebel sharpshooters ; and all attempts torecover the body were met with a shower of Minie bullets. Thus guarded by the enemy, or, I might say,thus honored by their attention, the body lay exposed until the surrender of the place, the 8th of July, when it was recovered, and brought to this city to receive theastonishing ovation connected with the last rights ofhumanity.

"The arrival of the body developed to the white population here that the colored people had powerful organizations in the form of civic societies; as the Friends of the Order, of which Capt. Callioux was a prominent member, received the body, and had the coffin containing it, draped with the American flag, exposed in state in the commodious hall. Around the coffin, flowers were strewn in the greatest profusion, and candles were kept continually burning. All the rights of the Catholic Church were strictly complied with. The guard pacedsilently to and fro, and altogether it presented as solemna scene as was ever witnessed.

" In due time, the band of the Forty-second Massachusetts Regiment made their appearance, and discoursed the customary solemn airs. The officiating priest,. FatherLe Maistre, of the Church of St. Rose of Lima, who has paid not the least attention to the excommunication and denunciations issued against him by the archbishop of this diocese, then performed the Catholic service for

the dead. After the regular services, he ascended to the president's chair, and delivered a glowing and eloquent eulogy on the virtues of the deceased. He called upon all present to offer themselves, as Callioux had done, martyrs to the cause of justice, freedom, and good government. It was a death the proudest might envy.

" Immense crowds of colored people had by this time gathered around the building, and the streets leading there to were rendered almost impassable. Two companies of the Sixth Louisiana (colored) Regiment, from their camp on the Company Canal, were there to act asan escort; and Esplanade Street, for more than a mile,was lined with colored societies, both male and female,in open order, waiting for the hearse to pass through.

" After a short pause, a sudden silence fell upon the crowd, the band commenced playing a dirge; and thebody was brought from the hall on the shoulders of eight soldiers, escorted by six members of the society, and six colored captains, who acted as pall bearers. The corpse was conveyed to the hearse through a crowd composed of both white and black people, and in silence profound as death itself. Not a sound was heard save the mournful music of the band, and not a head in all that vast multitude but was uncovered.

" The procession then moved off in the following order: The hearse containing the body, with Capts. J. W. Ring-gold, W. B. Barrett, S. J. Wilkinson, Eugene Mailleur,J. A. Glea, and A. St. Leger (all of whom, we believe,belong to the Second Louisiana Native Guards), and six members of The Friends of the Order, as pall-bear-ers ; about a hundred convalescent sick and wounded colored soldiers; the two companies of the Sixth Regiment ; a large number of colored officers of all native guard regiments ; the carriages containing Capt. Cal-

lioux's family, and a number of army officers; winding up with a large number of private individuals, and the following named societies: —

Friends of the Order.

Society of Economy and Mutual Assistance.

United Brethren.

Arts' and Mechanics' Association.

Free Friends.Good Shepherd Conclave, No. 2.

Artisans' Brotherhood.

Good Shepherd Conclave, No. 1.

Union Sons' Relief.

Perseverance Society.

Ladies of Bon Secours.

La Fleur de Marie.

Saint Rose of Lima.

The Children of Mary Society.

Saint Angela Society.

The Immaculate Conception Society.

The Sacred Union Society.

The Children of Jesus.

Saint Veronica Society.

Saint Alphonsus Society.

Saint Joachim Society.

Star of the Cross.

Saint Theresa Society.

Saint Eulalia Society.

Saint Magdalen Society.

God Protect Us Society.

United Sisterhood.

Angel Gabriel Society.

Saint Louis Roi Society.

Saint Benoit Society.

Benevolence Society.

Well Beloved Sisters' Society.

Saint Peter Society.

Saint Michael Archangel Society

Saint Louis de Gonzague Society.

Saint Ann Society.

The Children of Moses

190 THE NEGRO IN THE AMERICAN REBELLION.

" After moving through the principal down-town streets, the body was taken to the Bienville street cemetery, and there interred with military honors due his rank.

" Capt. Callioux was a native of this city, aged forty-three years, and was one of the first to raise a company under the call of Gen. Butler for colored volunteers.'The Union/ of this city, a paper of stanch loyalty,which is devoted to the interests of the colored people,speaking of Capt. Callioux, says ' By his gallant bearing, his gentlemanly deportment, his amiable disposition,and his capacities as a soldier, — having received a very good education, — he became the idol of his men, and won the respect and confidence of his superior officers.He was a true type of the Louisianian. In this city, where he passed his life, he was loved and respected by all who knew him.

" ' In Capt. Callioux, the cause of the Union and freedom has lost a valuable friend. Capt. Callioux, defending the integrity of the sacred cause of liberty, vindicated his race from the opprobrium with which it was charged. He leaves a wife and several children, who will have the consolation that he died the death of the patriot and the righteous.'

" The long pageant has passed away ; but there is left deeply impressed on the minds of those who witnessed this extraordinary sight the fact that thousands of people born in slavery had, by the events of the Rebellion, been disinthralled enough to appear in the streets of New Orleans, bearing to the tomb a man of their own color, who had fallen gallantly fighting for the flag and his country, — a man who had sealed with his blood the inspiration he received from Mr. Lincoln's Emanci

HONORS TO THE NOBLE DEAD. 191

pation Proclamation. The thousands of the unfortunates who followed his remains had the flag of the Union in miniature form waving in their hands, orpinned tastefully on their persons.

" We would ask, Can these people ever again be subjected to slavery? Are these men who have been regenerated by wearing the United States uniform,these men who have given their race to our armies to fight our would be oppressors, — are these people to be, can they ever again be, handed over to the task master ? Would a Government that would do such a thing be respected by the world, be honored of God? Could the Christianized people of the globe have witnessed the funeral of Capt. Callioux, there would have been but one sentiment called forth, and that is this, — that the National Government can make no compromiseon this slave question. It is too late to retreat: the responsibility has been taken, and the struggle must go on until there is not legally a slave under the folds of the American flag."

CHAPTER XLII.

ILL TREATMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE SOUTH.

The Old Slave holders. — The Freedmen. — Murders. — School teachers.

— Riot at Memphis. — Mob at New Orleans. — Murder of Union Men

— Riot at a Camp meeting.

Haughty and scornful as ever; regarding themselves as overpowered, but not conquered; openly regretting their failure to establish a Southern Confederacy; backed up by President Johnson in their rebellious course, — the Southerners appear determined to reduce the blacks to a state of serfdom if they cannot have them as slaves. The new labor laws of all the Southern States place the entire colored population as much in the hands of the whites as they were in the palmiest day of chattel slavery, if we except the buying and selling. The negro whipping post, which the laws ofwar swept away, has, under Andrew Johnson's reconstruction policy, been again reinstated throughout theSouth. The Freedmen's Bureau is as powerless to day to protect the emancipated blacks in their rights as wasthe Hon. Samuel Hoar to remain in South Carolina against the will of the slave holders of the days of Calhoun and of McDuffie. Where the old masters cannot control their former slaves, they do not hesitate to shoot them down in open day, as the following will show : —

A Texas correspondent writes to "The New York Evening Post" (he dare not allow his name and residence to be printed) as follows : —

845

" Every day I hear of murders of freedmen. Since five o'clock this afternoon, four new ones have been reported here. The disloyal press suppress the mention of such occurrences.

" Should there be another outbreak in Texas, very many Union men, as well as a large proportion of freed men, would at once be massacred in order to bring aboutsuch another reign of terror as would make the South a unit. . . .

" Three freedmen were murdered in or near the lineof an adjoining county a few days ago. The wagon which one of them was driving was robbed of all the fine goods it contained. The other two freed men were shot by the same man, who is believed to be their former owner. The head of one of them was cut off, and they were left unburied. No investigation has been, or probably will be, made into these murders. If �^*Union man were to move in the matter, it would be Qlthe peril of his life.

" The brave and loyal man who told me of these murders was applied to by a freed man, a kinsman of one of the murdered, for advice. The freedman was told to go to Austin, and report the facts to the agent of the Freed-men's Bureau; but he appears not to have arrived. Like the freedman despatched by the chief justice of Refugio County, with a letter setting forth the disorders inthat county, he may have been shot on the road.

" My informant, seeing that I set about writing down the facts as to these murders just as he stated them, said to me, ' Do not make my name public, for it is allI can do to hold my own in — county just now ;'and added, l I keep no money in my house but a few dollars for current expenses. I can take care of myselfin the day time, but I do not feel safe at night.'"

On the 2d of April, 1866, a Mr. Quisenbery was tried at the Circuit Court for the County of Louisa, Va., for the murder of Washington Green. Green was the former slave of Quisenbery, had worked for said Quisenbery from the fall of Richmond, about the 3d of April,1865, until about the 1st of October, 1865, when Quisenbery told him, the said Washington Green, that he had better go and get work somewhere else ; that he would not pay him for any thing that he had done. Washington Green went to work for a lady to get some shingles for her, and Quisenbery made a contract with this lady, that she should pay him, for Green's getting the shingles, by thrashing out his, Quisenbery's, wheat. It did not satisfy Washington Green, that Quisenbery should not only refuse to pay him for the work which he had already done for him, but that he should also collect what he had earned by hard working for this lady. Green went to Quisenbery, and asked him for the amount of getting the shingles for this lady. Quisenbery said, " Washington, this is three times that you have been after me for that money; I am now going tomy hog pen, and I warn you not to follow me." He repeated that warning three times. He then went to the hog pen, got over the fence, stooped down to throwout some corn that the hogs had not eaten. He looked up, and saw Washington Green at or near the fence, and said, "I thought I warned you not to follow me/' and pulled out his knife, and stabbed Green in the throat, and killed him instantly. This is the evidence and confession of Quisenbery, who was tried, and the jury founda verdict of not guilty, without scarcely leaving the jury box; and Quisenbery was declared guiltless ofany crime amid the plaudits of the people. STOPPED HERE

At Jacksonville, Fla., on the 20th of June last, a freed-man complained before Col. Hart, that his last employerwould not pay him. The black man afterwards went tothe pine-woods, chopping logs. While absent, the manof whom he had complained got a woman to go to thefreedman's wife, and get into a difficulty with her ; where-upon the freedman's wife was arrested, tried, foundguilty, and fined fifty dollars, being unable to pay which,she was put up at auction, and sold to the person whowould take her for the shortest time, and pay fine andcosts. The shortest time was four years ! Under anotherlaw of the State, the children were bound out till theyshould become of age I

A free colored man named Jordan opened, by permis-sion of the commandant of the post at Columbia, Tenn.,a school for the blacks. The school went on smoothlytill Monday, the 11th instant, when two soldierss0^ theEighth Tennessee Cavalry went into the school, ano/^rokeit up ; but the teacher, being so advised, resumed his la-bor the next day. But, on the 14th, Messrs. Datty, Por-ter, White, and others, including soldiers of the EighthTennessee, the party headed by White the city constable,proceeded to the schoolroom, seized the teacher, andbrought him under guard to the court-house, where hereceived a mock trial. When being asked for his au-thority for teaching a school, Mr. Jordan replied, thatLieut.-Col. Brown and Major Sawyer were his authority,and wished they would bring Major Sawyer in. One ofthe men went out, but was absent only for a moment, whenhe came in, stating that Major Sawyer could not be found;whereupon Mr. Andrews ordered that the teacher begiven twenty-five lashes. And they were administered,the man receiving the scourge like a martyr, telling his

persecutors that he was willing to suffer for the right;and that Christ had received the same punishment forthe same purpose; and he thought, if he could teach thechildren to read the Bible so that they might learn ofheaven, he was doing a good work. To this, a soldierof the Eighth Tennessee said, " If you want to go toheaven you must pray : you can't get there by teachingthe niggers. We can't go to school, and I'll be damnedif niggers shall."

Volumes might be written, recounting the shamefuloutrages committed at the South since the surrender ofLee. Not satisfied with murders of an individual char-acter, the Southerners have, of late, gone into it moreextensively. The first of these took place at Memphis,Tenn., May 4, 1866. A correspondent of Hon. W. D.Kelley, of Philadelphia, said, —

" I have been an eye-witness to such sights as shouldcause the age in which we live to blush. Negro menhave been shot down in cold blood on the streets ; bar-bers, at their chairs and in their own shops ; draymen ontheir drays, while attempting to earn an honest living;hotel-waiters, while in the discharge of their duties ;hackmen, while driving female teachers of negro chil-dren to their schools ; laborers, while handling cotton onthe wharves, &c. All the negro schoolhouses, and allthe negro churches, and many of the houses of the ne-groes, have been burned, this too, under the immediateauspices of the city police and the mayor: in fact, mostof these outrages were committed by the police them-selves, — all Irish, and all rebels, and mostly drunk. This isnot the half: I have no heart to recount the outrages I haveseen. The most prominent citizens stand on the streets,and see negroes hunted down and shot, and laugh at it

as a good joke. Attempts have been made to fireevery Government building, and fire has been set tomany of the abodes and business-places of Union people.

" There is no doubt but that there is a secret organiza-tion sworn to purge the city of all Northern men who arenot rebels, all negro teachers, all Yankee enterprise, andreturn the city ' to the good old days of Southern ruleand chivalry.?

" When the miscreants had fired Collins's chapel (alarge frame church, corner of Washington and OrleansStreets, which would now cost fully ten thousand dollars,to rebuild), they stood around the fire which lighted themidnight sky, and made the night hideous with theirhellish cheers for ' And)' Johnson ' and a ' white man'sgovernment!' And the supporters of the President,aside from being midnight burners of churches andschoolhouses, robbed women and children, and 8 &tn, — sparing none on account of age, sex, physical disab^ies,or innocence of crime, — even burning women and chil-dren alive.

" The board of aldermen had their usual meetings lastnight. Their proceedings show no reference to the riot.No rewards have been offered for the apprehension ofthe murderous assassins, thieves, and house-burners."

Next came, on a still larger scale, the rebel riot at NewOrleans. The Military Commission appointed to inves-tigate the cause of the riot charge it upon Mayor Mon-roe, Lieut.-Gov. Voorhies, and the rebel press of thecity. The Commission speak of the murders as fol-lows : —

" They can only say that the work of massacre waspursued with a cowardly ferocity unsurpassed in the an-nals of crime. Escaping negroes were mercilessly pur-

sued, shot, stabbed, and beaten to death by the mob andpolice. Wounded men on the ground begging for mercywere savagely despatched by mob, police, firemen, and, in-credible as it may seem, in two instances by women ;but, in two or three most honorable and exceptionablecases, white men and members of the Convention wereprotected by members of the police, both against themob, and against other policemen. The chief of police,by great exertions, defended in this manner Gov. Hahn.

"After the attack had commenced, the police appearedto be under no control as such ; but acted as and withthe mob. Their cheers and waving of hats as theythrew the mangled Dostie, then supposed a corpse, like adead dog into the cart, sufficiently show their unison offeeling with their allies."

Nothing, we take it, is more apparent from the arrayof evidence presented in this Report than that the New-Orleans riot was a preconcerted, deliberate, cold-bloodedattempt to massacre the Unionists, white and black, ofthat city. The design can be traced like the develop-ment of a tragedy. Mayor Monroe is busy for a longtime in advance in stirring up the passions of the mobby stigmatizing the members of the Convention as out-laws and revolutionists, threatening them with whole-sale arrest, and preparing his police for action. He mighthave ascertained that the members had resolved to peace-fully submit the legality of their course to the propertribunals ; but he had bloodier ends in view. He knewthat the excitement he had fanned would surely lead toan outburst of violence, unless restrained by two forcesalone, — his police and the United-States troops. Tokeep the latter away, Mayor Monroe suppresses all re-quisition for them until it is too late; and then tries to

cover up his conduct with downright falsehood and per-jury. His police, instead of being brought forwardopenly, so that they would have to take sides for thepreservation of order, are concealed in hiding-places tillthe collision occurs ; when they rush forth as allies of themob, murdering negroes in cold blood; firing repeatedlyinto the Convention, even after a white flag is raised;shooting and barbarously maltreating the wounded ; andperpetrating such feats of cowardly brutality and feroci-ty as were never before seen in this country, except inthe congenial affairs of Memphis and Fort Pillow.

Nothing goes so far towards reconciling one to whatis called the "total-depravity" theory, as the contem-plation of those scenes of blood. They carry us back tothe crimes and cruelty of the Massacre of St. Bartholo-mew. Mayor Monroe acts the part of the Duke of Guise ;Lieut.-Gov. Voorhies, that of the Duke of Alva; whilePresident Johnson acts the part of Charles lis "r who, onapproaching the burning corpse of Admiral Ct^gny, ex-claimed, " The smell of a dead enemy is always good."

During the mob, the appearance of rebel organizationson the ground with marks and badges, and scores of simi-lar incidents, show that the plot was as deliberate as itwas infernal.

Again: a dispassionate consideration of the facts de-tailed by the Commission will lead to the conclusion thatthe underlying cause of the New-Orleans massacre wasthe old virus of slavery, still existing in the passions ofSouthern society, and likely to issue forth in violencewhenever it shall be favored by similar circumstances.The members of the Louisiana Convention were entirelyharmless, no matter how obnoxious or how indiscreetthey were. Even if they were not disposed to submit

ILL TREATMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE. 353

their pretensions to a legal test, — as they were, — therewould have been no difficulty in making their peaceablean est on the occurrence of their first overt act; butthe mob of New Orleans, who, by the acquiescence of thebetter classes, or else in defiance of them through theirgreat numerical preponderance, elect and control thecity authorities, were determined to permit no such re-sult of the controversy. The Convention claimed toexercise free speech; they would have none of thatNorthern innovation: it was composed of Union men; andthey should be made to feel their place in " reconstruct-ed " New Orleans: worse than all, they had for theirallies and supporters colored Unionists; and they shouldbe made such an example of as should deter any moresuch movements at the South. It was a bloody crusadeagainst the men and the principles that had triumphedin the Government of this country. Well do this Com-mission say, that, but for martial law and the United-States troops, " fire and bloodshed would have ragedthroughout the night in all negro quarters of the city,and that the lives and property of Unionists and North-ern men would have been at the mercy of the mob."

Finally: the Report throws an impressive light uponPresident Johnson's connection with the New-Orleansmassacre. He had already, in a manner, inculpated him-self in his speech at St. Louis. He there suppresses allthe facts found by the Commission, and stigmatizes themembers of the Convention as "traitors/' engaged, underthe instigation of Congress, in getting up a " rebellion,"and therefore responsible for all the bloodshed that oc-curred. That is precisely the pretence of Mayor Monroeand his mob. Well might the President, therefore, playinto their hands. Gen. Baird, from official experience, has

23

been taught not to interfere with Mayor Monroe. Whenhe telegraphs to Washington for orders, he gets no an-swer : the other side telegraph, and receive repliesthat encourage them in their course. Gen. Sheridan,like a true soldier, telegraphs the facts, with indignantcomments; and his despatches are garbled for publiceffect. Of all the murderers on that dreadful day, notone has been called to account; nor has any one of themreceived therefor the least censure of the Governmentat Washington.

The appointment, since the riot, of Adams, one of themost notorious of the rioters, as sergeant in the policeforce, by Mayor Monroe, confirms the fact of his guilt inthe massacre. The blood of the martyrs Dostie and Hor-ton cries to Heaven for justice for the Union men of theSouth, white and black. The mob, composed of ex-rebelsoldiers and citizens, that broke up the colored camp-meeting near Baltimore, Md., a few week^'fter the New-Orleans riot, was only a part of the p^gramme con-cocted by the men engaged in carrying out the recon-struction policy of Andrew Johnson.

CHAPTER XLIII.

PROTECTION FOR THE COLORED PEOPLE.

Protection for the Colored People South. — The Civil Eights Bill. — Liberty without the Ballot no Boon. — Impartial Suffrage. — TestOaths not to be depended upon.

In attempting to form a Southern Confederacy, withslavery as its corner-stone, by breaking up the Union, andrepudiating the Constitution, the people of the Southcompelled the National Government to abolish chattelslavery in self-defence. The protection, defence, andsupport which self-interest induced the master to extendto the slave have been taken away by the emancipationof the latter. This, taken in connection with the factthat the negroes, by assisting the Federal authorities toput down the Rebellion, gained the hatred of their oldmasters, placed the blacks throughout the South in avery bad position. Now, what shall be done to protectthese people from the abuse of their former oppressors ?The Civil Rights Bill passed by Congress is almost adead letter, and many of the rebel judges declare it un-constitutional. The States having relapsed into thehands of the late slave-holders, and they becoming theexecutioners of the law, the blacks cannot look for jus-tice at their hands. The negro must be placed in aposition to protect himself. How shall that be done ?We answer, the only thing to save him is the balbt.Liberty without equality is no boon. Talk not of civil

355

without political emancipation ! It is the technical pleading of the lawyer: it is not the enlarged view of thestatesman. If a man has no vote for the men and themeasures which tax himself, his family, and his property,and all which determine his reputation, that man is stilla slave.

We are told — what seems to be the common idea — that the elective franchise is not a right, but a privilege.But is this true ? We used to think so; that is, we as-sented to it before we gave the subject any specialthought: but we do not think so now. We maintain, thatin a government like ours, a republican government, orgovernment of the people, the elective franchise, as it iscalled, is not a mere privilege, but an actual and absoluteright, — a right belonging, of right, to every free man whohas not forfeited that right by crime. We in this countryenjoy what is properly called self-government, and self-government necessarily implies the � &kt to vote, — theright to help to govern, and to make Unlaws; and this,in a government like ours, a government of the people,can only be done by or through the elective franchise.We maintain that in self-government, or government ofthe people, every man who is a free man and citizen hasa right to assist and take part in that government.This right inheres and belongs to every man alike, to youand me, and every other man, — no matter what the colorof his skin, — if he be a free man and citizen, and helpsto support the government by paying taxes: it is one ofthe fundamental principles of self-government and of ademocratic or republican government. But the electivefranchise, the right to choose and elect the men who areto fill the offices, and make the laws and execute them,lies at the very bottom of such government. It is the

first principle and starting-point, and is as much impliedin the very name and idea of self-government, or govern-ment of the people, as any other principle, right, or ideapertaining to such a government. Does any one doubtthis ? Let him ask himself what constitutes a republicangovernment, or government of the people, and what isimplied by such a government, and he will soon see, thatwithout the elective franchise, or right to choose rulersand law-makers, there can be no suuh government. Itwill not do, therefore, to call this right a privilege. If itis but a privilege, all may be deprived of its exercise.What sort of a republican or self government would thatbe in which none of the people were allowed to vote ?But if it is but a privilege, and granted to but a class orpart, it may be restricted to a still smaller part, and final-ly allowed to none!

Any proposal to submit the question of the political orcivil rights of the negroes to the arbitrament of thewhites is as unjust and as absurd as to submit the ques-tion of the political rights of the whites to the arbitra-ment of the negroes, with this difference, — that the ne-groes are loyal everywhere, and the great body of thewhites disloyal everywhere.

A white loyalist of the South, one who remained loyalduring the whole of the Rebellion, says, —

" To permit the whites to disfranchise the negroes isto permit those who have been our enemies to ostracizeour friends. The negroes are the only persons in thoseStates who have not been in arms against us. Theyhave not been in arms against us. They have alwaysand everywhere been friendly, and nat hostile, to us.They alone have a deep interest in the continued su-premacy of the United States ; for their freedom depends

on it. On them alone can we depend to suppress a newinsurrection. They alone will be inclined to vote forthe friends of the Government in all the SouthernStates. They alone have sheltered, fed, and pioneeredour starved and hunted brethren through the swampsand woods of the South, in their flight from those whonow aspire to rule them.

" The shame and folly of deserting the negroes areequalled by the wisdom of recognizing and protectingtheir power. They will form a clear and controlling ma-jority against tlie united white vote iu South Carolina, Mis-sissippi, and Louisiana. With a very small accession fromthe loyal whites, they will form a majority in Alabama,Georgia, and Virginia. Unaided in all those States,they will be a majority in many congressional and legis-lative districts; and that alone suffices to break the ter-rible and menacing unity of the Southern vote in Con-gress.'7

It is said that the slaves are too igno^v to exercisethe elective franchise judiciously. To mis we reply,they are as intelligent as the average of " poor whites,"and were intelligent enough to be Unionists during thegreat struggle, when the Federal Government neededfriends. In a conflict with the spirit of rebellion, theblacks can always be depended upon, the whites cannot;and, for its own security against future outbreaks, theNational Government should see that the negro isplaced where he can help himself, and assist it.

The ballot will secure for the colored people respect;that respect will be a protection for their schools; and,through education and the elective franchise, the negrois to rise to a common level of humanity in the South-ern States.

PROTECTION TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. 359

But little aid can be expected for the freedmen fromthe Freedmen's Bureau ; for its officers, if not Southernmen, will soon become upon intimate terms with theformer slave-holders, and the Bureau will be convertedinto a power of oppression, instead of a protection.

The anti-Union whites know full well the great influ-ence of the ballot, and therefore are afraid to give it tothe blacks. The franchise will be of more service tothis despised race than a standing army in the South.The ballot will be his standing army. The poet hastruly said, —

" There is a weapon surer yet,

And better, than the bayonet;A weapon that comes down as still

As snow-flakes fall upon the sod,And executes a freeman's will

As lightning does the will of God;A weapon that no bolts nor locks

Can bar. It is the ballot-box."

Even " The New-York Herald," borne time ago, wentso far as to say, —

" We would give the suffrage at once to four classesof Southern negroes. First, and emphatically, to everynegro who has borne arms in the cause of the UnitedStates; second, to every negro who owns real estate ;third, to every negro who can read and write; and,fourth, to every negro that had belonged to any reli-gious organization or church for five years before thewar. These points would cover every one that oughtto vote; and they would insure in every negro voter aspirit of manhood as well as discipline, some practicalshrewdness, intellectual development, and moral con-sciousness and culture."

Impartial suffrage is what we demand for the coloredpeople of the Southern States. No matter whether thebasis be a property or an educational qualification, let itbe impartial: upon this depends the future happinessof all classes at the South. Test-oaths, or promises tosupport the laws, mean nothing with those who havecome up through the school of slavery.

" As for oaths, the rebels, whose whole career hasbeen a violation of the solemn obligations of winchoaths are merely the sign, care no more for them thandid the rattlesnake to which our soldiers in West Vir-ginia once administered the oath of allegiance. Im-partial suffrage affords the only sure and permanentmeans of combating the rebel element in the SouthernStates."

CHAPTER XLIV.

CASTE.

Slavery the Foundation of Caste. — Black its Preference. — The GeneralWish for Black Hair and Eyes. — No Hatred to Color. — The WhiteSlave. — A Mistake. — Stole his Thunder. — The Burman. — Pew forSale.

Caste is usually found to exist in communities orcountries among majorities, and against minorities.The basis of it is owing to some supposed inferiority ordegradation attached to the hated ones. However,nothing is more foolish than this prejudice. But thesilliest of all caste is that which is founded on color; forthose who entertain it have not a single logical reasonto offer in its defence.

The fact is, slavery has been the cause of all the pre-judice against the negro. Wherever the blacks are illtreated on account of their color, it is because of theiridentity with a race that has long worn the chain ofslavery. Is there any thing in black, that it should behated? If so, why do we see so much black in commonuse as clothing among all classes? Indeed, black ispreferred to either white or colors. How often theyoung man speaks in ecstasies of the black eyes andblack hair of his lady-love! Look at the hundreds ofadvertised hair-dyes, used for the purpose of changingnature ! See men with their gray beards dyed black;women with those beautiful black locks, which, but yes-

361

terday, were as white as the driven snow! Not onlythis, but even those with light or red whiskers run tothe dye-kettle, steal a color which nature has refusedthem, and, an hour after, curse the negro for a com-plexion that is not stolen. If black is so hateful, whydo not gentlemen have their boots whitewashed? If theslaves of the South had been white, the same prejudicewould have existed against them. Look at the " poorwhite trash," as the lower class of whites in the South-ern States are termed.

Henry Clay would much rather have spent an eveningwith his servant Charles than to have made a compan-ion of one of his poor white neighbors. It is the condi-tion, not the color, that is so hateful.

" When the Britons first became known to the Tyrianmariners," says Macaulay, " they were little superior tothe Sandwich Islanders." Ca3sar, wr^ home fromBritain, said, " They are the most ignoi^iit people I everconquered." Many of the Britons, after their conquestby the Romans, were sent as slaves to Rome. Cicero,writing to his friend Atticus, advised him not to buyslaves from England ; " because," said he, " they cannotbe taught to read, and are the ugliest and most stupidrace I ever saw." These writers created a prejudiceagainst the Britons, which caused them to be sold verycheap in Rome, where they were seen for years withbrass collars on, containing their owner's name. Theprejudice against the American negro is not worse to-day than that which existed against the Britons. But, assoon as the condition of the poor, ill-treated, and en-slaved Britons was changed, the caste disappears.

Twenty-five years ago, a slave escaped from Tennes-see, and came to Buffalo, N.Y. He was as fair as the

majority of whites, and, having been a house-servant,his manners and language were not bad. His namewas Green. It was said that he had helped himself tosome of his master's funds before leaving. For morethan a month he had boarded at the American, thefinest hotel in the city, where he sat at table with theboarders, and occupied the parlors in common withthe rest of the inmates.

Mr. Green passed for a Southern gentleman, sporteda gold watch, smoked his Havanas, and rode out occa-sionally. He was soon a favorite, especially with the

daughters of Col. D . Unfortunately for Mr. Green,

one day, as he was taking his seat at the dinner-table,he found himself in front of one of his master's neigh-bors, who recognized him. The Southerner sent for thelandlord, with whom he had a few moments' conversa-tion, after which mine host approached the boarder, andsaid, " We don't allow niggers at the table here : getup. You must wait till the servants eat." Mr. Greenwas driven from the table, not on account of his color,but his condition. Under the old reign of slavery, itnot unfrequently occurred that the master's acknowl-edged sons or daughters were of a much darker com-plexion than some of the slave children.

On one occasion, after my old master had returnedhome from the Legislature (of which he was a member),he had many new visitors. One of these, a Major Moore,called in my master's absence. The major had neverbeen to our place before, and therefore we were allstrangers to him. The servant showed the visitor intothe parlor, and the mistress soon after came in, and towhom the major introduced himself. I was at that timeabout ten years old, and was as white as most white

boys. Whenever visitors came to the house, it was mypart of the programme to dress myself in a neat suit,kept for such times, and go into the room, and stand be-hind the lady's chair. As I entered the room on thisoccasion, I had to pass near by the major to reach themistress. As I passed him, mistaking me for the son,he put out his hand, and said, " How do you do, bub ? "And, before any answer could be given, he continued," Madam, I would have known your son if I had methim in Mexico ; for he looks so much like his papa." Thelady's face reddened up, and she replied, " That's oneof the niggers, sir;" and told me to go to the kitchen.

On my master's return home, I heard him and the majortalking the matter over in the absence of the mistress."I came near playing the devil here to-dav colonel,"said the major. — " In what way ? " inquired ^-.^ former."It is always my custom," said the latter, " to make fondof the children where I visit; for it pleases the mammas.So, to-day, one of your little niggers came into the room,and I spoke to him, reminding the madam how muchhe resembled you." — " Ha, ha, ha ! " exclaimed the colo-nel, and continued, " you did not miss it much by call-ing him my son. Ha, ha, ha-! "

An incident of a rather amusing character took placeon Cayuga Lake some years ago. I had but recentlyreturned from England, where I had never been unpleas-antly reminded of my color, when I was called to visitthe pretty little city of Ithaca. On my return, I camedown the lake in the steamer which leaves early in themorning. When the bell rang for breakfast, I went tothe table, where I found some twenty or thirty persons.I had scarcely taken my seat, when a rather snobby-appearing man, of dark complexion, looking as if a South-

Carolina or Georgia sun had tanned him, began rubbinghis hands, and, turning up his nose, called the steward,and said to him, " Is it the custom on this boat to putniggers at the table with white people? " The servantstood for a moment, as if uncertain what reply to make,when the passenger continued, " Go tell the captainthat I want him." Away went the steward. I had beentoo often insulted on account of my connection with theslave, not to know for what the captain was wanted.However, as I was hungry, I commenced helping my-self to what I saw before me, yet keeping an eye to thedoor, through which the captain was soon to make hisappearance. As the steward returned, and I heard theheavy boots of the commander on the stairs, a happythought struck me; and I eagerly watched for the com-ing-in of the officer.

A moment more, and a strong voice called out, " Whowants me?"

I answered at once, " I, sir."

" What do you wish ? " asked the captain.

u I want you to take this man from the table," said I.

At this unexpected turn of the affair, the whole cabinbroke out into roars of laughter ; while my rival on theopposite side of the table seemed bursting with rage.The captain, who had joined in the merriment, said, —

" Why do you want him taken from the table ? "

" Is it your custom, captain," said I, " to let niggerssit at table with white folks on your boat ? "

This question, together with the fact that the otherpassenger had sent for the officer, and that I had " stolenhis thunder," appeared to please the company* verymuch, who gave themselves up to laughter; while theSouthern-looking man left the cabin with the exclama-tion, u Damn fools 1"

Nothing is more ridiculous than the legal decision inthe States of Ohio and Michigan, that a man containingnot more than one-sixteenth of African blood in hisveins shall be considered a white man, and, upon theabove basis, shall enjoy the elective franchise.

We know of a family in Cincinnati, with three broth-ers, the youngest of whom is very fair, and who, underthe above rule, is a voter; while the other two brothersare too dark to exercise the suffrage. Now, it so hap-pens that the voting brother is ignorant and shiftless,while the others are splendid scholars. Where there isa great difference in the complexion of the husband andwife, there is generally a much greater difference in thecolor of the children ; and this picking out the sons,on account of their fair complexion, seems cruel in theextreme, as it creates a jealous feeling in the family.While visiting my friend William Still, Esq., in Philadel-phia, some time since, I was much amused at seeing hislittle daughter, a child of eight or nine years, and hercousin, entering the omnibus which passed the door,going towards their school. Colored persons were notallowed to ride in those conveyances; and one of thegirls, being very fair, would pay the fare for both;while the dark-complexioned one would keep her faceveiled. Thus the two children daily passed unmolestedfrom their homes to the school, and returned. I wasinformed that once while I was there the veil unfortu-nately was lifted, the dark face seen, and the childturned out of the coach. How foolish that one's rideon a stormy day should depend entirely on a blackveil L

" Colorphobia, which has hitherto been directedagainst ' American citizens of African descent/ has

broken out in a new direction. Mong Chan Loo is aBurman who recently graduated at Lewisburg Univer-sity, Penn., and has since been studying medicine, prepar-atory to returning to Asia as a missionary. He is quitedark, but has straight hair, and is a gentlemen of muchcultivation. The other day, he took passage on the Mus-kingum-river packet, " J. H. Bert," and, when the sup-per-bell rang, was about to seat himself at the table.The captain prevented him, informing him that, by therules of the boat, colored persons must eat separatelyfrom the whites. He grew indignant at this, refused toeat on the boat at all, and, on arriving at Marietta,sued the owners of the boat for five thousand dollarsdamages for ( mental and bodily anguish suffered.' Thecase is a novel one; and its decision will perhaps involvethe question, whether Africans alone, or Asiatics, and,perhaps, all dark-complexioned people, are included inthe designation ' colored.' If the more sweeping defini-tion prevails, brunettes will have to be provided withlegally-attested pedigrees to secure for themselves seatsat the first table and other Caucasian privileges." — Cincinnati Gazette.

" The Dunkards, a peculiar religious society, numer-ous in some of the Western States, at their recent an-nual meeting discussed the question, ' Shall we receivecolored persons into the church? and shall we salutethem with the holy kiss ?' It was decided that theyshould be received into the church, but that all themembers were to be left to their own choice and tastein regard to saluting their colored brethren, with theunderstanding, however, that all who refused to do sowere to be regarded as weak."

In the year 1844, I visited a town in the State of

Ohio, where a radical abolitionist informed me that heowned a pew in the village church, but had not attendedworship there for years, owing to the proslavery char-acter of the preacher.

" Why don't you sell your pew ? " I inquired.

" I offered to sell it, last week, to a man, for ten dol-lars' worth of manure for my garden," said he; " but thefarmer, who happens to be one of the pillars of thechurch, wants it for five dollars."

" What did it cost? " I inquired.

" Fifty dollars," was the reply.

" Are they very proslavery, the congregation ?" Iasked.

" Yes: they hate a black man worse than pizen"said he.

" Have you any colored family in your neighbor-hood ? " I inquired.

" We have," said he, " a family about four miles fromhere."

" Are they very black? " I asked.

" Yes : as black as tar," said he.

" Now," said I, " my friend, I can put you in the wayof selling your pew, and for its worth, or near what itcost you."

" If you can, I'll give you half I get," he replied.

" Get that colored family, every one of them, takethem to church, don't miss a single Sunday; and, myword for it, in less than four weeks, they, the church-folks, will make you an offer," said I.

An arrangement was made with Mr. Spencer, theblack man, by which himself, wife, and two sons, wereto attend church four successive Sabbaths ; for which,they were to receive in payment a hog. The following

Sunday, Mason's pew was the centre of attraction. Fromthe moment that the Spencer Family arrived at thechurch, till the close of the afternoon service, the eyesof the entire congregation were turned towards " theniggers." Early on Monday, Mr. Mason was called uponby the " pillar," who said, " I've concluded to give youten dollars' worth of manure for your pew, Mr. Mason."

" I can't sell it for that," was the reply. " I ask fiftydollars for my pew ; and I guess Mr. Spencer will takeit, if he likes the preaching," continued the abolitionist.

" What! " said the " pillar," "does that nigger wantthe pew ? "

" He'll take it if the preaching suits him," returnedMason.

The churchman left with a flea in his ear. The sec-ond Sunday, the blacks were all on hand to hear thelining of the first hymn. The news of the pew beingoccupied by the negroes on the previous occasion hadspread far and wide, and an increase of audience wasthe result. The clergyman preached a real negro-hating sermon, apparently prepared for the express purpose of driving the blacks away. However, this failedfor the obnoxious persons were present in the afternoon. Mr. Mason was called upon on Monday b}r another weighty member, who inquired if the pew wasfor sale, and its price.

" Fifty dollars," was the reply.

" I'll give you twenty-five dollars," said the mem-ber."

" Fifty dollars, and nothing less," was Mason's answer.

The weighty member left, without purchasing thepew. Being on a lecturing tour in the vicinity, I raninto town, occasionally, to see how the matter pro-

. 24

gressed; for I had an eye to one-half of the proceedsof the sale of the pew.

During the week, Spencer came, complained of thepreaching, saying that his wife could not and wouldnot stand it, and would refuse to attend again; where-upon, I went over, through a dreary rain, and promisedthe wife a shilling calico-dress if she would fulfil theagreement. This overcame her objections. I also ar-ranged that two colored children of another family,near by, should be borrowed for the coming Sunday.Mason was asked how the Spencers liked the preaching.He replied that the blacks were well pleased, and espe-cially with the last sermon, alluding to the negro-hatingdiscourse.

The following Sunday found Mason's pew filled to over-flowing ; for the two additional ones had left no spaceunoccupied. That Sunday did the work completely ; forthe two borrowed boys added interest to the scene bytaking different courses. One was tumbling about overthe laps of the older persons in the pew, attractingrather more attention than was due him, and occasionallyasking for " bed and butter;" while the smaller oneslept, and snored loud enough to be heard several pewsaway. On Monday morning following, Mr. Mason wascalled upon. The pew was sold for fifty dollars cash.I received my portion of the funds, and gave Spencer'swife the calico gown. Mason called in the few hatedradicals, and we had a general good time.

During the same lecturing tour, I was called to visitthe village of Republic, some thirty miles from San*dusky.

On taking a seat in one of the cars where other pas-sengers had seated themselves, I was ordered out, with

the remark, that " Niggers ain't allowed in here." Re-fusing to leave the car, two athletic men, employed bythe road, came in at the bidding of the conductor, and,taking me by the collar, dragged me out.

u Where shall I ride ? " I asked. " Where you please ;but not in these cars/' was the reply. Under ordinarycircumstances, I would have declined going by the train.But I had an appointment, and must go. As the signalfor starting was given, I reluctantly mounted a flour-barrel in the open freight-car attached to the train, andaway we went through the woods.

From my position, I had a very good view of the pas-sengers in the nearest car, and must confess that theydid not appear to be the most refined individuals. Themajority looked like farmers. There were some drovers,one of whom, with his dog at his feet, sat at the endwindow: the animal occasionally got upon the seat bythe side of its master, when the latter would take himby the ears, and pull him off. The drover seemed to sayto me, as he eyed me sitting on the barrel in the hotsun, " You can't come where my dog is." At the firststopping-place, a dozen or more laboring-men, employedin repairing the road, got on the train with their pick-axes and shovels. They, too, took seats in a passenger-car. I had a copy of Pope's poems, and was tryingto read " The Essay on Man;" but almost failed,on account of the severity of the sun. However, agentleman in the car, seeing my condition, took pityon me, and, at the next stopping-place, kindly lent mehis umbrella; which was no sooner hoisted than it drewthe attention of the drover at one of the end windows,and some of the Irishmen at the other, who set up ajolly laugh at my expense. Up to this time, the con-

ductor had not called on me for my ticket; but, as thetrain was nearing the place of my destination, he climbedupon the car, came to me, and, holding out his hand, said," I?ii take your ticket, sir." — "I have none/' said I." Then, I'll take your fare," continued he, still holdingout his hand. " How much is it ? " I inquired. "A dol-lar and a quarter," he replied. " How much do youcharge those in the passenger-car?" — " The same," wasthe response. " Do you think that I will pay as muchas those having comfortable seats ? No, sir. I shalldo no such thing, " said I. " Then," said the conductor,"you must get off." — " Stop your train, and I'll get off,"I 1 eplied. " Do you think I'll stop these cars for you ? ";i Well," said I, " you can do as you please. I willnot pay full fare, and ride on a flour-barrel in the hotsun." — " Since you make so much fuss about it, give mea dollar, and you may go," said the conductor. " I'll dono such thing," I replied. "Why ? Don't you wish topay your fare ? " asked he. " Yes," I replied. " I willpay what's right; but I'll not pay you a dollar forriding on a flour-barrel in the hot sun." — " Then, sinceyou feel so terribly bad about it, give me seventy-fivecents, and I'll say no more about it," said the officer." No, sir: I shall not do it," said I. " What do you meanto pay ? " asked he. " How much do you charge perhundred for freight ? " I asked. " Twenty-five cents perhundred," answered the conductor. " Then I'll paythirty-seven and a-half cents," said I; " for I weigh onehundred and fifty pounds." The astonished man eyedme from head to feet: while the drover and the Irishlaborers, who were piled up at each window of the pas-senger-car, appeared not a little amused at what theysupposed to be a muss between the conductor and me.

CASTE. 373

Finally, the officer took a blank account out of his pocket,and said, " Give me thirty-seven and a-half cents, and I'llset you down as freight." I paid over the money, andsaw myself duly put among the other goods in thefreight-car.

A New-York journal is responsible for the follow-ing: —

" It is not many months since a colored man came tothis city from abroad. A New-York merchant had beenin business connection with him for several years ; andfrom that business connection had realized a fortune,and felt that he must treat him kindly. When Sundaycame, he invited him to go to church with him. Hewent; and the merchant took him into his own pew, nearthe pulpit, in a fashionable church. There was a prom-inent member of the church near the merchant, whosaw this with great amazement. He could not be mis-ts-ken : it was a genuine " nigger," and not a counter-feit. Midway in his sermon, the minister discoveredhim, and was so confused by it, that he lost his place,and almost broke down.

After service, the man who sat near the merchant wentto him, and in great indignation asked, —

" What does this mean ? "

" What does what mean ?"

" That you should bring a nigger into this church ? "

" It is my pew."

" Your pew, is it ? And, because it is your pew, youmust insult the whole congregation !"

"He is intelligent and well educated," answered themerchant.

u What do I care for that ? He is a nigger! "

" But he is a friend of mine."

" What of that ? Must you therefore insult the wholecongregation ? "

" But he is a Christian, and belongs to the same deno-mination."

" What do I care for that ? Let him worship with hisnigger Christians."

" But he is worth five million dollars," said the mer-chant.

" Worth what ? "

A Worth five million dollars."

'� For God's sake introduce me to him," was thereply."

i

THE RISING SON;

OR,

The Antecedents and Advancement of the Colored Eace.

By Wm. Wells Brown, m.D.

Price $2.00 per copy.

This standard work has passed through ten editions, and theagents are still selling it in large numbers. The following aresome of the comments of the press: —

"In reading Dr. Brown's earlier works, we formed a high opinion of hisliterary ability; but this, his last effort, surpasses all his former writings, andgives him a permanent position with the most profound historians. The foot-notes and references in The Rising Son give it a reliability that will secure for ita place in all our libraries. Every friend of the race will get the book, and nocolored man will remain long without it. Tho blacks, everywhere, owe theauthor a lasting debt of gratitude." — Boston Evening Transcript.

"This is a history of the blacks commencing with the Ethiopians comingdown the Nile to Carthage, following Hannibal in his wonderful career, thenceproceeding to Africa. The author takes up the condition of the various tribes,giving a history of the African slave trade, the introduction of the negroes intothe West Indies, full account of the St. Domingo revolutions, as well as the out-break in other colonies; the landing of the first slaves in Virginia, and thehistory of the rise, progress and fall of the slave power. Dr. Brown's longexperience in the advocacy of the rights of his people, his industry and literaryability, eminently qualify him for the arduous task, and it will be read withinterest, astonishment and delight." — Boston Commonwealth.

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" We say at once, — let every colored man in the country buy this Rising Sun,and read its forty-nine chapters; and the fiftieth too, if he have the time. Thereis much in it that \ ill repay the most complete perusal." — TJie ChristianRecorder, Philadelphia.

"No book yet published regarding the colored race is as complete, exhaustiveand valuable as this work. The author is one of the best informed represent-ative colored men in the country, and the book is as concise a history of thecolored race from the earliest period to the present time as has ever appeared." — Daily Chronicle, Washington, D. C.

" We commend it heartily as one of the most valuable books yet published forthe uplifting of the race. To the young men of America this work will beinvaluable, both as a history and incentive to press forward. Its brief sketchesof live men of the time are all an invitation to them to 'come up higher.'" — Our National Progress, Harrisburgh, Pa.

" The Rising Son proclaims Dr. Brown a man of versatile genius, and giveshim undisputed rank on the catalogue of American authors, without regard torace or color." — The National Monitor, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Agents wanted in every State to sell this work, and to whomgreat inducements are offered. Send in your orders. A book willbe sent to any address, free of postage, on receipt of price, $2.00.

A. G. BROWN & CO., Publishers,}28 ^;;"eet'

My Southern Home;

OR, THE SOUTH AND ITS PEOPLE.

By Dr. Wm. Wells Brown.

This book may well be termed the great inside view of theSouth. It runs back for fifty years, and gives the state of societyin the olden time. For wit and humor it has had no equal.

"Dr. Wm. Wells Brown, the versatile colored author, has pub-lished another volume, entitled,'My Southern Home.' The bookis full of anecdotes, incidents and the true negro element; exagger-ations being generally avoided, and full play being allowed to theelements of wit and humor. That the mind of the colored racehas retained so much hopeful vivacity and so much genuine loveof laughter and gayety, seems to be little less than providential.Dr. Brown faces the whole problem of the negro's past and futurein a manly, sensible, incisive way. He favors miscegenation, butknows it to be so impossible, that he concludes: ' His [the negro's]only hope is education, professions, trades, and copying the bestexamples, no matter from what source they come.' Incidentally,Dr. Brown throws much light upon the temper and natural char-acter of his race, being neither its eulogist nor its despairing critic.The book will command a rapid sale." — Daily Advertiser.

" The book embodies much of the pathos, wit and humor whichmarks the character and experience of the Southern negro lifebefore and since the emancipation; its chief value, however, liesin its faithful portraiture of scenes of the olden time, and thestrongly drawn sketches." — Daily Journal.

"The work is full of spicy incidents and anecdotes." — The Com-monwealth.

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PRICE, . . . $1.25.

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A. G. BROWN & CO.,

23 East Canton St., BOSTON, MASS.

\44

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by: Winter 2019-2020

• Noah Abney
• Miles Coleman
• Brian Fielding

Winter 2020-2021

• John Lazarone
• William Martin
• Carson Massad

Winter 2021-2022

• Brennan Hilliard
• Joey Keller
• Ryan Barbier

Source

Cable, George Washington. "Posson Jone'" and P�re Rapha�l: With a New Word Setting Forth How and Why the Two Tales Are One. Illus. Stanley M. Arthurs. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909. Google Books. Web. 27 Feb. 2012. <http://books. google.com/books?id=bzhLAAAAIAAJ>.

L’Anthologie  Louisianaise